\ 


University  of  California. 


l^I-p'X   OIF 

' 


*< 


DUDLEY    W.   ADAMS. 
Master  of  the  National  Grang< 


THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

0         ____^____—  —  .  —  •  —  -- 

A  HISTORY  1 

OF  THE 

ORIGIN,  AIMS,  AND  PROGRESS 

OF  THE 

FAKMERS'  MOVEMENT: 

EMBRACING 

AN  A  UTHORITA  TIVE  A  CCO  UNT  OF  FARMERS'  CL  UBS, 

GRANGES,  ETC.;  A   FULL   DISCUSSION  OF   THE 

TRANSPORTATION  QUESTION  AND  OTHER 

GRIEVANCES;  AND  A    HISTORY  OF 

INDUSTRIAL    EDUCATION   IN 

THE  UNITED   STATES; 

• 

TOGETHER    WITH 

SKETCHES  OF  THE  LIVES  OF  PROMINENT  LEADERS, 

Etc.,  Ktc.,  Etc. 
BY 

HON.  JONATHAN  PERIAM, 

n 

Editor  Western  Rural  :  First  Recording  Secretary  of  Board  of  Trustees  and  Superintend 


of  Agriculture,  Illinois  Industrial  University  ;  Vice  President  Illinois  Mat 
f  Agriculture  ;  Secretary  Northern  Illinois  Horticultural  Society  for  1S72  ; 
President  Chicago  Agricultural  and  Horticultural  Society,  organized  1557;  etc. 


ate  Board 
First 


Illustration*, 


CINCINNATI : 

E,  HANNAFORD  &  COMPANY, 


CHICAGO  : 

HANNAFORD  &  THOMPSON, 


SAN  FRANCISCO:  F.  DEWING  &  co. 

1874. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1874,  by 

JOSEPIJ  ^THOMPSON, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


ELECTROTYPED    AT    FRANK 
LIN  TYPE   FOUNDRY,  CIN. 


TO 

^rotructng  Otta^es  irf  America, 

THIS  VOLUME, 
(BACK  OF  WHICH  LIES  THIKTY  YEARS'  PRACTICE  WITH  PLOW  AND  PEN) 

IS  RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED  BY 

THE  AUTHOE. 


PREFACE. 


Notwithstanding  the  somewhat  unusual  facilities  which  my  editor 
rial  and  other  relations  had  furnished  me  for  the  collection  of  data, 
etc.,  it  is  quite  probable  that  I  should  have  regretted  yielding  to  the 
solicitations  of  my  present  publishers  to  prepare  a  history  of  the  ori 
gin,  aims,  arid  progress  of  the  FARMERS'  MOVEMENT,  had  I  not  been 
so  fortunate  as  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  a  number  of  gentlemen, 
whose  assistance  has  been  valuable  to  both  the  reader  and  myself  in 
the  highest  degree.  I  desire  here  to  return  my  thanks  to  my  fellow- 
laborer  on  the  "  Western  Rural,"  Mr.  Avern  Pardoe,  without  whose 
aid  it  would  have  been  extremely  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for  me 
to  have  responded  to  this  extra  demand  upon  my  time.  Grateful 
acknowledgments  are  also  due  to  my  friends  Hon.  W.  C.  Flagg  and 
Mr.  J.  W.  Midgley  for  the  papers  on  Transportation  and  Railroads 
which  are  given  in  Chapters  XXXIV  to  XXXVII  of  this  work. 
No  apology  can  be  needed  for  the  admission  of  the  "  Railroad  side," 
so  strongly  presented  by. Mr.  Midgley.  Intelligent  and  practically 
useful  discussion  of  the  farmers'  undoubted  grievances  in  respect  to 
railroads  will  be  greatly  facilitated  by  a  true  understanding  and  care 
ful  sifting  of  the  arguments  presented  by  the  opposing  interest. 
I  also  desire  to  return  thanks  to  many  other  friends,  East,  West,  and 
South,  who  have  favored  me  with  valuable  information  and  advice  ; 
and  to  bear  testimony  to  the  kind  and  often  painstaking  courtesy 
extended  to  me  by  the  secretaries  and  other  officers  of  the  Granges, 
Clubs,  and  other  societies  organized  in  the  interest  of  agriculture. 

Want  of  space  has  compelled  the  omission  of  considerable  matter 
which  it  was  my  original  intention  to  embody  in  this  volume — among 
which  are,  a  list  of  the  Clubs,  Granges,  etc.,  in  the  United  States  and 
Canadas ;  extracts  from  such  of  the  leading  agricultural  and  other 
journals  of  the  country  as  have  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  dis 
cussion  of  the  Farmers'  Movement ;  and  an  admirable  paper  by  my 
friend  Rufus  K.  Slosson,  of  Morris,  111. 

In  the  following  pages  the  endeavor  has  been  made  to  present  his 
tory  with  accuracy  and  impartiality.  When  my  own  opinions  have 
been  expressed  upon  the  great  and  still  growing  power  of  monopoliz' 
ing  capital,  it  has  been  sought  to  clo  so  without  prejudice  or  bitter 

(vii) 


PREFACE. 

ness;  and,  in  fact,  on  many  points  I  have  expressed  myself  far  less 
strongly  than  I  have  really  felt.  The  breach  between  the  Farmers 
and  the  Railroads,  though  wide,  by  no  means  seems  to  me  past  all 
healing.  It  has  been  perniciously  widened  by  hot-headed  enthusiasts 
and  designing  demagogues  upon  both  sides.  Time  and  again,  with 
vituperation  and  invective  without  stint,  it  has  been  declared  that  the 
railroad  companies  would  never  be  satisfied  until  they  had  "wrung 
the  last  drop  of  blood  from  the  people."  Simultaneously,  and  with 
equal  lack  both  of  judgment  and  truth,  the  railroad  organs  have  de 
nounced  the  farmers  as  having  no  just  grounds  of  complaint ;  and  said 
they  merely  seek  a  pretext  for  the  repudiation  of  their  bonds  and  the 
confiscation  of  railroad  property,  and  even  (as  a  prominent  railroad 
official  has  lately  asserted)  that  they  are  really  casting  about  for  a 
method  of  establishing  a  sort  of  commune ! 

As  long  as  this  spirit  prevails,  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  matters  at 
issue  lies  in  the  future.  The  railroads  will  yield  nothing  unless  com 
pelled,  while  believing,  or  at  least  professing  to  believe,  that  a  con 
cession  would  be  but  the  occasion  for  further  demands;  and  the 
farmers  will  not  abate  one  jot  or  tittle  of  their  claims  for  redress, 
while  insulted  by  the  transparent  falsehood  that  they  have  no  just 
cause  for  complaint.  Among  a  people  who  profess  to  be  self-gov 
erned,  it  ought  to  be  possible  to  remedy  all  such  grievances  without 
an  appeal  to  regulatory  legislation ;  and  the  writer,  for  one,  would 
yet  gladly  see  delegations  appointed  in  behalf  of  the  contending 
parties,  empowered  to  confer  and  arrange  the  basis  for  an  amicable 
compromise,  reasonable,  practicable,  and  just  to  all  parties. 

Whatever  may  be  the  issue  of  the  pending  war  between  the  pro 
ducers  and  transporters,  however,  it  is  clear  that  from  the  Farmers' 
Movement,  as  a  whole,  great  good  must  result.  It  has  opened  the 
eyes  of  the  masses  to  gigantic  frauds  in  other  directions.  Even  if 
this  were  not  the  case,  the  increased  interest  which  the  members  of 
Farmers'Clubs,  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  and  like  Associations,  have 
manifested  in  our  social  and  public  affairs  must  be  productive  of 
great  good  to  the  masses,  in  the  proper  education  of  the  present  and 
rising  generations  in  their  duties  as  individuals  and  citizens.  It  is 
through  this  great  quickening  of  the  toiling  masses,  and  their  stimu 
lation  to  higher  endeavor,  that  either  the  renovation  or  overthrow  of 
the  effete  and  corrupt  political  parties  of  the  day  is  to  be  effected. 

J,  P, 

CHICAGO,  ILL.,  19th  January,  1S74 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTORY—A  Groundswell-The  origin  of  Groundawell.  -  Some 
modern  Groundswells-The  Groundswell  of  to-day-Types  and  • 

type? 

CHAPTER  II. 

AGRICULTURE  AND  ITS  SuBDivisioHS.-What  Agriculture  embraces-Effect 
of  Science  on  Agricalture-Tho  fathers  of  modern  Agriculture- 
Scientific  Experiments  in  the  United  States-Status  of  Agriculture  in 
ancient  times-The  true  definition  of  Agriculture-Co-operatio  i 
panacea.  . 

CHAPTER  III. 

RELATION  OF  AGRICULTURE  TO  HoRTicuLTURK.-Education  the  key-note  to 
progress-Advanced  state  of  horticultural  science-Gardening  of  old 
and  its  progress-The  future  influence  of  Horticulture-Why  are 
farmers  behind  horticulturists  ?-A  little  knowledge  a  dangerc  . 
thin- 

CHAPTER  IV. 

FARMERS'  CLUBS  IN  GREAT  BuiT.uN.-In  Scotland  and  Ireland— The  first 
Farmers'  Club  in  Bngland-The  Royal  Agricultural  Society  and  pre- 

.-       sent  organizations  of  England-Conditions  of  English  farmers- 
farm    laborers    of    England— English    farmers    agitating— A    good 
time  coming. 

CHAPTER  V. 

AMERICAN  FARMERS'  CLUBS.-At  the  time  of  the  Revolution-Clubs  in 
Pennsylvania-Clubs  in  the  South-Clubs  in  New  York-"  Amend 


X  CONTENTS. 

MGZ. 

Institute  Farmers'  Club  "—Clubs  in  Massachusetts— The   spread  of 
Agricultural  Societies— The  present  want  and  future  duty.          .        .    62 

CHAPTER  VI. 

POWER  OF   THE  FARMERS.— Why  farmers  do  not  wield  political  power— 
Our  defective  educational  system — Farmers  must  arouse  themselves — 
Numerical  strength  of  the  farmers— Representation  of  the  farmers—       4 
United,  earnest  action  demanded — Union  of  Clubs  and  Granges  neces 
sary 73 

CHAPTER  VII. 

CO-OPERATIOV  AMONG  THE  INDUSTRIES. — What  organization  may  accom 
plish — Superior  organization  of  other  industries — The  penalty  paid 
for  past  negligence — The  agricultural  press  a  trusty  counselor — The 
power  of  the  moneyed  classes  consolidated — How  panics  are  generated 
— Combine,  consolidate,  concentrate 84 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

CONSTITUTION  AND  BUSINESS  OF  FARMERS'  CLUBS. — Preliminary  steps  in 
organization — After  working? — Model  for  a  Constitution — Standing 
committees,  order  of  business,  etc. — Co-operation  of  Clubs — Form  of 
Illinois  Farmers'  Clubs'  Constitution — State  organization — Constitu 
tion  of  the  Tennessee  Farmers'  Association.  .  .  .  .94 


CHAPTER  IX. 

INNER  WORKINGS  OF  FARMERS'  CLUBS. —Farmers'  Clubs  must  be  social — 
Clubs  must  collect  facts — Subject  for  debate  in  Clubs,  etc. — Horticul 
turists  better  organized  than  farmers — Organized  pleasure  taking — 
Co-operative  buying  and  selling — The  advantage  of  mutual  assistance.  104 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE  ORDER  OK  PATRONS  OF  HUSBANDRY.— What  is  a  Grange  '/—Degrees 
of  the  Order  symbolized — Higher  stages  of  progress — Objects  and  ad 
vantages  of  the  Granges— What  a  Grange  is  not 115 

CHAPTER  XL 

THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  ORDER. — How  it  came  about — The  germ-idea — 
Maturing  plans — Forming  the  first  degree  of  the  Order — The  founders 
of  the  Order— Selecting  a  name— Organizing  the  "  National  Grange."  125 


CONTENTS.  XI 

CHAPTER  XII. 

PAGE. 

EARLY  STRUGGLES  AND  THEIR  FRUITION. — Testing  the  work  already  done— 
Carrying  the  work  forward — The  first  four  dispensations  issued — Dis 
couragement,  but  not  despair — Working  against  difficulties — The 
Headquarters  of  the  Order — Wonderful  growth  of  the  Order — Strength 
of  the  Order. 134 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

AIMS  AND  OBJECTS  OP  THE  ORDER. — Salient  features  of  the  Order — Edu 
cating  the  intellects — The  business  feature — A  thirst  for  knowledge — 
The  secret  nature  of  the  Order — The  secret  feature  exaggerated  and 
misapprehended — The  real  character  of  the  Order 146 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

OTHER  PROMINENT  FEATURES  OP  THE  ORDER. — Woman's  mission  in  the 
Grange — Women  as  keepers  of  secrets — How  the  Patrons  prevent  law 
suits — The  colored  brother  as  a  Patron — No  Granges  speaking  foreign 
languages — The  Illinois  "  Staats-Zeitung  "  on  the  Granges — Some  of 
the  unjust  charges  against  the  Granges — Some  gains  of  the  Granges — 
A  case  in  point — Co-operation  of  independent  organizations  necessary 
to  ultimate  success 155 

CHAPTER  XV. 

LAWS  AND  BY-LAWS  OP  THE  ORDER. — Officers  and  Constitution  of  the 
National  Grange — Constitution  of  State  Granges — County  Councils,  Con 
stitution,  etc. — Constitution  of  Subordinate  Granges.  .  .  .  168 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  MOVEMENT  TOWARD  CO-OPERATION. — What  are  the  farmers'  griev 
ances  ? — Farmers'  troubles  of  modern  growth — Operations  of  railroad 
rings — Where  the  blame  originally  lies — The  village  merchant  as  an 
extortioner — Growth  of  grievances — Building  of  the  first  railroad  and 
its  effects— The  Centralia,  Illinois,  Convention 196 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  NATIONAL  AGRICULTURAL  CONGRESS  OP  1872. — Revival  of  Clubs  at 
the  South — The  Tennessee  Farmers'  Association — The  first  National 
Agricultural  Congress 207 


Xi  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

MM 
THE  FIRST  BLOOMINQTON  (ILLINOIS)  CONVENTION.  —  Effect  of  the  war  on 

Agriculture  —  The  end  of  endurance  —  The  bugle-call—  Gov.  Palmer's 
letter  —  General  business  of  the  Convention  —  Only  a  partial  success,  and 
why  ..............  222 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  KEWANEE  (ILLINOIS)  CONVENTION.—  Origin  of  the  Convention—  The 
delegates,  and  their  difficulties  —  Business  of  the  meeting  —  Speeches 
and  poetry—Results  of  the  discussion  .......  232 

CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  SECOND  BLOOMINGTON  (ILLINOIS)  CONVENTION.—  The  storm  gather 
ing  —  The  call  for  the  Convention  —  Opening  for  business  —  The  Railroad     , 
abuses—  Farmers  in  council—  Railway  legislation  and  railway  reform 
—  Charters  and   contracts—  Rights   of   the   people  versus  railroads- 
Formation  of  the  Illinois  State  Farmers'  Association  —  The  resolutions.  242 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE  PATRONS  OP  IOWA,  AND  THEIR  WORK.—  Two  meetings  of  the  State 
Grange  —  Railroads,  land  grants,  salaries,  and  Grange  Agents- 
Speech  of  Worthy  Master  A.  B.  Smedley  .....  -.  .263 

CHAPTER   XXII. 

THE  KANSAS  FARMERS'  CO-OPERATIVE  ASSOCIATION.—  The  State  Conven 
tion  at  Topeka  —  Resolutions,  and  debate  thereon  —  Constitution,  By- 
Laws,  and  Officers  —  Local  organizations,  etc  ......  271 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

THE  SPRINGFIELD  (ILLINOIS)  CONVENTION.—  Growth  of  the  movement,  and 
call  of  the  Convention—  Gov.  Beveridge  on  the  Movement—  Gov.  Pal 
mer  on  Railway  Monopolies  —  The  resolutions  —  Divided  counsels  — 
Concerning  reconsideration.  ......  .  280 


CONTENTS.  xiil 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

PAG-B 

THK  TEST  CASK  ON  THE  UNCONSTITUTIONAL  ILLINOIS  RAILROAD  LAW.  — 
The  McLean  County  test  case  —  Judge  Tipton's  decision  —  The  three- 
cent-a-mile  war  —  The  argument  on  the  appeal  —  Decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  ;  the  law  unconstitutional.  .....  292 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE  NEW  ILLINOIS  RAILBOAD  LAW,  AND  ITS  WORKINGS.—  The  Railroad 
Commission  squabble—  The  new  Railroad  Law—  Working  of  the  new 
law  .............  302 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE  ILLINOIS  JUDICIAL  ELECTIONS.—  The  first  charge  along  the  line—  The 
Princeton  Convention—  The  result  at  the  polls—  The  result  of  the 
election  misconstrued.  .........  312 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

THE  AMERICAN  CHEAP  TRANSPORTATION  ASSOCIATION.  —  The  Grain  Growers* 
Transportation  and  Loan  Association  —  The  Farmers'  and  Producers' 
Convention—  The  resolutions—  President  Quincy's  call  for  the  Wash 
ington  Convention  ........  ...  317 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

THE  NATIONAL  AGRICULTURAL  CONGRESS  OP  1873.—  Opening  formalities, 
etc.  —  Financial,  horticultural,  and  entomological  —  Exhaustive  report 
on  the  transportation  question  —  Report  on  the  railway  system  —  The 
Agricultural  College  land  grand  bill  —  Pro  and  con  —  The  election  of 
officers,  etc  .............  327 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE  NORTHWESTERN  FARMERS  CONVENTION  AT  CHICAGO.—  The  call,  at 
tendance,  and  organization  —  Tho  question  of  governmental  aid  —  Hon. 
W.  C.  Flagg's  address  on  the  regulation  of  Railroads  —  Mr.  Hooten  on 
Railroad  abuses  —  The  resolutions,  and  their  consideration  —  Pork  to  be 
held  for  a  rise—  Report  on  the  Illinois  Railroad  Law.  .  .  .342 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

PAGE 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OP  WM.   SAUNDERS.— One   of  the  fathers  of  the 
Patrons  of  Husbandry — Early    career — Literary  labors — Connection 
ith  the  Agricultural  Department — Future  projects 363 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OP  GEN.  JACKSON. — Early  life — At  West  Point 
and  in  the  army — War  breaks  out — His  part  in  the  war — After  the 
war — The  warrior  as  a  farmer .  369 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  JOHN  DAVIS. — Early  pioneer  life — Grinding  at 
the  horse-mill — Getting  an  education,  and  start  in  life — "  Westward 
Ho  " — Present  prominence  and  labors. 377 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  HON.  W.  C.  FLAGG.— Parentage  and  educa 
tion—Connection  with  Illinois  Horticultural  Society— Legislative 
career— Agricultural  education  from  a  scholar's  stand  point— Editorial 
connections  and  further  honors.  .  .  .  333 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 
(By  Hon.  W.  C.  Ftagg,  President  Illinois  State  Farmers1  Association.) 

THE  PKOPLE  versus  RAILWAY  MONOPOLIES.— A  great  public  danger— Pri 
vate  corporations  governing  States — Railway  corporations  defiant — 
Facts  and  figures — Highways  of  transportation  should  be  controlled  by 
the  public  authorities — Actual  cost  of  carrying  passengers — Transport 
ation  rates  in  Europe  and  the  United  States — What  freights  cost,  and 
what  is  charged — Western  experience — Excessive  charges  in  Tennessee 
and  Iowa — Self-interest  the  railway  rule  of  action — Evils  of  unjust 
discrimination — Railway  interference  with  legislation — The  beginning 
of  the  end 389 


CONTENTS.  XV 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 

PAGE 

(By  J.  W.  Midgley,  Esq.,  Chicago,  President's  Secretary,  Northwestern  Railway.} 
RAILWAY  LEGISLATION  AT  HOME  AND  ABROAD. 406 

CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

(  Continuation  of  Mr.  Midgley's  Article.) 

CONCERNING  RATES  AND  GOVERNMENTAL  RAILWAYS 427 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

(Conclusion  of  Mr.  Midgley' '«  Article.) 
THE  BENEFITS  CONFERRED  BY  RAILROADS 436 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

TRANSPORTATION  AND  THE  MONEY-KINGS. — The  question  from  antagon 
istic  stand-points — Legislation  not  the  panacea  for  all  evils — We  must 
strike  at  the  root,  corruption — One  way  of  robbing  the  West — How  the 
greo.t  railroad  corporations  corrupt  public  morals — Vanderbilt  as  a 
phlebotomist — The  communism  of  capital 452 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

MONOPOLIES  AND  SPECIAL  PRIVILEGES. — What  are  monopolies  ? — The 
communism  of  protected  industries— Examples  of  odious  protection- 
Railroads  as  protected  monopolies — Vested  rights  and  politicians — 
Special  privileges  dangerous  to  the  people  at  large— The  farmers  not 
inimical  to  railroads 464 

CHAPTER  XL. 

CREDITS  MOBILIER,  FAST  FREIGHTS,  ETC.— "  Credit  Mobilier"  defined— 
The  great  Credit  Mobilier — Smaller  Credit  Mobilier  associations — 
Wheels  within  wheels — Watered  stock.  .  474 


XVi  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XLI. 

PAGE 

GOVERNMENTAL  OWNERSHIP  OF  RAILWAYS.—  Its  corrupting  power—  The 
cost  of  railroads  in  the  United  States—  Watered  stock  ;  New  York 
Central—  Central  Pacific  Stock—  Government  purchase  of  railroads  a 
fallacy  .....  ,  .  .  .  .  •  •  .  .  -484 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OP  COL.   A.  B.  SMEDLEY.—  Outline  of  a   useful 
career—  As  a  Patron  of  Husbandry  ........  493 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OP  DUDLEY  W.  ADAMS.  —  Youth  and  emigration 
westward  —  Services  in  behalf  of  Agriculture  —  Early  struggles  and 
public  services  —  Services  in  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry.  .  495 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION.  —  Importance  of  the  subject  —  Where  shall  our 
children  learn  ?  —  How  shall  we  begin  ?  —  Farmers  as  craftsmen  —  Ex 
perience  as  a  thorough  teacher  —  The  classics  and  Agriculture  .  .  501 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

POPULAR  AGITATION  ON  INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION.—  A  want  long  felt—  In 
dustrial  League  and  further  agitation  —  Memorial  to  the  Illinois 
Legislature  —  The  legislative  resolutions  —  Leading  utterances  of 
twenty  years  ago  —  The  Albany  (N.  Y.)  convention  on  Industrial 
Education  —  The  voice  of  Agriculture  .......  510 


CHAPTER  XLVI. 

CONGRESSIONAL  ACTION  ON  INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION. — How  the  Agricul 
tural  College  bill  became  a  law— Text  of  the  Act  of  Congress— The 
Amendment  to  the  Act— Distribution  of  the  lands  to  the  several 
States  .  .  524 


CONTENTS.  XVII 

CHAPTER  XLVII. 

PAGE 

AGRICULTURAL  COLLEGE  EDUCATION. — Its  scope  and  aim—One  great  mis 
take — Practical  education  to  Agriculture — The  study  of  chemistry, 
physiology,  and  other  specialities — Practical  education  need  not  be 
restricted  or  sordid— "  In  the  sweat  of  thy  brow  "—The  future  of 
Industrial  Education 532 

CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  PROP.  J.  B.  TURNER. — Early  struggles— Professor 
at  Illinois  College — Introducer  of  Osage  Orange  as  a  hedge  plant — 
The  educator  as  an  inventor — Contributions  to  science — Championship 
of  education  to  the  industries — Advocacy  of  a  National  Bureau  of 
Agriculture,  etc. — Personal  simplicity,  and  greatness  of  his  work.  .  544 

CHAPTER  XLIX. 

WHAT  THE  GROUNDSWELL  HAS  ACCOMPLISHED.— The  good  work  in  Cali 
fornia — In  other  Western  States — Action  of  the  Iowa  State  Grange, 
December,  1873— What  the  Illinois  State  Grange  Believes— Action  of 
the  Illinois  State  Farmers'  Association 555 

CHAPTER  L. 

THE  NATIONAL  GRANGE  OF  PATBONS  OF  HUSBANDKY.—  The  Annual  Meeting  at 
St.  Louis,  Mo.,  February,  1874  — Master  Adams1  Address  — The  Boston  Grange 
—  Some  Others  —  Constitutional  Revision  of  the  National  Grange  —  Proposed 
Amendments  to  the  By -Laws  — The  Declaration  of  Principles  —  The  Order 
Law-abiding  and  Benevolent 566 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Dudley  W.  Adams,  Esq. — Portrait — frontispiece. 

A  Groundswell,       .......  23 

"  Thou,  too,  sail  on ! "  .  .  .  .  .  .26 

"Watch 'em!" 28 

Vignette,          ........  30 

English  Farm  Scene,          ......  32 

Great  Seal  of  the  United  States,         .....  35 

Agriculture  Speaking  English,     .....  41 

The  Wealth  of  Orchards,  etc., 43 

Fruit  Piece,  etc.,     .......  45 

The  Cabin  of  the  Peaceful  Pioneer,  .  .  .  .47 

Coat-of-Arms  of  Great  Britain,     .            .            •            .     '  53 
Shall  we  Emigrate  ?     .            .            .            .            .            .            .56 

One  of  the  Grievances  of  English  Farmers,        ...  59 

A  Pennsylvania  Barn-yard,     ......  63 

When  Cotton  was  King,    ......  65 

1620— The  Genius  of  History,            .....  69 

The  Old  South— Negro  Quarters,              ....  70 

Brought  to  the  Bar  at  last,      ......  76 

The  Motto  for  Farmers,     ......  81 

Some  of  the  Classes  that  should  Co-operate,  embracing  : 

The  Farmer,             ....:..  87 

The  Machinist,               ......  87 

The  Miner,               .......  87 

The  Seamstress,               ......  87 

The  Blacksmith, 87 

The  Builder, 87 

Fidelity, 93 

Going  to  the  Club  Meeting,           .            .            .            ,            .  95 

State  Seal  of  Illinois,               ......  99 

State  Seal  of  Tennessee,     .            .            .            ...  101 

Not  to  be  Trusted— The  Farmer  versus  the  Politician,          .            .  107 

Brawn  and  Brains,              .             .            .            .             .            .  109 

Neighborly  Help,         .'  ,  ,  ,  .  .113 

(xviii) 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS.  XIX 

PAGE 

What  the  "Granger"  is  Not — The  Opinions  of  Some  to  the  Contrary 
Notwithstanding — embracing : 

Owl,         .. 123 

Bear,  .  .  .  .  *  .  .  .123 

Frog, 123 

Sheep, 123 

Crawfish, 123 

William  Saunders,  Esq.— Portrait,      .  .  .  .  .129 

O.  H.  Kelley,  Esq.— Portrait, 137 

What  the  Order  is  Not,  .  .  .  .  .  .143 

A  Farm  Scene, 150 

The  Matron  at  Home,  .  .  .  .  .  .157 

Justice,        ........'  158 

Cotton  Plant,      .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .160 

"What  shall  We  do  with  Him?  "—The  "Granger's"  Advent  among 

the  Politicians,         ......  175 

State  Seal  of  Missouri,  .  .  .  .  .  .176 

In  Union  there  is  Strength,  .....  205 

A  Virginia  Tobacco  Barn,        ......    208 

All  forgotten  save  the  Nation's  Unity,     ....  222 

The  Monopolists'  Mistake— Not  the  Type  of  the  Farmer,  .  .    224 

Steamboat  and  Kailway  Cars,       .....  235 

"For  them  the  Bobolink  sang  not,"      .  .  .  .  .239 

The  Demand  of  the  Industries,     .....  243 

Life  on  a  Prairie  Farm — Receiving  Reports  at  Evening,       .  .    245 

Railway  Train, 252 

State  Seal  of  Iowa,        . 264 

"  Through  Trial,  Toil,  and  Blood,"  ....  266 

Danger! 267 

State  Seal  of  Kansas,        ......  272 

"Other  Interests  also," 282 

A  Model  Monopolist,         .  .  .  .  .  .  285 

The  Highway  of  Civilization,  .  .  .  .  .295 

Obsolete  Method  of  Transportation  in  the  Tobacco  Country,  305 

A  Princeton  Convention  Man,  .....     314 

3,000  Majority  for  Craig,  .....  316 

Constituents  of  the  S.  P.  C.  A.,  for  whose  Transportation  Congress 

has  already  Legislated,  .....     318 

Loading  a  Steamboat  on  the  Mississippi,            .            .            .  322 

A  Farm  in  Indiana,       !.'!'..'..    329 
Busy  Bees, 344 


XX  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

*AGE 

Harvest  Scene,  .  .  .  .  .  .  .353 

At  Three  Cents  a  Pound,  .  .  35$ 

"Pay  as  you  go."     Live  in  the  Old  House  till  the  Farm  is  all 

paid  for,  .  353 

Held  for  $5.00  per  100,       ......  361 

General  W.  H.  Jackson — Portrait,       .  371 

John  Davis,  Esq. — Portrait,  .  .  .  f  379 

Colonel  A.  B.  Smedley — Portrait,        .....     379 

Hon.  Willard  C.  Flagg— Portrait,  ....  391 

Homestead  on  the  Elver,  .  .  .  .  ,  .419 

"  Speed,  Comfort,  Safety."  ....  '    428 

The  Kural  Toilers  of  Forty  Years  Ago,          .  .  '         .  .437 

Before  the  Era  of  Railroads,  ....  445 

The  Old  Bird  Fairly  Aroused, 455 

State  Seal  of  New  York,      .....  459 

Interior  of  Farm-house  in  the  Olden  Time,    ....    465 
"  We  're  going  to  have  a  Eailroad ! "         .  .  .  .  471 

The  Stalking-horse  of  Swindlers,          .....    475 
The  Water-Sprite — Farmer's  Daughter,    ....  480 

Farm  Scene — The  First  Snow,  .....     487 

The  Capitol  at  Washington,  .  49 j 

Off  to  School, 503 

What  has  made  Industrial  Education  possible,    .  .  .  504 

Pegging  Away, ,  .  .     512 

The  Farmer's  Boys,  .....  521 

The  Rural  Home,  .....  525 

The  Stock-Breeder's  Museum,        .....          536 

Feeding  the  Lamb,        .......     537 

"  Nature's  Miracles  on  Every  Side,"          ....  538 

Prof.  J.  B.  Turner— Portrait,    .  .  .  .  .  .545 

Bird, 558 

Saturday  Afternoon,      .......    563 

A  Page  for  the  Little  Folks,  embracing 

Lots  of  Fun,         .......          567 

Picking  Apples,         .  .  .  .  .  .  .567 

One  of  the  Pets,   .  .  .  .  .  .  .          567 

Back  of  the  Barn,       .......    567 

Nooning  in  the  Shade,    .  .  .  .  .  .  567 

A  Sly  Little  Customer,          .  .  .  .  .  .567 

Finis, 576 


THE    GROUND  SWELL. 


CHAPTER    I. 
INTRODUCTORY. 


A  GROUNDSWELL. 

"AHOY!"  "Bear  a  hand!"  "Cut  that  painter!"  "Cast 
loose  ! "  A  score  of  such  cries,  with  sundry  incoherent  yells, 
broke  suddenly  upon  the  repose  of  a  small  fishing  hamlet 
nestling  in  a  cove  that  opened  out  upon  the  wide  Atlantic. 

There  had  been  almost  a  dead  calm.  The  sea,  stretching 
far  in  the  distance,  rocked  in  gentle  undulations,  like  a  child 
in  its  cradle,  and  clear  as  a  mirror  curled  gently  up  on  the 
shore.  The  tsough  of  the  waters,  as  they  lazily  rose  and  fell, 
Was  varied  only  by  a  soft,  long-continued  "swi-i-ah"  as  the 
ever-recurring,  ever-advancing  wave  of  the  incoming  tide 
rolled  over  the  shells  and  pebbles,  with  a  tinkle  murmurous 
and  musical.  Nothing  suggested  the  resistless  power  of 
this  calm  blue  water  when  lashed  into  fury  by  Old  Boreas ; 
nothing  in  the  state  of  the  weather  indicated  aught  but  a 
long-continued  calm ;  for  the  tranquillity  which  reigned  over 
all  seemed  the  result  of  a  settled  determination  upon  the 
weather's  part  to  remain  serene,  and  was  not,  by  any  means, 

(21) 


22  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

the  ominous,  oppressive  stillness  which  precedes  a  storm. 
All  was  beauty  and  peace. 

The  boats  belonging  to  the  village  were  drawn  up  on  the 
beach,  in  orderly  array,  the  sails  of  some  hanging  listlessly, 
and  those  of  others  stowed  carefully  away  or  lashed  trimly 
to  the  masts.  Of  the  sturdy  fishermen  lolling  about  on 
the  beach,  the  younger  ones  were  chatting  gayly,  or  lazily 
smoking  their  short  pipes,  evidently  enjoying  their  enforced 
idleness ;  others,  more  restless,  and  chafing  under  their  in 
activity,  strolled  to  and  fro,  ever  and  anon  casting  an  eye, 
now  seaward,  and  now  toward  the  line  of  cliffs  shutting  in 
the  broad  sandy  beach.  But  not  a  sign  did  they  discern  of 
the  much  desired  change  of  the  monotonously  fine  weather. 
The  longed-for  breeze  which  was  to  take  them  to  their  fish 
ing  grounds  gave  no  token  yet  of  its  appearance.  Even  the 
older  salts,  whom  a  life  of  constant  watchfulness  had  ren 
dered  wary  as  cats,  had* relaxed  some  of  their  accustomed 
vigilance,  and,  gathered  in  little  groups,  were  smoking  and 
discussing  old  times. 

Suddenly,  almost  instantaneously,  the  scene  changed  as  if 
by  magic,  and  the  beach  became  a  spectacle  of  bustling  con 
fusion  and  activity.  The  sun  still  shone  with  grateful  warmth, 
and  the  same  dead  calm  continued;  but,  far  in  the  distance, 
there  was  a  sudden  upheaval  of  the  waters,  innocent  in  the 
depths  of  the  ocean,  but  terrible  in  its  force  against  the  shore. 
One  of  the  veterans  who  had  been  watching  the  sea,  from 
force  of  habit  rather  than  any  thought  of  danger,  saw  it,  and 
suddenly  leaped  up.  "A.  swell !  A  groundswell !"  he  shouted ; 
"  Quick !  Quick !"  And,  motioning  to  his  two  mates,  he 
rushed,  as  with  the  vigor  of  youth,  to  where  his  boat  lay 
with  the  others  upon  the  beach.  In  an  instant  the  craft  was 
launched,  and  he  and  his  comrades  were  rowing  out  to  sea, 
as  if  for  life. 


A  CffiOUNDSWELL. 


23 


Scarcely  had  their  boat  got  well  out  from  shore,  before 
the  waters  swiftly  receded,  only  to  be  suddenly  brought 
back  by  a  huge  wave,  swelling  in  resistless  majesty  as  it  ad 
vanced.  As  its  base  touched  the  bottom  of  the  shoaling 
water,  the  top  curled  into  a  gigantic  comb,  and,  as  it  fell  for 
ward,  the  mighty  mass  was  thrown  with  deafening  roar 
upon  the  beach.  The  boats  still  lying  at  their  moorings  were 
caught  up  like  feathers,  and  hurled  yards  farther  inland. 
With  the  same -terrific  dignity  which  marked  their  incoming, 


A     Groundswell. 


the  waters  rolled  back,  leaving  the  little  fleet  in  indescriba 
ble  confusion — bottom  up,  or  end  up,  or  on  their  sides,  some 
piled  two  or  three  together,  others  stove  in,  and  not  a  few 
wrecked  irreparably.  Around  their  boats  quickly  swarmed 
the  now  thoroughly  aroused  fishermen.  Each  crew  seizing 
their  craft,  if  happily  it  could  be  got  at,  ran  it  up  the  beach 


24  THE  GROUNBSWELL. 

still  higher,  out  of  the  reach  of  the  waves  which  experience 
had  taught  them  were  yet  to  come,  and  higher  than  before. 

Not  half  the  work  was  done,  when  a  very  mountain  of 
water  buried  the  recedence  of  the  first  wave  out  of  sight, 
advanced  as  before,  picked  up  a  number  of  the  unfortunate 
boats,  and  dashed  their  luckless  owners,  half-strangled, 
bruised  and  dripping,  high  up  the  beach.  Eecovering  their 
feet  as  the  water  left  them,  these  returned  bravely  to  the 
rescue  of  their  crafts,  and  by  dint  of  tugging  and  hauling, 
when  the  third  and  greatest  wave  rolled  thundering  on  the 
beach,  most  of  them  were  safe,  high  and  dry. 

Soon  the  ocean  settled  down  into  its  accustomed  quiet, 
and  the  inspection  of  damages  commenced.  The  sides  of 
Jack's  boat  were  stove  in,  Bill's  thwarts  torn  out,  and  Bob's 
mast,  oars,  and  tackle  all  lost,  while  Steve's  craft  was  an  en 
tire  wreck.  Hardly  a  boat  had  saved  its  mast  and  rigging 
unharmed,  saving  alone  the  one  which  got  out  to  sea  before 
the  first  swell  came  in. 

THE  ORIGIN  OF  GROUNDSWELLS. 

Such  is  a  groundswell — a  mighty  upheaving  of  the  waters, 
grand,  resistless,  terrible,  its  power  never  to  be  withstood, 
and  to  be  eluded  only  by  the  utmost  watchfulness  and  skill. 
It  is  born  of  a  struggle  for  mastery  between  the  winds  and 
waters,  perhaps  hundreds  of  miles  away,  or  it  may  be  even 
in  mid-ocean.  Cast  a  stone  into  a  pond,  and  it  produces 
ripples,  at  first  large  and  well  defined,  then  gradually  fading 
out,  but  not  dying  away  entirely  until  they  have  broken  upon 
the  shore,  be  it  never  so  faintly.  So  a  tornado  or  a  submarine 
earthquake  in  mid-ocean  stirs  the  mass  of  living  waters, 
and  transmits  its  mighty  undulations  to  the  utmost  shores. 
When  least  expected,  when  the  knowing  ones  and  weather- 


SOME  MODERN  GROTTNDSWELL.  25 

j>*<5dict  a  continuance  of  fine  weather,  when  there  is  no 
appearance  of  a  commotion  among  the  elements,  near  or  re 
mote,  the  far-reaching  effects  of  a  distant  storm  may  catch 
the  unwary  coaster  in  his  fancied  security,  and  dash  him 
high  on  the  beach,  crippled  for  life.,  or  a  dead  and  sightless 
corpse. 

.  As  the  effects  of  a  grounds  well  are  proportionate  to  the 
violence  of  the  storm  or  disturbance  which  occasioned  it,  so 
in  the  bodies  politic  and  social  we  observe  a  similar  pro 
portion  in  the  strength  of  periodic  agitations  resulting  from 
nial-administration,  or  other  grievances  which  have  grown 
up  in  the  lapse  of  years  and  become  strong  and  odious. 

SOME  MODERN  GROUNDSWELLS. 

Modern  history  records  many  popular  upheavals  which 
may  well  be  termed  groundswells,  some  of  them  actually 
marking  epochs  in  the  life  of  the  human  race  upon  the 
earth. 

Such  was  the  convulsion,  which,  after  centuries  of  mis 
rule  and  corruption,  shook  English  society  to  its  center,  in 
the  days  of  the  first  Charles,  and  ended  only  after  that  mon 
arch,  more  sinned  against  than  sinning,  had  lost  his  life. 
Not  even  then  was  the  struggle  between  kingly  domination 
and  the  rights  of  the  people  to  a  voice  in  the  government 
permanently  decided.  The  "  last  and  worser  Charles,"  re 
called  to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  provoked  another  storm, 
which  James  II.  was  unwise  enough  to  raise  to  fury,  and 
this  time  the  Stuart  was  expelled  from  England,  finally  and 
forever. 

That  awful  tragedy  in  modern  history,  known  as  the  French 
Revolution,  in  like  manner  was  the  direct  consequence  of 
long  years  of  oppression  and  misery,  coupled  with  ignorance 
2 


26 


THE   GBOUNDSWELL. 


and  superstition.  That  groundswell  was  a  fearful  thing, 
wave  following  wave,  until  every  city  and  hamlet  in  France 
had  been  baptized  with  the  bloody  spray.  Every  nation  in 
Europe  felt  the  successive  shocks,  and  before  their  force  was 
fully  expended,  more  than  one  of  them  found  themselves 
stranded  on  the  shores  of  the  nineteenth  century,  in  the 
condition  of  battered  wrecks  after  a  storm. 

The  Ke volution  in  our  own  country  was  another  ground- 
swell  of  gigantic  proportions,  having  a  corresponding  origin 
in  the  resentment  of  a  high-spirited  people  against  manifest 
injustice.  The  monarchical  principle  was  virtually  swept 


"Thou,  too,  Sail  On!" 

from  the  continent,  and  the  founders  of  our  glorious  repub 
lic  were  left  free  to  build,  broad  and  strong,  the  framework 
of  a  popular  government,  the  very  best  ever  launched  upon 
the  sea  of  Time. 

Let  us  hope  also  that  it  will  prove  the  most  enduring ;  for 
what  American  heart  but  thrills  to  the  prayer  in  song  of 
our  best-loved  poet — 


THE  GBOUNDSWELL  OP  TO-DAY.  27 


1  Thou,  too,  sail  on,  0  Ship  of  State ! 

Sail  on,  0  Union,  strong  and  great 
Humanity  with  all  its  fears, 

With  all  the  hopes  of  future  years, 
Is  hanging  breathless  on  thy  fate !  " 


THE  GROUNDSWELL  OF  TO-DAY. 

If  there  be  one  danger  of  more  threatening  aspect  than 
any  other  in  the  present  juncture  of  affairs  in  the  United 
States,  it  is  the  disturbing  and  corrupting  influences  flowing 
out  of  the  existence  of  great  moneyed  corporations  that, 
year  by  year,  take  on  more  and  more  of  the  characteristics 
of  conscienceless  and  irresponsible  monopolies.  By  various 
arts,  extending  even  to  the  shameless  purchase  of  legislative 
votes,  these  strive  to  shape  the  domestic  policy  of  the  State 
to  their  own  ends,  with  less  and  less  regard  for  the  general 
welfare.  The  industrial  classes  are  keenly  sensitive  to  the 
effects  of  this  policy  of  selfishness  and  greed,  since  upon 
them  the  burdens  imposed  by  the  "  all-controlling  few  "  fall 
the  first  and  most  heavily.  What  wonder,  then,  that  we 
behold  to-day  another  popular  uprising,  in  earnest  protest 
against  attempted  wrongs ;  or,  that  the  farmers,  emphati 
cally  the  great  producing  class  of  the  whole  community, 
should  seek  a  closer  union  in  council,  business  plans  and  in 
fluence,  and  thus  to  roll  onward  the  waves  of  their  mighty. 
groundswell  f 

A  groundswell  on  approaching  the  shore  is  irresistible ; 
the  surging  waters,  as  one  mass  upheaving  and  sweeping  on 
ward,  bear  all  before  them ;  no  anchorage  will  hold.  The 
only  chance  of  safety  is  to  give  way  by  degrees,  and  thus 
allow  the  wave  to  spend  its  strength  more  gradually.  Di 
rectly  the  force  of  one  shock  is  past,  the  slack  must  be  hauled 
in,  and  the  vessel  drawn  back  to  its  anchors,  ready  to  be. 


28  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

\ 

"  slacked  off  "  again  at  the  approach  of  the  next  swell.  Just 
so,  the  class  at  whose  door  lies  the  grievances  of  which  the 
" Farmers'  Movement"  is  the  natural  consequence,  if  they 

be  wise,  will  yield  with  what  grace 
they  may  to  the  pressure  of  public 
opinion.  Persistence  in  a  line  of 
conduct  constantly  growing  more 
and  more  intolerable  will  assuredly 
overwhelm  them  with  disaster,  if 
prolonged.  Give  way  they  must; 
and  the  people  must  see  to  it  that 
vv^iT^n!''  whatsoever  of  wantonly  usurped 

rights  are  now  remanded  to  themselves,  be  maintained  invio 
late  in  the  future. 

TYPES  AND  ANTITYPES. 

Our  metaphor  need  not  be  enlarged  upon.  The  people  find 
a  fitting  type  in  the  vast,  majestic  ocean;  popular  opinion  in 
its  waves,  moving  gently  and  quietly,  when  the  elements 
around  are  at  peace,  but  sweeping  all  before  them,  when 
lashed  by  the  fury  of  a  tornado. 

There  is  another  groundswell,  not  born  of  the  winds, 
but  of  deep-hidden,  volcanic  fires.  An  earthquake  occurs, 
and  an  island  or  a  continent  is  upheaved.  The  on-moving 
waves  thus  resulting  surge  against  the  shores  of  an  empire, 
engulfing  not  only  the  fishermen's  craft,  but  the  stately 
merchant- vessel  and  the  man-of  war ;  even  the  villages  and 
cities  that  lie  exposed  are  submerged.  Here  the  antitype  is 
the  fire  that  lives  deep  in  the  heart,  where  lie  the  springs 
of  human  action. 

What  a  mere  tidal  wave,  as  to  force,  is  to  the  storm-begot 
ten  groundswell,  this  mighty  rush  of  waters,  originating  in 


TYPES   AND   ANTITYPES.  29 

the  throes  of  a  submerged  volcano,  is  to  the  angry  passions 
of  man  as  they  burst  forth  after  long  repression.  The  tidal 
wave  is  easily  avoided;  the  groundswell  may  be  guarded 
against ;  but  the  moral  groundswell  generated  of  human  pas 
sion,  aggravated  by  long  continued  wrongs,  may  culminate 
in  a  wave  so  overwhelming  as  to  carry  a  nation  to  its  utter 
ruin. 


CHAPTER    II. 


AGRICULTURE  AND  ITS  SUBDIVISIONS. 


WHAT  AGRICULTURE  EMBRACES. 

Agriculture,  in  its  broad  sense,  embraces  husbandry,  or 
the  art  of  cultivating  the  soil  and  obtaining  therefrom  its 
increase  in  the  shape  of  cereals  and  grasses ;  stock-breed 
ing,  and  the  feeding  and  fattening  of  the  domestic  animals ; 
and  all  that  pertains  to  the  making  and  applying  of  ma 
nures,  to  draining,  and,  in  general,  to  all  other  processes 
which  go  to  increase  the  productive  capacity  of  the  soil. 


Agriculture  also  includes  the  sub-industry  of  horticul 
ture,  which  again  is  subdivided  into  vegetable  gardening, 
floriculture,'  pomology,  or  the  cultivation  of  fruits ;  arbori 
culture,  or  the  cultivation  of  timber ;  forestry,  or  the  con 
servation  and  culture  of  forests ;  and  landscape  gardening, 
or  the  beautifying  of  natural,  or  creation  of  artificial,  scen- 
(30) 


EFFECT  OF  SCIENCE  ON  AGRICULTURE.  31 

ery.  These,  in  turn,  are  often  infinitely  subdivided;  and 
especially  has  this  been  the  case  within  the  last  thirty  years, 
or  since  the  multiplication  of  Agricultural  Societies. 

The  breeder  is  not  necessarily  the  fattener  of  cattle  for 
market.  The  grain-farmer  may  not  be  either  a  breeder  or 
feeder,  except  to  a  very  limited  extent.  He  may  confine 
himself  exclusively  to  the  raising  of  grass  for  pasturage  or 
hay;  or  the  products  from  which  he  derives  his  revenue 
may  be  exclusively  grain.  The  breeder,  on  the  other  hand, 
must  raise  both  hay  and  grain,  in  order  to  enable  him  to 
prosecute  his  business  successfully. 

The  fruit-grower  is  seldom  engaged  in  other  branches  of 
horticulture,  and  the  florist  more  rarely  still;  the  veget 
able  gardener  is  least  frequently  of  all  engaged  in  other  hor 
ticultural  pursuits.  The  landscape  gardener  alone  has  to 
deal  with  all  the  branches  of  the  noble  profession  of  horti 
culture,  which  has  been  called  "  the  Eeligion  of  Agricul 
ture."  If  this  metaphor  be  accepted,  floriculture  must  cer 
tainly  be  termed  the  poetry  of  horticulture. 

EFFECT  OF  SCIENCE  ON  AGRICULTURE. 

Since  the  establishment  of  agricultural  schools  in  Europe 
and  the  United  States,  the  division  of  agriculture  into  its 
multiform  sub-industries  has  been  found  exceedingly  profit 
able.  It  is  not  too  much  to  expect  that,  as  science  pro 
gresses  in  this  direction,  its  subdivision  will  become  more 
and  more  extensive.  The  day  is  certainly  not  far  distant 
when  pomology,  forestry,  floriculture,  and  many  other 
branches  of  agriculture,  will  be  more  and  more  distinct 
ively  followed;  just  as  threshing  and  draining  are  even  now 
followed  as  distinct  professions.  The  future  is  not  remote 
in  which  steam-plowing,  and  hauling  to  the  local  market  by 
steam,  will  be  accomplished  in  connection  with  threshing 


32 


THE   GROUNDSWELL. 


and  ditching,  by  persons  who  will  make  these  their  exclu 
sive  occupations. 

From"  the  Dark  Ages  until  within  the  last  fifty  years  there 
was  no  great  and  general  advance  of  agriculture.  There 
were  improvements  in  various  localities,  it  is  true,  but,  at 
the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  England,  then  begin 
ning  to=  secure  the  mastery  of  the  seas,  had  but  one-half 
the  area  of  the  kingdom  in  arable  and  pasture  laud,  the 


English  Farm    Scene.— Shepherd  and    Flock. 

remainder  consisting  of  moor,  forest,  and  fen.  As  late  as 
the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  much  of  the  land 
in  England  either  remained  in  forest  or  else  was  exhausted 
of  its  "fertility.  But  all  this  is  changed,  and  now,  as  Ma- 
caulay  remarks,  a  hundred  acres,  which,  under  the  old  sys 
tem,  produced  annually,  as  food  for  cattle  and  manures,  not 
more  than  forty  tons,  under  improved  culture  yields  the 
vast  increase  of  577  tons. 


THE   FATHERS  OP   MODERN  AGRICULTURE.  33 

THE  FATHERS  OF  MODERN  AGRICULTURE. 

Until  the  commencement  of  the  present  century  there 
Was  but  little  systematic  cultivation  in  America.  The  for 
ward  movement  was,  undoubtedly,  commenced  by  Washing 
ton  (as  good  and  conscientious  a  farmer  as  he  was  a  states 
man)  and  by  Thomas  Jefferson,  whose  scientific  investiga 
tions  into  mechanics  led  him  to  make  the  first  really  valu 
able  improvement  in  plows. 

Great  Britain  is  more  indebted  to  Lord  Bacon,  undoubt 
edly,  than  to  any  of  his  contemporaries  for  the  impetus 
which  agriculture  received  in  his  day.  This  great  philoso 
pher  taught  men  the  inductive  method — to  inquire  into  and 
to  discover  by  experiment,  step  by  step,  through  the  great 
alphabet  of  nature — soils,  gases,  elements,  etc. — the  true  re 
lation  which  each  bears  to  each. 

If  all  the  votaries  of  agriculture  had  followed  this  great 
man's  teachings  we  should  have  heard  less  of  that  myth  the 
"  Science  of  Agriculture."  It  might  more  truly  be  called 
the  sum  of  all  sciences,  since,  though  it  is  made  up  of  some 
thing  of  all  sciences,  nevertheless,  it  will  never,  in  the  na 
ture  of  things,  become  in  itself  a  true  science. 

Early  in  the  eighteenth  century  Jethro  Tull,  one  of  the 
earliest  and  one  of  the  best  writers  on  agriculture  that 
England  ever  had,  did  much,  through  the  record  of  his 
experiments  in  new  and  improved  modes  of  culture,  to  ad 
vance  the  customary  system  of  tillage,  and  to  reduce  it  to 
rule.  Tull  was  the  father  of  drill  husbandry,  and  the  in 
ventor  of  the  horse-hoe.  He  also  invented,  but  failed  to 
perfect,  the  threshing-machine,  leaving  the  final  triumph  in 
this  direction  for  American  genius  to  achieve,  more  than  a 
century  later. 

Arthur  Young  is  also  justly  celebrated  for  his  labors  in 
behalf  of  agriculture.  He  traveled  extensively  over  Europe, 


34  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

to  observe  the  various  methods  of  tillage  which  prevailed, 
and  is  said  to  have  edited  nearly  one  hundred  volumes  re 
lating  to  the  profession. 

In  Scotland,  Lord  Kames,  and  still  more,  Sir  John  Sin 
clair,  were  earnest  and  persevering  patrons  of  agriculture. 
To  the  latter  gentleman,  Scotland  is  indebted  for  a  complete 
agricultural  survey  of  the  country,  with  statistical  accounts 
relating  to  it.  The  publication  of  the  fruits  of  his  labors 
had  the  important  result,  among  others,  of  leading  to  the 
establishment  of  the  Board  of  Agriculture,  in  1793,  by  Mr. 
Pitt. 

Sir  Humphrey  Davy  was  another  benefactor  of  hus 
bandry,  deserving  prominent  mention.  It  was  the  result 
of  his  experiments  which  led  to  the  establishment  of  Agri 
cultural  Chemistry  as  a  recognized  branch  of  modern  science ; 
and  this  is  truly  the  "  corner-stone  of  agriculture."  Recog 
nizing  a  plant  as  a  living  thing,  he  held  that  the  laws  of  its 
existence  must  be  studied  in  order  to  develop  the  most  per 
fect  growth.  By  experiments,  and  in  his  lectures,  he  demon 
strated  that  plants  derive  their  component  parts  either  from 
the  atmosphere  by  which  they  are  surrounded,  or  from  the 
soil  in  which  they  grow.  These  elements  being  principally 
carbon,  nitrogen,  oxygen,  and  hydrogen,  he  showed  by 
analysis  of  soils  and  plants  the  relative  nature  of  each,  and 
the  conditions  necessary  to  best  furnish  the  elements  for 
growth,  and  proved  that  the  process  of  vegetation  depends 
upon  their  constant  assimilation  by  the  organs  of  plants,  by 
means  of  moisture,  light,  and  heat. 

SCIENTIFIC  EXPERIMENTS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 
*e 

In  the  United  States  but  little  scientific  experimenting, 
having  for  its  end  the  promotion  of  agriculture,  was  officially 


SCIENTIFIC   EXPERIMENTS  IN  THE   UNITED   STATES.       35 

attempted  until  the  endowment  of  Agricultural  Colleges 
began;  and  but  little  has  been  done  even  at  those  institu 
tions,  except  in  a  crude  and  confused  way.  In  the  practical 
application  of  science  to  agriculture,  however,  and  in  the 
invention  and  introduction  of  labor-saving  machinery  of  the 
most  diversified  kinds,  our  people  have  become  celeW>*4  all 
over  the  civilized  world. 


In  the  construction  of  machinery  for  steam-plowing  we 
do  not  yet  compete  with  our  English  brethren,  for  the  sim 
ple  reason  that  our  virgin  soils,  where  steam-plowing  is 
practicable,  can  not  be  advantageously  worked  by  steam, 
except  when  an  extraordinary  depth  of  furrow  is  required, 
such,  for  instance,  as  in  the  cultivation  of  root  crops;  and 
these  crops  in  our  country,  where  corn  is  so  cheap,  can  not 
be  made  profitable  unless  it  be  in  special  localities  or  sea 
sons.  Nevertheless,  of  late  attention  has  been  turned  in 
this  direction,  and  I  confidently  believe  that  in  the  Parvin 
motor  will  be  found  the  principle  which  will  eventually 
compete  successfully  with  horse-power,  not  only  in  plowing 
our  soils,  but  in  all  the  operations  of  the  farm  where  steam 


36  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

power  is  required,  and  also  in  hauling  our  grain  to  the  rail 
road  stations  on  our  common  country  roads. 

Our  agricultural  machinery,  in  general,  has  won  the  high 
est  encomiums  wherever  exhibited,  both  in  our  own  country 
and  Europe,  as  models  of  strength  combined  with  elegance 
and  lightness. 

The  first  cast-iron  plow,  made  in  New  Jersey  in  1797, 
has  undergone  various  modifications,  until  now  its  mirror- 
like  surface  of  polished  steel,  and  the  admirable  adaptation 
of  each  part  to  the  work  required,  would  seem  to  leave  but 
little  more  to  be  desired.  Yet,  not  satisfied  still,  the  rnind 
of  man  is  now  seeking  for  some  mechanism  that  shall  en 
tirely  supersede  the  plow  in  the  preparation  of  the  soil  for 
the  perfect  growth  of  the  seed. 

Science  has  enabled  the  farmer  to  plow  his  ground,  sow 
his  seed,  cultivate  his  crops,  harvest  his  grain,  and  make  it 
ready  for  the  stock,  thresh,  winnow,  and  send  it  to  the 
market  by  the  mere  act  of  superintending  machines,  which 
do  the  work  like  so  many  creatures  of  intelligence.  He 
mows  his  grass,  makes  it  into  hay,  rakes  it  into  windrows, 
cocks  or  loads  it  directly  on  the  wagon,  stacks  or  puts  it  in 
the  barn,  and  even  does  the  heavy  work  of  feeding,  entirely 
by  machinery.  Water  is  pumped  for  his  stock  and  carried 
into  his  house  by  the  agency  of  the  wind  or  steam. 

He  digs,  drains,  makes  roads,  subsoils,  and  trench- 
plows  his  land;  plants,  hauls,  and  grinds  his  grain;  pre 
pares  fodder  for  and  feeds  it  to  his  stock ;  pumps,  saws,  and 
threshes ;  spades  and  hoes ;  loads  and  unloads ;  stacks  his 
hay  and  straw,  and  does  an  infinity  of  other  work  besides, 
by  the  power  of  automatic  sinews  of  iron  and  steel.  How  ? 
By  the  power  of  mind  applied  to  the  direction  of  material 
forces ;  by  true  knowledge  of  cause  and  effect ;  in  a  word,  by 
science.  And  yet,  if  asked  the  question  to-day,  it  is  highly 


STATUS   OF   AGRICULTURE   IN  ANCIENT   TIMES.  37 

probable  that  two-thirds  of  the  farmers  of  this  country 
would  laugh  at  the  idea  of  the  existence  of  any  intimate 
relation  between  science  and  agriculture. 

STATUS  OF  AGRICULTURE  IN  ANCIENT  TIMES. 

It  is  well  known  that,  at  some  periods  of  ancient  times, 
and  in  some  countries,  agriculture  was  held  to  be  an  honor-? 
able  calling,  and  kings,  princes,  and  statesmen  did  not 
disdain  to  till  the  soil  with  their  own  hands.  In  ancient 
Egypt,  where  labored  the  men  who  reared  the  mighty  pyra 
mids,  the  priests  and  soldiers  owned  the  lands,  about  six 
acres  of  the  Delta  of  the  Nile  being  allotted  to  each  warrior, 
At  war's  alarm  they  sprang  forth  ready  armed  to  fight  for 
their  estates  and  homes.  In  times  of  peace  they  grew  and 
spun  flax,  and  with  the  roots,  herbs,  wheat,  and  leguminous 
fruits  which  they  raised,  they  supplied  food  for  a  large  por 
tion  of  the  then  known  civilized  earth. 

The  Carthaginians  considered  agriculture  to  be  of  all  call 
ings  the  most  aristocratic,  and  the  kings,  princes,  and  nobles 
were  among  the  most  active  cultivators  of  the  soil.  When 
the  Romans  finally  subdued  and  laid  waste  the  land,  the 
only  books  which  they  deemed  worthy  of  being  carried  away, 
it  is  said,  were  twenty-eight  volumes  of  manuscripts  relating 
to  agriculture. 

The  Chinese,  who  have  bridges  constructed  two  thousand 
years  ago,  still  consider  agriculture  so  noble  an  art  that  a 
solemn  ceremony  is  each  year  performed  at  which  the  em 
peror  is  required  to  turn  the  soil.  This  nation  fed  silk 
worms  before  Solomon  reared  his  temple.  They  built  the 
great  wall  around  the  empire  while  Europe  was  yet  wrapped 
in  the  gloom  of  the  Dark  Ages.  They  cultivated  cotton  cen 
turies  before  the  discovery  of  America.  In  many  respects, 


38  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

their  knowledge  and  practice  concerning  the  careful  tilling 
of  the  soil  is  to-day  superior  to  ours,  with  all  our  boasted 
enlightenment.  A  tract  of  fifty  square  miles  about  Shang 
hai  is  called  the  Garden  of  China;  and,  while  we  of  the 
United  States  are  lamenting  our  worn-out  farms,  and  talking, 
about  emigrating  to  virgin  lands,  this  people,  for  countless 
generations,  have  tilled  the  same  soil,  and,  under  their  man 
agement,  it  is  to-day  as  productive  as  ever. 

Some  of  the  States  of  ancient  Greece  esteemed  agriculture 
as  the  mother  of  arts,  and  their  agricultural  products  were 
exhibited  at  the  Olympic  games.  With  the  Spartans,  how 
ever,  agriculture  was  contemned.  It  was  left  to  the  Helots, 
their  slaves,  whom  they  thought  fit  only  to  cultivate  the  soil. 
It  is  not  strange,  -therefore,  that  they  should  have  been 
obliged  to  sup  black  broth  (whatever  that  may  have  been). 
Nor  is  it  strange  that  they  took  a  distaste  to  their  wretched 
fare,  and  finally  rivalled  even  the  Athenians  in  luxury,  the 
laws  of  Lycurgus  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

THE  TRUE  DEFINITION  OF  AGRICULTURE. 

Agriculture  is  not  simply  getting  the  utmost  present 
wealth  from  the  soil  with  the  least  outlay  of  labor.  It  is 
not  the  mere  rearing  of  flocks  and  herds,  to  convert  into  as 
much  ready  money  as  possible.  It  is  not  hewing  down  for 
ests  to  such  a  degree  that  the  next  generation  must  replant. 
It  is  not  a  system  of  culture  that  will  exhaust  the  soil 
before  the  farmer's  hair  turns  gray.  And  most  certainly  it 
is  not  raising  crops  to  sell  at  such  price  as  the  buyer  may 
arbitrarily  choose  to  offer. 

High  and  progressive  agriculture  is  such  a  system  of  till 
age  as  shall  give  the  greatest  present  returns,  while  the  soil 
retains  its  full  fertility,  or,  still  better,  increases  its  powers 


CO-OPERATION  THE   PANACEA.  39 

from  year  to  year.  It  is  such  a  system  of  breeding  and 
feeding  stock  that,  while  the  enhanced  value  of  animals 
shall  amply  repay  the  labor  and  care  bestowed,  they  shall 
improve  in  character  and  quality  from  generation  to  genera 
tion.  It  is  such  an  intelligent  appreciation  of  present  condi 
tions  and  future  needs  as,  in  clearing  a  timbered  farm,  shall 
lead  to  sparing  trees  enough  for  farm  uses,  and  prevent  the 
excessive  denudation  that  will  render  a  country  arid  and  in 
fertile  from  the  want  of  rain  and  dew,  or  subject  it  to  the 
unbroken  force  of  sweeping  and  frightful  storms.  In  im 
proving  a  prairie  farm,  it  is  to  set  about  planting  the  neces 
sary  timber  that  ultimately  must  be  among  the  best  paying 
crops  on  the  farm.  It  is  such  a  system  of  husbandry  and 
rotation,  by  means  of  a  diversified  agriculture,  that  the 
farmer  need  not  be  dependent  upon  any  one  or  two  crops  for 
his  wealth.  It  is  a  business  tact  and  thrift  that  always  en 
ables  him  to  sell  at  the  highest  price,  or  at  least  on  a  strong 
and  rising  market.  It  is  that  counsel  and  assistance  between 
neighbor  and  neighbor  that  draws  close  the  bond  of  brother 
hood,  and  by  co-operation  renders  each  one  in  the  commu 
nity  helpful  each  to  the  other. 

CO-OPERATION  THE  PANACEA. 

It  is  by  associated  effort  in  Clubs,  Granges,  and  other 
organizations  of  like  social  nature  that  much  of  this  good. 
can  be  accomplished.  Communities  in  cities  unite  for  the 
mutual  protection  of  their  interests ;  as  witness  the  Trades' 
Unions  and  similar  brotherhoods.  Financiers  have  their 
Boards  where  they  meet  to  lay  plans,  to  deal  in  gold  and 
paper  money,  and  make  stocks  subserve  their  purposes  of 
speculation.  Railroad  companies  have  their  societies,  and 
their  yearly  conventions,  at  which  all  assemble  and  organize 


40  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

new  methods  or  combinations  to  secure  the  utmost  returns 
for  their  investments. 

Why  should  there  not  be  organized  effort  among  farmers  ? 
The  greatest  difficulty,  heretofore,  has  been  their  apathy, 
and  their  segregation  one  from  another.  But  now  the  per 
sistent  exertions  of  a  few  leaders  have  awakened  them  and 
broken  up  that  apathy,  and  the  wonderful  increase  of  late 
years  in  Clubs  and  Granges  has  counteracted,  in  a  great 
measure,  the  disability  caused  by  their  segregation.  The 
whole  continent  is  aroused  to  the  depredations  of  capital 
upon  labor,  and  the  evil  influences  which  monopolies  are  ex 
ercising  upon  the  consciences  of  our  public  men. 

There  must  now  be  no  step  backward.  If  the  farmers  of 
the  country  now  fail  in  asserting  and  maintaining  their  just 
rights,  they  will  cease  to  be  free  agents,  and  become 
fitting  subjects  for  the  virtual  slavery  into  which  they  will 
then  surely  drift.  Their  only  salvation  is  in  their  Societies, 
their  Clubs,  their  Granges.  In  union  there  is  strength, 
and  in  union  there  is  growth. 


CHAPTEE   III. 


RELATION  OF  AGRICULTURE  TO  HORTICULTURE. 


EDUCATION  THE  KEY-NOTE  TO  PKOGRESS. 

The  history  of  agriculture  will  show  that,  until  the  dis 
covery  of  the  art  of  printing,  and  the  dissemination  of  knowl 
edge  thereby,  the  farmer  was  either  a  slave  outright,  or,  at 
best,  a  mere  vassal,  who  had  no  rights  of  which  his  feudal 
lord  might  not  dispossess  him  at  will.  The  tiller  of  the  soil 
was  the  pioneer  who  made  his  way  into  new  countries,  hewed 
down  forests,  reared  flocks  and  herds,  ditched  and  delved, 


"Agriculture  Speaking  English." 

reclaimed  the  wilds,  fenced  in  fields,  planted  vineyards,  and 
founded  communities,  too  often  only  to  find  himself  dis 
possessed  by  some  armed  tyrant,  who  ate  of  his  providing, 

(41) 


42  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

and  reduced  him  to  slavery.  Thenceforth,  he  held  nothing, 
except  by  the  will  of  his  master. 

Such  was  agriculture  until  the  era  of  the  printing  press, 
which  not  only  marvelously  lightened  the  burdens  of  scho 
lastic  training,  but  rendered  comparatively  easy  the  dissem 
ination  of  knowledge  among  the  masses.  Then,  to  use  the 
language  of  that  old  English  farmer  and  writer,  Evelyn, 
"Agriculture  first  began  to  speak  English." 

The  savage  is  but  little  above  the  brute.  His  agriculture, 
if  indeed  he  have  any,  consists  simply  in  the  planting,  reap 
ing,  and  storing  away  of  the  seeds  of  a  few  of  the  wild 
grasses,  and  digging  a  few  of  the  wild  roots  that  he  may  find 
growing  beneath  his  tread.  Emerging  from  barbarism,  he 
gathers  flocks  and  herds,  and  builds  a  permanent  shelter  for 
himself  and  family.  Having  a  fixed  habitation,  he  next 
learns  to  till  the  soil  systematically  as  a  means  of  subsistence. 
Art  is  now  born,  and  manufactures  begin  to  flourish.  He 
plants  a  vineyard,  becomes  civilized,  and  horticulture  and 
religion  follow.  Enlightenment  ensues,  and  the  cultivation  of 
flowers  comes  in  as  a  natural  sequence,  and  with  it  poetry. 

ADVANCED  STATE  OF  HORTICULTURAL  SCIENCE. 

To  show  that  husbandry  is  less  progressive  than  its  child, 
horticulture,  we  have  only  to  observe  the  relative  advance 
that  has  been  made  by  agricultural  and  horticultural  socie 
ties.  The  wide  difference  which  this  comparison  will  bring 
to  light  is  due,  chiefly,  to  the  fact,  that,  while  the  prominent 
agricultural  societies  have,  in  most  cases,  confined  their 
efforts  to  holding  fairs,  horticultural  societies  have  been 
earnestly  engaged  in  discussing  the  theory  and  practice  of 
their  art,  comparing  results,  and  educating  themselves  up  to 
a  high  standard  of  excellence, 


ADVANCED  STATE  OF  HORTICULTUEAL  SCIENCE.         43 

Such  a  proficiency  is  only  attained  among  farmers  by  a 
certain  class  here  and  there,  who  have  been  educated  to 
study  the  principles  of  their  profession,  precisely  as  the 
lawyer,  the  physician,  and  the  divine  study  the  principles  of 
theirs.  Associations  of  these  learned  professions  have  long 
been  diligently  employed  in  debating  the  various  means  of 
advancing  their  interests,  and  otherwise  educating  themselves 
to  their  respective  callings,  while  agriculture  has  been,  com 
paratively,  standing  still. 


y 

"The  Wealth  of  Orchards,"  etc. 

With  horticulturists  so  situated  that  they  have  been  able 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  benefits  of  discussion,  the  attrition 
of  mind  against  mind  has  made  business  men  of  them;  has 
enlarged  their  ideas  in  various  ways;  and  has  led  them  to 
examine  the  principles  and  details  of  their  aft,  and  the  studies 
relating  thereto.  They  have  made  themselves  especially  con 
versant  with  botany  and  vegetable  physiology,  the  effects  of 
root  and  twig  pruning,  the  circulation  of  the  sap,  fungous  and 
other  parasitic  growths,  the  relation  of  the  leaf  and  bark  to 


44  THE   GEOUNDSWELL. 

the  woody  parts  of  the  plant,  cell  growth,  the  effects  of  heat 
and  cold  on  various  portions  of  plants,  acclimation,  and  the 
influence  of  the  scion  on  the  stock,  with  a  great  variety  of 
similar  practical  details.  The  Transactions  of  the  various 
Horticultural  Societies  existing  in  the  United  States  consti 
tute  a  compendium  of  knowledge  relating  to  the  arts  in 
question  that  will  compare  favorably  with  those  of  any  other 
societies  extant. 

Horticulture  has  been  especially  fortunate  in  securing  the 
services  of  many  scholarly  minds,  who  have  applied  their 
scientific  training  to  the  elucidation  of  important  questions 
that  otherwise  might  have  remained  hidden  for  generations. 
It  is  a  fact  that  among  the  leading  horticulturists  of  to 
day,  a  large  proportion  are  men  who  have  left  the  so-called 
learned  professions  to  follow  this  fascinating  branch  of  agri 
culture,  where  they  have  become  actual  life-workers.  Thus 
it  holds  in  its  ranks  teachers,  physicians,  clergymen,  and 
painters,  in  about  the  order  named.  It  is  especially  taken 
up  by  medical  men,  probably  from  the  fact  that  their  knowl 
edge  of  anatomy  and  physiology  in  animals  points  them  in 
the  same  direction  as  regards  plants. 

GARDENING  OF  OLD  AND  ITS  PROGRESS. 

Twelve  years  ago  I  wrote  for  the  Transactions  of  the  Illinois 
Horticultural  Society  an  essay  on  gardening,  in  which  I  used 
the  following  language : 

"  It  is  more  than  probable  that  a  higher  state  of  system 
atic  science  has  been  attained  within  the  last  hundred  years 
than  had  before  been  known  since  the  foundation  of  the  world. 
It  is  said  that  Egypt, '  the  cradle  of  civilization,'  so  far  perfected 
her  tillage  that  the  banks  of  the  Nile  were  adorned  with 
plantations,  from  the  Cataract  of  Syrene  to  the  shores  of  the 


GARDENING  OF   OLD  AND  ITS   PROGRESS.  45 

Delta;  but  this  was  not  until  Thebes,  with  her  hundred 
gates,  and  the  ancient  cities  of  Memphis  and  Heliopolis  were 
rising  in  grandeur,  and  the  stupendous  pyramids,  obelisks, 
and  temples  of  Egypt  had  become  the  wonders  of  the  world. 
"  Solomon  had  not  delighted  to  dwell  in  gardens,  nor  planted 
the  '  vineyard  of  Baal-hamon '  until  after  the  Queen  of  Sheba 
had  heard  of  his  power  and  glory.  The  hanging  gardens 
of  Semiramis  were  works  of  art  rather  than  of  scientific 
culture,  and  the  villas  of  Pvome  and  Greece  were  more  noted 
for  their  sculpture,  statuary,  and  paintings,  than  for  the 
extraordinary  culture  of  their  gardens. 


"  With  the  Dark  Ages  came  the  destruction  of  the  arts 
and  sciences,  and  the  obliteration  of  almost  every  trace  of 
agricultural  and  horticultural  art  as  it  had  theretofore  been 
taught.  As  returning  civilization  began  to  spread  over 
Western  Europe,  gardens  were  again  cultivated.  And  yet  so 
gradual  was  the  progress  of  horticulture,  that,  until  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIII,  scarcely  any  kitchen  vegetables  had 
been  cultivated  in  England.  Since  that  time,  with  the  in 
creased  facilities  for  knowledge,  by  means  of  cheap  printing, 
it  has  made  rapid  strides  toward  that  perfect  science  which 
it  may  ultimately  reach.  . 

"  Kitchen  gardening  will  not  receive  the  attention  it  de 
serves  from  the  farmer  until  scientific  agriculture  has  be 
come  widely  practiced.  And  yet  a  single  half  acre,  well 
cultivated,  will  produce,  from  year  to  year,  half  the  suste- 


46  THE  GKOUtfDSWELL. 

nance  of  a  large  family.  Horticulturists,  as  a  class,  are  in 
telligent,  thinking  people.  Why?  Because  the  products 
of  the  garden  are  better  sustainers  of  the  brain  than  hog 
and  hominy.  Show  me  a  country  without  orchards  and, 
gardens,  and  you  will  there  find  a  stolid,  embruted  race. 
But  where  the  trees  drop  ripe  fruits,  and  well-tilled  gardens 
are  swelling  with  vegetable  wealth,  and  casting  their  sweet 
perfume  of  flowers  over  all,  there  we  may  be  sure  dwells  an 
intelligent,  thinking,  onward-moving  people,  whose  motto  is 
Excelsior. 

"  Let  one  or  two  individuals  in  each  neighborhood  set  the 
example,  and  it  will  not  be  long  before  others  will  follow, 
and  soon  gardens  will  be  planted  by  all.  Why,  then,  will 
not  all  decide  to  do  something  more  for  the  next  year  than 
they  have  already  done  in  the  past,  that  our  homes  may  be 
made  more  smiling  and  happy,  from  season  to  season  ?  It 
is  neither  a  small  business  nor  unprofitable.  Do  you  lack 
knowledge?  Learn  from  books  and  other  products  of  the 
teeming  press — the  depositories  of  all  knowledge." 


THE  FUTURE  INFLUENCE  OF  HORTICULTURE. 

The  words  above,  _  written  twelve  years  ago  for  Illinois, 
would  apply,  in  many  situations,  with  as  much  force  now. 
With  wealth  comes  the  desire  for  all  that  can  make  life 
comfortable  and  smooth.  .  "f  he  road  to  wealth  lies  as  much 
through  the  garden  as  the  farm.  That  farmer  who  neglects 
this  branch  of  his  profession  does  justice  neither  to  his  God, 
his  family,  nor  himself;  for  the  garden  gives  health,  and. 
with  health,  thrift  and  economy ;  if  wealth  do  not  follow,  cer 
tainly  the  man  has  but  to  blame  himself. 

Where  once  the  painted  savage  lived  by  rapine  and  plun 
der,  the  cabins  of  the  peaceful  pioneer  have  been  built. 


THE  FUTURE  INFLUENCE  OF  HORTICULTURE.  47 

These  again  have  given  place  to  comfortable  dwellings,  oc 
cupied  with  happy  and  intelligent  faces.  Begirt  with  well- 
tilled  fields,  prosperous  farms  have  grown  up  all  over  our 
favored  land.  The  lack  yet  remaining  is  orchards  and  gar 
dens.  Add  but  these,  and  it  will  not  be  long  until  flowers 
will  blossom  and  stately  trees  grow  up,  shading  smooth 


"The  Cabin  of  the  Peaceful  Pioneer.'* 

lawns,  and  the  next  generation  will  bless  the  fathers  who 
left  them  the  inheritance.  Each  home  will  possess  its  gar 
den,  and  this  country,  for  which  the  All- Giver  has  done  so 
much  and  man  so  little,  will  become  the  paradise  and  glory 
of  the  world — a  country  such  as  the  ancients  never  knew. 
It  is  a  fact  which  can  not  be  controverted  that  until  hor 
ticulture  is  successfully  practiced,  high  farming  can  not 
flourish,  or  rather  high  farming  or  improved  agriculture 
follows,  and  is  the  result  of,  progress  in  horticultural  art. 
The  lessons  learned  through  a  study  of  the  details  of  hor 
ticulture  are  found  tc  apply  as  well  to  husbandry,  and  the 


48  THE  GROUtfDSWELL. 

farmer  soon  learns  that  the  careful  saving  and  application 
of  manure,  thorough  drainage,  perfect  disintegration  and 
working  of  the  soil,  careful  selection  of  seed,  attention  to 
meteorological  influence,  etc.,  are  as  much  a  part  of  good 
farming  as  of  horticulture. 

Hence,  the  farmer  begins  to  read  and  reflect,  study  the 
effect  of  various  manures  on  different  crops,  and  the  exact 
value  of  each  crop  in  the  rotation.  He  finds  that  the  soil 
returns  value  just  in  proportion  as  it  is  fed.  He  sees  again 
that  feeding  crops  is  not  the  only  sustenance  necessary  to 
maintain  the  ;strength  of  the  land  he  cultivates,  but  also 
that  certain  conditions  of  the  soil  enable  it  to  store  up  plant 
food  from  the  great  storehouse  of  nature,  the  atmosphere. 
He  is  taught  to  study  the  anatomy  and  physiology  of  plants. 
From  this  the  gradation  is  easy  to  that  of  animals ;  and 
hence  the  present  superior  condition  of  horses,  cattle,  sheep, 
swine,  and  other  farm  stock.  At  last  he  comes  to  know 
that  agriculture  is  simply  an  unceasing  transition  from 
plant  to  animal,  and  from  animal  again  to  plant,  in  which 
nothing  is  lost,  nothing  gained.  All  was  once  dust,  and  to 
dust  it  ascain  returns. 


WHY  ARE  FARMERS  BEHIND  HORTICULTURISTS'! 

The  principal  reason,  however,  why  farmers,  as  a  class, 
are  behind  horticulturists  is,  that  they  have  kept  themselves 
isolated ;  have  been  too  intent  on  the  all-absorbing  routine 
duties  of  the  farm ;  have  moved,  plodding  along  in  the 
grooves  their  forefathers  hewed  out;  have  not  kept  pace 
with  the  times ;  have  neglected  the  higher  education  of  the 
mind,  to  which  members  of  other  professions  have  devoted 
themselves  so  diligently;  and  have  carried  their  not  unjusti 
fiable  contempt  of  "  book-farming"  to  an  extent  that  has  re- 


A   LITTLE   KNOWLEDGE   A   DANGE&OtTS  THING.  49 

dounded  to  their  own  injury.  They  have  stood  still  while 
others  have  been  moving  forward,  until  the  wheel  of  time 
in  its  revolutions  has  shown  them  losers  in  the  race  of 
intelligent  industry.  They  have  cried  "Help,  Jupiter!" 
meanwhile  withholding  to  put  their  own  shoulders  to  the 
wheel  of  the  car  of  progress. 

These  conditions  must  exist  no  longer.  Henceforth,  be 
ing  now  thoroughly  awakened,  they  must  not  only  labor 
steadily  and  with  persistent  aim,  by  and  through  their  lead 
ers,  but  they  themselves  must  help,  with  brains  and  money, 
to  work  out  their  plans  for  emancipation  from  the  shackles 
of  a  monopolizing  power  that  seeks  to  reduce  them  to  a 
mere  serfdom.  The  ambition  of  the  farmer  should  no  longer 
be  to  send  his  son  to  a  university,  where  he  will  be  given  an 
education  totally  unfitting  him  for  rural  life,  unless  he  in 
tends  to  become  a  lawyer,  a  doctor,  or,  as  the  good  old 
Scotch  housewife  had  it,  qualify  himself  to  "  wag  his  pow  in 
a  pulpit." 

A  LITTLE  KNOWLEDGE  A  DANGEROUS  THING. 

Our  cities  are  too  full  already  of  ambitious  young  men 
who  have  received  education  sufficient  only  to  make  them 
consider  themselves  above  honest  toil.  Failing  to  earn  a 
livelihood  by  other  means,  they  become  mere  penny-a-liners, 
or  sink  into  degraded  insignificance  behind  the  bar  of  some 
saloon ;  or,  perhaps,  they  mouth  vile  comedy,  nonsense-songs, 
or  worse,  behind  the  footlights  of  disreputable  haunts,  where 
brutish  humanity  seeks  its  brutish  amusements. 

The  picture  is  severe  but  not  overdrawn.  There  are  hun 
dreds  of  once  pure  and  intelligent  young  men,  who,  furnished 
an  education  superior  to  their  former  playmates,  have  felt 
themselves  better  than  mere  drudges  on  the  farm,  and  have 
3 


50  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

sought  the  city,  where,  in  their  disdain  of  daily  toil,  they 
have  gone  down,  step  by  step,  until  they  have  reached  the 
lowest  depths  of  degradation,  and  sometimes  even  of  crime. 
Our  penitentiaries  are  filled  with  just  such  backsliders  from 
the  ranks  of  honest  industry,  who  once  were  good  and  true, 
and  actuated  by  high  moral  principle. 

Is  there  no  remedy  ?  Yes !  Make  home  attractive.  Cease 
the  tomfoolery  of  shutting  up  from  year's  end  to  year's  end 
the  best  room  of  the  house,  never  to  be  opened  save  on  state 
occasions,  and  then  striking  a  chill  to  the  innermost 
soul  with  its  uncomfortable  grandeur.  Use  the  parlor  as  a 
gathering  place  where  all  may  meet  in  social  converse  for 
mutual  improvement.  Furnish  the  room  well  and  plainly, 
wasting  no  money  on  gorgeous  furniture,  easily  ruined  and 
a  pleasure  only  to  the  eye.  Educate  the  youth  of  the  coun 
try  to  a  taste  for  a  literature  that  shall  improve  the  mind. 
Fill  the  book-shelves  with  works  pertaining  to  every-day 
life,  interspersed  with  standard  novels  and  poetry,  written  ir? 
the  pure  style  of  such  writers  as  our  own  Irving  and  Bryant. 
Let  us  do  this,  and  then  assuredly  shall  be  laid  the  broad 
and  solid  basis  of  an  education  that  will  make  the  genera 
tion  next  to  come  better  and  purer  than  that  of  to-day. 


CHAPTER  I?. 


FARMERS'  CLUBS  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN. 


IN  SCOTLAND  AND  IRELAND. 

Farmers'  Clubs,  publishing  their  Transactions  are  no  "  new 
invention,"  but  have  the  venerable  age  of  a  full  century  and 
a  half.  In  1723,  there  was  established,  in  Scotland,  a  soci 
ety  to  which  its  founders  gave  the  name  of  "  Improvers  in 
the* Knowledge  of  Agriculture."  It  became  extinct  in 
1755,  but  was  succeeded  by  another,  which  was  merged  into 
the  "  Highland  Agricultural  Society."  This  association,  in 
1787  received  a  royal  charter,  and  in  1834,  it  was  re-char 
tered.  Annual  fairs  were  thenceforward  held,  at  each  of 
which  premiums  were  given  to  the  amount  of  £10,000. 

In  Ireland,  an  agricultural  society  was  established  in 
1747.  From  the  influence  exerted  by  the  members  of  this 
organization  many  others  sprang  up  in  various  parts  of  the 
island,  which  were  productive  of  great  benefit,  not  only 
among  the  aristocratic  landed  gentry,  for  whom  all  these 
earlier  organizations  were  instituted,  but  also  among  the 
small  proprietors  and  tenant  farmers,  and,  indirectly,  among 
the  laborers  themselves. 

The  passage  of  the  Irish  Land  Act  is  of  too  recent  a  date 
to  enable  an  authoritative  declaration  to  be  made  as  to  its 
efficacy.  Viewed  in  the  light  of  the  steady  decrease  of  emi 
gration  from  that  country  since  the  law  was  enacted,  it 

(51) 


52  THE   GROUNDS  WELL.. 

appears  to  be  working  well.  Ireland  seems  to  be  entering 
on  a  career  of  unexampled  prosperity,  in  which  the  farmers 
must  participate.  There  has  been  a  substantial  increase  in 
the  wealth  of  the  country  during  the  unparalleled  exodus 
which  has  taken  place.  The  Land  Act  gives  the  tenant 
fixity  of  tenure ;  that  is,  they  can  not  be  ejected  from  their 
holdings  until  compensated  for  the  money  they  have  expended 
in  improvements.  These  improvements  sometimes  amount 
to  much  more  than  the  original  value  of  the  land.  Thus, 
in  some  cases,  the  law  amounts  to  a  virtual  handing  over 
of  the  land  from  the  landlord  to  the  tenant,  subject  simply 
to  a  fixed  annual  rent. 


THE  FIRST  FARMERS'  CLUB  IN  ENGLAND. 

In  1777,  "  The  Bath  Agricultural  Society,  of  England," 
was  organized,  having  for  its  aim  the  encouragement  of 
agriculture,  arts,  manufactures,  and  commerce,  in  the  coun 
ties  of  Somerset,  Wilts,  Gloucester,  and  Dorset.  Through 
its  volumes,  published  yearly,  it  disseminated  a  vast  amount 
of  practical  information  relative  to  the  culture  of  the  vari 
ous  crops  then  grown,  and  especially  of  those  recently  intro 
duced.  The  breeding  of  cattle,  horses,  sheep,  swine,  and 
other  stock,  was  fully  treated  of  in  'their  reports,  which  also 
contained  much  valuable  data  concerning  manufactures,  both 
general  and  as  relating  to  agriculture,  arts,  and  commerce. 

Among  the  contributions  to  its  literature  we  find  such 
names  as  Dr.  Falconer,  Dr.  Campbell,  Sir  Christopher  Haw 
kins,  Hobhouse,  Arthur  Young,  M.  DeSaussaure,  Dr.  J. 
Anderson,  Dr.  Fothergill,  Rev.  Alexander  Campbell,  Count 
DeBerchtold,  Gen.  Abercrombie,  and  other  eminent  men  of 
the  day.  This  shows  the  interest  taken  in  agriculture,  in 


THE   FIKST   FARMERS'  CLUB   IN   ENGLAND.  53 

England,  almost  a  century  ago,  by  the  best  minds.  This  in 
terest  has  borne  abundant  fruit,  in  making  England  to-day, 
for  the  number  of  acres  cultivated,  the  most  productive 
country  in  the  world,  both  as  to  the  variety  of  staples  grown 
and  the  quantities  obtained  yearly  from  the  soil. 

We  find,  by  the  Transactions  of  the  Bath  Agricultural 
Society,  for  the  year  1810,  that  there  were  then  in  Great 
Britain  (besides  the  Board  of  Agriculture,  of  which  Sir  John 
Sinclair  was  President  and  no  less  a  person  than  Arthur 


*  Coat-of-Arms  of  Great  Britain. 

Young,  Esq.,  Secretary)  eighty-one  Agricultural  Societies  in 
regular  working  order ;  and  to  show  that  they  believed,  also, 
in  women's  rights,  we  might  point  to  the  fact  that  one  of 
them,  the  Badenach  and  Strathspey  Society,  had  a  woman 
for  President,  in  the  person  of  the  celebrated  Duchess  of 
Gordon. 


54  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

THE    ROYAL    AGRICULTURAL   SOCIETY  AND    PRESENT 
ORGANIZATIONS  OF  ENGLAND. 

The  Eoyal  Agricultural  Society,  which  has  exerted  so 
wide-spread  and  beneficial  an  influence  upon  agriculture 
throughout  the  civilized  world,  was  founded  in  1838,  and, 
adopted  for  its  motto,  "PRACTICE  WITH  SCIENCE."  Within 
seven  years  it  had  established,  or  had  been  the  means  of  es 
tablishing,  four  hundred  other  societies;  one  hundred  and 
fifty  of  these  being  practical  Farmers'  Clubs.  Ten  years 
later  (in  1855),  the  societies  and  clubs  amounted  to  over 
seven  hundred.  The  most  important  of  these  clubs,  the 
London  Central  Farmers'  Club,  became  so  firmly  rooted, 
was  so  thoroughly  supported,  and  its  influence  was  so  widely 
felt,  that  it  received  the  appellation  of  the  "  Bridge  Street 
Parliament,"  and  gave  rise  to  the  aphorism  by  a  celebrated 
English  statesman,  that  "  neither  our  fleets,  however  well 
manned,  nor  our  armies,  however  valorous,  nor  our  diplo 
macy,  however  successful,  can  do  so  much  as  the  plow." 

The  Eoyal  Agricultural  Society  owes  much  of  its  popu 
larity  to  the  deep  interest  manifested  in  it  by  the  late  Prince 
Consort — "the  Farmer  Prince" — who,  indeed,  always  ap 
preciated  the  fact  that  the  welfare  of  the  farmer  meant  the 
welfare  of  the  nation  at  large.  The  Society  yet  continues  to 
hold  its  annual  exhibitions,  which  are  peripatetic  in  their 
nature,  and  the  distinction  of  being  selected  as  the  place  for 
the  yearly  show  is  a  much  coveted  one. 

In  most  of  the  counties  of  England,  there  are  County 
Agricultural  Societies,  which,  also,  hold  annual  exhibitions. 
These  societies,  as  a  rule,  are  in  a  healthy  condition,  and  of 
great  value  to  the  farmers ;  but,  now,  the  recognized  repre 
sentatives  of  the  farming  interests  are  the  Chambers  of  Ag 
riculture,  composed  of  landlords,  farmers,  grain  merchants, 
and  others  concerned  in  interests  connected  with  the  soil. 


CONDITION   OF   ENGLISH   FARMERS.  55 

There  is  a  Central  Chamber,  subordinate  to  which  are 
County  Chambers ;  and  these,  in  turn,  are  the  superiors  of  the 
local  or  district  Chambers.  These  organizations  are  of 
quite  recent  growth,  and  the  interest  taken  in  them  is  im 
mense. 

CONDITION  OF  ENGLISH  FARMERS. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that,  in  England,  the  relation 
of  the  farming  class  to  the  community  at  large  is  widely 
different  from  that  which  exists  in  our  own  country.  There, 
the  greater  proportion  of  the  farming  land  is  in  the  hands 
of  a  few  large  proprietors,  who  rent  their  farms  to  a  class  of 
men,  in  nearly  every  case,  possessing  considerable  capital. 
It  is  an  actual  fact  that  one  hundred  and  sixty  families  own 
more  than  half  of  England,  four-fifths  of  Scotland,  and  an 
immense  proportion  of  Wales  and  Ireland. 

The  farmers  of  England,  as  a  class,  do  not  themselves 
work,  but  confine  their  personal  share  in  the  farm  details  to 
superintending  the  small  army  of  laborers,  (as  an  American 
farmer  would  consider  them),  who  are  the  actual  workers. 

The  parts  of  England  which  are  suitable  for  modern, 
scientific  farming,  are  few  in  number  and  not  large  in  area. 
The  smallness  and  irregular  shapes  of  the  inclosures,  the 
diversified  surface  of  the  country,  and  the  closeness  with 
which  each  foot  of  ground  has  to  be  worked  in  order  to 
realize  a  profit,  in  many  cases  preclude  the  employment  of 
machinery.  Hitherto,  there  has  been  little  inducement 
to  the  English  farmer  to  adopt  the  latter.  Labor  has  been 
plentiful  and  cheap,  and  the  prices  of  produce  have  gen 
erally  been  good. 

Still,  the  present  condition  of  most  English  farmers  is 
yery  far  from  being  satisfactory.  Ground  down  by  rent, 


56 


THE   GEOUNBSWELL. 


Shall  we  Emigrate? 


THE  FARM  LABORERS  OF  ENGLAND.         57 

rates,  and  taxes,  oppressed  by  that  vexatious  and  iniquitous 
remnant  of  feudalism,  the  game  laws,  and  dictated  to  by 
their  landlords  at  elections  and  elsewhere,  their  position  is 
by  no  means  enviable.  Nor,  as  a  class,  do  they  now  make 
a  profit  out  of  their  business.  There  are  many  wealthy 
tradesmen  and  retired  manufacturers  who  want  a  farm  for 
purposes  of  pastime,  and  who  care  but  little  how  much  they 
lay  out  upon  their  hobby.  The  consequent  competition  for 
farms  runs  rents  up  to  a  figure  that  makes  it  impossible 
to  obtain  a  living  and  fair  interest  for  the  capital  invested. 
As  a  proof  of  the  wide-spread  discontent  existing  among 
English  farmers,  may  be  mentioned  the  immense  and  increas 
ing  numbers  who  annually  expatriate  themselves,  and  in  the 
United  States,  Canada,  Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  South 
America,  seek  that  subsistence  which  unjust  laws  and  extor 
tionate  landlords  deny  them  at  home. 

With  unlimited  capital,  a  long  lease  of  a  good  farm 
(which  is  not  frequently  obtainable),  and  a  situation  adapted 
for  all  modern  appliances  and  improvements,  a  man  of  energy 
and  education  can  still  make  farming  pay  in  England ;  but 
so  far  as  the  mass  of  small  farmers  is  concerned,  the  ten 
dency  of  the  age  is  to  drive  them  to  the  wall  and  improve 
them  out  of  existence.  Small  farms,  as  the  tenancies  expire, 
are  lumped  together  and  let  to  some  pushing  man  of  capital, 
to  the  exclusion  of  that  class  of  tenant  farmers  who  have 
heretofore  been  England's  boast. 

THF  FARM  LABORERS  OF  ENGLAND. 

The  condition  of  the  farm  laborers  in  England  has  for 

ages  been  a  burning  scandal.     It  is  a  natural  consequence 

of  the  land  laws  of  that  country,  that  the  village  'Squire 

and  the  parson  (whose  income  is  mainly  derived  from  the 

3* 


58  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

rent  of  land)  should  be  found  rolling  in  wealth  and  luxury, 
while,  hard  by,  the  poor  laborer,  with  his  wife  and  almost 
invariably  large  family,  is  suffering  from  want  of  the  actual 
necessaries  of  life. 

Eecently,  under  the  leadership  of  Joseph  Arch,  a  War 
wickshire  hedge-cutter  and  Primitive  Methodist  preacher, 
the  laborers  have  roused  themselves  from  the  apathy  of  cen 
turies,  and  have  formed  Unions,  modeled  after  the  Trades' 
Unions,  the  result  of  which  has  already  shown  itself  in  a 
marked  amelioration  of  their  lot.  Arch  has  proven  himself 
possessed  of  the  sterling  qualities  of  courage,  modesty,  and 
foresight,  which  go  so  far  to  form  the  character  of  a  true 
leader  of  the  people.  In  pursuance  of  his  purpose  to  right 
the  wrongs  of  his  fellow-laborers,  he  left  England  and  un 
dertook  a  tour  of  observation  through  Canada  and  the  Uni 
ted  States.  He  expresses  his  determination,  unless  the 
grievances  of  his  fellow-workers  receive  immediate  atten 
tion,  to  organize  a  vast  emigration  scheme,  which  shall 
bring  the  landlords  and  farmers  of  England  to  a  truer 
appreciation  of  the  value  of  a  man.  He  intends  to  devote 
five  or  six  years  to  looking  about,  carefully  avoiding  haste, 
in  order  that  he  may  not  arrive  at  any  conclusion  likely  to 
be  disastrous  to  those  whom  he  wishes  to  serve. 

ENGLISH  FARMERS  AGITATING. 

The  farmers  themselves,  too,  are  arriving  at  the  conclu 
sion  that  they  are  an  abused  and  really  oppressed  class. 
Now  that  voting  by  ballot  has  become  the  law  of  England, 
(though  it  has  not  yet  been  tried  on  a  large  scale),  they 
hope  to  get  at  the  true  sentiments  of  their  class,  free  from 
the  intimidation  and  undue  influence  which  their  lords  and 
masters  have  not  scrupled  to  use  hitherto.  The  "  'Squire- 


ENGLISH   FARMERS  AGITATING. 


59 


archy,"  as  the  landlord  class  is  called,  are  well  aware  that 
the  scepter  of  power  is  passing  from  them.     Therefore, 
being  wise  in  their  generation,  they  seek  to  conciliate  the 
farmers  by  temporizing,  and  condescending  patronage. 
The  meetings  of  the  Chambers  of  Agriculture  are  at- 


One  of  the  Grievances  of  English   Farmers. 

tended  by  dukes,  marquises,  viscounts, 
earls,  and  so  on,  including  the  "knights 
of  low  degree"  and  esquires  of  still  "less 
dignity."  These  blue-blood  gentry  are 
fully  alive  to  the  fact  that,  unless  they  can  keep  the  farm 
ers  and  the  people  in  good  humor,  their  power  will  depart 
from  them,  and,  perhaps,  their  property  as  well.  Therefore, 


60  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

they  are  eager  to  impart  "  what  they  know  about  farming  " 
to  their  humble  but  restive  dependents. 

As  it  is,  the  grumblings  are  loud  and  deep.  The  justice 
of  allowing  thousands  of  fertile  acres  to  lie  waste,  to  no 
other  end  than  that  their  noble  owner  may  delight  himself 
by  the  slaughter  of  partridges,  pheasants,  and  hares,  is 
questioned,  and  justly  questioned,  in  view  of  the  vast 
amount  of  farm  produce  that  England  is  compelled  to  im 
port  to  feed  her  teeming  millions. 

The  people  also  begin  to  inquire  whether  it  be  a  sufficient 
ground  for  their  own  and  their  children's  suffering  for  bread 
that  William  the  Norman  passed  bad  laws  and  gave  land, 
which  did  not  belong  to  him,  to  his  sans  culotte  followers 
eight  hundred  years  ago.  Pinched,  as  they  are,  by  the 
scarcity  and  dearness  of  meat,  they  do  not  see  the  equity 
of  allowing  a  land-owner  to  rob  the  country  by  raising  a 
couple  of  rabbits,  worth  a  shilling  apiece,  for  the  pleasure 
of  shooting  them,  while  on  what  those  rabbits  eat  and  spoil 
could  be  grown  a  sheep,  furnishing  a  dozen  times  as  much 
food.  These,  and  similar  questions,  are  being  thoroughly 
agitated  and  debated.  Parliament  shows  its  knowledge 
that  these  grievances  are  real  ones,  and  its  desire  that  they 
should  be  shelved,  by  appointing  commissioners  to  investi 
gate  them. 

A  GOOD  TIME  COMING. 

It  is  evident,  to  all  far-seeing  minds,  that  the  law  of  pri 
mogeniture  in  England  is  doomed,  and  that  with  it,  or  per 
haps  before  it,  will  go  down  the  connection  of  the  Church 
with  the  State,  which  is  intimately  associated  with  those 
laws. 

These  relics  of   Norman   barbarism,  the  primogeniture 


A   GOOD   TIME   COMING.  61 

laws,  whereby  "  families  "  are  built  up  at  the  expense  of  the 
nation,  have  already  received  a  shattering  blow  by  the  late 
abolition  of  the  purchase  of  commissions  in  the  army. 
Commissions  are  now  given  only  after  the  passage  of  exam 
inations  severe  enough  to  eliminate  from  the  candidates  the 
hosts  of  younger  sons  and  poor  relations  of  whom  army 
officers  have  hitherto  been  composed.  Here  is  one  avenue 
closed  against  the  juniors.  By  and  by  will  come  the  sever 
ance  of  Church  and  State,  and  the  loss  of  the  right  to  give 
away  or  sell  the  cure  of  souls.  Then  the  landed  gentry  will 
have  to  provide  for  their  entire  families,  instead  of  getting 
all  their  sons,  save  the  eldest,  supported  at  the  public  ex 
pense,  as  is  the  custom  now.  When  this  is  forced  upon 
them,  they  will  no  longer  bar  the  correction  of  the  ancient, 
unjust  laws  of  entail  and  inheritance;  and  then,  in  natural 
sequence,  will  follow  the  breaking  up  of  the  large  aggrega 
tions  of  land  in  single  hands.  Thus  it  is  plain  that  the  griev 
ances  of  the  English  farmers,  which  consist  in  the  actual 
existence  of  injurious  laws,  and  not,  as  is  the  case  with 
American  farmers,  in  the  evasion  and  open  breaking  of  laws 
by  high-handed  aud  too-powerful  corporations,  are  in  a  fair 
way  of  being  abolished.  There,  as  here,  it  will  have  to  be 
done  by  organization  and  concerted  action.  In  both  cases, 
the  enemies  of  the  farmers  are  well  organized,  wealthy,  and 
unscrupulous;  in  both  cases,  it  is  a  battle  of  the  weak 
against  the  strong ;  and  in  both  cases,  the  odds  are  greatly 
in  the  favor  of  the  weak,  if  they  will  be  true  to  themselves. 
They  have  the  numerical  majority,  and  it  is  only  by 
fomenting  divisions  among  them  that  their  exactors  can 
longer  hope  to  continue  their  usurped  power. 


CHAPTER   V. 


AMERICAN  FARMERS'  CLUBS. 


AT  THE  TIME  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 

While  eminent  citizens  of  England  were  seeking,  by 
every  legitimate  means,  to  foster  the  interests  of  agricul 
ture,  a  corresponding  class  in  the  then  infant  States  of 
America  were  not  idle.  Manufactures  at  that  day  were 
comparatively  unknown,  or  only  in  their  infancy.  Then 
the  foremost  men  of  the  nation  were  farmers,  and  derived 
their  revenue  directly  from  the  soil.  Of  those  engaged  in  the 
various  professions  of  life,  many  still  clung  to  the  pursuit 
of  their  youth,  and  gave  their  farms  their  personal  super 
vision.  A  large  proportion  of  the  heroes  of  the  Revolu 
tion  left  the  plow  for  the  battle-field,  and  when  the  war 
was  over  returned  again  to  their  peaceful  art. 

Those,  indeed,  were  days  that  may  never  again  return. 
Then  there  was  no  swindling,  no  stock  jobbing,  no  Credit 
Mobilier,  no  open  buying  and  selling  of  votes,  no  fine  art 
of  lobbying,  no  overshadowing  monopolies.  The  offer  of  a 
bribe  was  scorned,  and  the  tempter  held  up  to  public  in 
dignation.  If  the  first  American  bribe-taker,  the  traitor 
Arnold,  could  have  been  secured,  he  would  have  swung  on 
a  gibbet  higher  than  Haman. 

Alas  !  how  changed.     In  this  day  of  fraud  and  corrup 
tion,  we  see  the  bribe-taker  and  the  swindling  and  drunken 
(62) 


THE   AMERICAN   FARMERS    CLUBS. 


63 


statesman  honored  and  courted  on  every  hand.  They  grow 
rich  by  gambling  in  gold  and  securities — the  life-blood  of 
the  nation;  they  fatten  and  grow  proud  on  panics,  which 
shatter  legitimate  industries ;  when  their  bubbles  burst  they 
bring  bankruptcy  to  the  honest  tradesman,  and  poverty 


A  Pennsylvania  Barn-yard. 

to  innocent  women  and  children,  without  any  compunction. 
Why  should  they  care  ?  The  law  protects  them,  or  at  least 
connives  at  them.  They  have  wealth.  This  species  of 
crime  is  not  odious,  as  it  was  in  the  days  of  our  forefathers, 
when  farmers  were  law-makers  and  the  rulers  in  the  land. 
It  never  will  be  made  odious,  until  farmers  again  take  the 
helm.  This  is  a  great  work — how  great  has  only  lately 
begun  to  be  appreciated.  Happily  the  means  of  its  accom 
plishment  already  exist,  and  this  great  social  and  political 


64  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

renovation  may  yet  be  brought  about,  through  the  agency 
of  farmers'  associations,  under  the  various  names  of  Clubs, 
Societies,  Unions,  or  Granges. 


CLUBS  IN  PENNSYLVANIA. 

The  first  society  formed  in  America  was  "  The  Philadel 
phia  Society  for  Promoting  Agriculture."  This  was  estab 
lished  in  March,  1785,  by  a  number  of  citizens  who,  al 
though  but  a  small  portion  of  them  were  actually  engaged 
in  farming,  were  actuated  by  a  sense  of  the  necessity  of 
such  an  organization  as  an  auxiliary  to  the  development  of 
the  resources  of  the  State  and  the  agricultural  interests 
of  the  country.  It  flourished  for  some  years,  and  at  its.  reg 
ular  meetings  much  valuable  information  was  elicited  from 
practical  men.  This  was  published  by  the  society,  and 
thus  disseminated  through  the  country  by  means  of  the 
press.  Among  the  awards  made  by  this  society  was  a 
gold  medal  to  Mr.  Mathewson,  in  1790,  for  the  best  sam 
ple  and  greatest  quantity  of  cheese. 

Like  many  another  benevolent  association,  it  afterward 
lost  much  of  its  vitality;  dark  days  came  upon  it,  and  it 
slumbered  for  years.  In  1804,  however,  it  was  resuscita 
ted  through  the  patriotic  exertions  of  Judge  Peters,  and 
thenceforward  for  a  considerable  period  continued  to  do 
much  good.  It  was  finally  incorporated  by  the  Legislature 
of  Pennsylvania  in  1809,  but  has  since  died  a  natural  death. 

The  example  set  by  the  earlier  societies  in  Pennsyl 
vania  has  not  been  lost.  Local  organizations  and  Boards 
of  Agriculture,  for  holding  fairs,  etc.,  have  sprung  up  in 
every  part  of  the  United  States.  These  have  exercised  an 
immense  power  for  good,  not  only  in  the  locality  where  the 
original  societies  were  organized,  but  throughout  the  land. 


CLUBS   IN  THE  SOUTH.  65 

The  seed  sown  has  spread  and  borne  abundant  fruit  in  the 
newer  States,  as  fast  as  the  population  has  become  sufficiently 
numerous  to  justify  the  formation  of  similar  organizations; 
and,  in  fact,  they  have  not  been  a  whit  behind  the  older  sec 
tions  of  the  country. 

CLUBS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

The  first  Agricultural  Society  ever  incorporated  in  Amer 
ica  was  that  established  in  South  Carolina,  in  1785,  called 


""When  Cotton  was  King." 

the  "  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Agriculture."  Its  ob 
jects  included  the  institution  of  a  farm  for  experiments  in 
agriculture,  and  the  importation  and  distribution  of  foreign 
productions  suited  to  the  climate  of  that  State.  Another 
prominent  object  was  to  direct  the  attention  of  farmers  and 
planters  to  the  economies  connected  with  the  agriculture  of 
the  State,  and  to  enlist  them  generally  in  the  improvement 
of  their  condition.  The  society  accomplished  an  excellent 
work,  among  other  things,  that  of  introducing  the  cultiva 
tion  of  the  olive  and  the  vine  into  the  State. 

Societies  for  the  promotion  of  agriculture  were  always  re 
garded  by  the  planters  and  statesmen  of  the  South  as  being 
of  the  first  importance ;  and  naturally  so,  for  the  reason  that 


66  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

agriculture  always  was  the  dominant — in  fact,  almost  the  ex 
clusive — interest  there;  more  than  this,  however,  from  the 
settlement  of  the  country  until  about  1860,  it  was  con 
fined  to  special  products,  as,  at  first,  tobacco,  then  cotton,  and, 
later,  sugar  ;  these  with  blooded  horses  and  cattle,  comprising 
the  chief  sources  of  wealth  of  the  southern  planter.  In  the 
earlier  history  of  the  South,  her  clubs  and  societies  were 
composed  of  men  of  wealth  and  position,  and,  like  the  ear 
lier  kindred  societies  of  Great  Britain,  were  exclusive  in 
their  nature. 

More  recently,  Agricultural  Societies  in  the  South  have 
taken  on  a  more  popular  character,  and  the  last  five  years 
has  witnessed  a  wonderful,  increase  in  the  number  of  clubs 
and  similar  organizations,  which  have  had  the  effect  to  re 
awaken  interest  in  this  rich  and  diversified  portion  of  our 
common  country,  and  to  induce  emigration  thither.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  this  will  be  the  means  of  developing  the 
immense  resources  of  this  fertile  region. 

CLUBS  IN  NEW  YORK. 

A  society  for  the  "  Advancement  of  Agriculture"  was  in 
corporated  in  New  York  in  1791,  but  it  became  defunct 
after  a  brief  existence  of  ten  years.  In  1792,  the  Legisla 
ture  of  the  same  State  incorporated  another  organization, 
under  the  title  of  the  "  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Agri 
culture,  Manufactures,  and  Arts,"  and  again,  in  1804,  a 
"Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Useful  Arts,"  in  the  recital 
of  which  arts,  agriculture  is  first  named.  This  society 
published  seven  volumes  of  Transactions  previous  to  1815. 

The  New  York  State  Agricultural  Society  held  its  first- 
regular  fair  in  1840,  the  small  sum  of  twelve  and  a  half 
cents  being  charged  for  admission.  Since  that  time  the  so.' 


CLUBS   IN   NEW   YORK.  67 

ciety  has  grown  in  magnitude  year  by  year,  exercising  a 
powerful  influence  upon  the  growth  of  agricultural  art  in 
the  State.  Clubs  have  multiplied,  and  the  Legislature  of 
the  State,  being  finally  roused  to  action,  principally  through 
the  writings  of  Judge  Buell  and  the  efforts  of  his  contem 
poraries,  many  of  whom  are  still  living,  has  done  its  duty 
toward  agriculture. 

The  result  has  been  the  introduction  of  a  systematic  cul 
ture,  under  whose  beneficent  operations  New  York  now 
stands  the  first  State  in  the  Union  in  the  diversity  and 
wealth  of  its  products.  Its  agriculture  has  stimulated 
manufactures,  built  large  cities,  opened  avenues  of  trade 
and  commerce,  and  scattered  all  over  it  a  population 
that  has  made  it  the  Empire  State  of  our  great  Kepub- 
lic.  Its  farmers  have  demonstrated  that  in  a  diversi 
fied  agriculture  consists  the  true  wealth  of  a  community, 
whether  of  a  town,  county,  or  State. 

While  this  has  been  the  case,  however,  its  great  maritime 
city,  New  York,  has  managed,  through  its  vast  aggrega 
tion  of  wealth,  chiefly  in  the  hands  of  a  few  unscrupulous 
individuals,  to  manipulate  and  get  possession  of  the  carry 
ing  trade  to  and  from  the  West.  It  has  bought  legisla 
tures  and  controlled  the  finances  of  the  country.  By  a  nod, 
a  few  of  its  money  kings  can  signify  how  much  or  how 
little  western  farmers  are  to  get  for  their  produce.  The 
unconscionable  exactions  of  its  railroad  potentates  have 
roused  a  bitter  feeling  of  indignation,  and  just  now  it  is 
waking  up  to  the  fact  that,  though  powerful,  it  is  not  om 
nipotent.  It  begins  to  realize  that,  unless  some  change  is 
made,  the  traffic  which  once  poured  money  into  its  coffers 
will  find  other  channels,  and  Montreal,  Quebec,  Boston, 
Baltimore,  and  New  Orleans  reign,  perchance,  in  its  stead, 


68  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

"AMERICAN  INSTITUTE  FARMERS'  CLUB." 

This  society,  founded  in  1843,  had  a  more  than  usually 
active  career  for  thirty  years,  or  until  the  summer  of  1873, 
when,  from  various  causes,  many  of  them  of  chronic  standing, 
it  ceased  to  hold  its  regular  meetings.  During  the  first 
twenty  years  of  its  existence,  it  effected  a  vast  amount  of 
good,  and,  through  its  published  Transactions  and  the  news 
paper  press,  exercised  an  immense  influence,  reaching  over 
the  whole  country.  It  has  numbered  many  eminent  men 
among  its  members,  and  its  fairs,  held  annually  in  New 
York  City,  have  always  excited  much  interest. 

Of  late  years,  unfortunately,  it  has  been  managed  by 
unpractical,  theoretical  men,  and  has  lost  its  former  hold  on 
public  attention,  various  rumors  of  "  axe-grinding "  and 
other  irregularities  becoming  current.  In  the  summer  of 
1873,  its  meetings  ceased  to  be  held,  and,  to  all  appearance,  the 
Club  was  a  thing  of  the  past.  A  few  months  later,  however, 
its  meetings  were  resumed,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  it  will 
profit  by  its  season  of  rest. 

The  Institute  Farmers'  Club  has  certainly  borne  a  prom 
inent  and  most  honorable  part  in  bringing  the  agriculture  of 
the  State  to  the  advanced  position  which  it  now  occupies ;  and, 
had  its  labors  extended  to  no  other  field,  it  might  well  be 
proud  of  the  manner  in  which  its  members  strove  for  agri 
cultural  education  during  its  days  of  vigor  and  practical 
endeavor.  Let  us  hope  that  it  will  renew  its  youth,  and 
more  than  emulate  its  former  usefulness. 


CLUBS  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

But,  away  back  beyond  the  date  of  the  organization  last 
named;  we  had  Farmers'  Clubs;  for  we  find  that,  in  1803, 


CLUBS   IN   MASSACHUSETTS.  DV 

in  the  old  Bay  State,  the  Trustees  of  the  "  Massachusetts 
Society  for  Promoting  Agriculture,"  offered,  among  others, 
the  following  premiums  :  . 

"  To  the  person  who  shall  discover  a  cheap  and  effectual 
method  of  destroying  the  canker-worm,  a  premium  of  $100, 
or  the  society's  Gold  Medal." 


162O— The  Genius  of  History. 


"  For  a  heap  of  best  compost  manure  from  the  common 
materials  of  the  farm — for  not  less  than  200  tons — with  a 
description  of  the  method,  $50." 

"  For  the  most  thri'fty  trees  from  seed,  not  less  than  600, 
and  not  less  than  at  the  rate  of  2,400  per  acre,  of  oak,  ash, 
elm,  sugar-maple,  beech,  black  and  yellow  birch,  chestnut, 
Walnut,  or  hickory,  $25  ;  or,  if  all  of  oak,  $50 ;  to  be  claimed 
On  or  before  October  1,  1806." 

"  For  accurate  analyses  of  the  constituent  parts  of  several 
fertile  soils,  respectively  so  of  poor  soils,  and  how,  by  actual 
experiment,  to  remedy  the  evils,  so  that  it  can  be  practiced 
by  common  farmers,  $50.  And  if  it  shall  appear  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  Trustees,  that  the  improvement  is  more 
than  equal  to  the  expense,  then  an  additional  $100," 


70 


THE 


THE  PRESENT  WANT  AND  FUTUHE  DUTY.  71 

TEE  SPREAD  OF  AGRICULTURAL  SOCIETIES. 

From  the  beginnings  thus  imperfectly  sketched,  Agricul 
tural  Societies  and  Farmers'  Clubs  have  multiplied  and  spread, 
until  now  there  are  none  of  the  States,  and  but  few  of  the 
Territories,  which  are  destitute  of  more  or  less  organizations 
of  this  character.  These  hold  annual  fairs,  and  distribute 
large  amounts  in  premiums  yearly,  embracing  the  entire 
scope  of  agricultural  and  horticultural  art,  and  domestic 
manufactures.  Agricultural  Societies  are  in  active  operation 
in  nearly  every  county  of  the  Northern  States.  In  the 
South,  the  popular  interest  in  these  matters  is  spreading 
steadily,  and  deepening  every-where.  It  will  be  but  a  few 
years,  at  most,  before  this  section  of  the  Union  will  be  enabled 
to  organize  societies  as  generally  as  have  the  East  and  West. 

THE  PRESENT  WANT  AND  FUTURE  DUTY. 

What  is  now  wanted,  and  what  is  slowly  being  secured,  is  a 
unity  of  action  by  which  the  town  and  district  clubs  proper 
may  become  the  integrals  of  the  county  societies,  these  again 
sustaining  the  same  relation  to  the  State  Boards  of  Agricul 
ture,  which,  in  their  turn,  may  form  the  constituent  members 
of  a  National  Society,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  advance  the 
true  interests  of  the  agricultural  masses.  The  perfect  or 
ganization  thus  outlined  must  be  formed  by  the  persistent 
action  of  the  Clubs,  Granges,  Farmers'  Unions,  etc.,  that  are 
now  being  organized  in  vast  numbers  throughout  the  land. 

When  the  prime  object  for  which  these  societies  are  now 
being  instituted  shall  have  been  attained ;  that  is,  when  the 
Transportation  Companies  have  been  brought  back  to  a  prac 
tical  realization  of  their  position  as  servants  of  the  people, 
instead  of  being  as  now  their  masters ;  when  the  towering 
monopolies  now  overshadowing  the  land  have  been  crippled; 


72  THE   QROUNDSWELL. 

and  when  a  purer  class  of  men  have  been  elevated  to  pub 
lic  office,  high  and  low,  then  these  societies  can  settle  down 
into  the  steady  work  pertaining  to  their  position  and  the 
profession  which  they  represent. 

They  can  go  on  collecting  data  relating  to  the  every-day 
economy  of  farm  life,  and  make  themselves  useful  to  the 
country  in  a  thousand  various  ways.  Meanwhile,  and  always, 
it  will  behoove  them  to  continue  "  standing  guard  "  over  the 
interests  of  the  agricultural  classes,  and  see  to  it  that  these 
do  not  again  find  themselves  bound  as  with  fetters  of  iron, 
and  thrown  helpless  before  the  car  of  the  Juggernaut,  cap 
ital. 


CHAPTER  VL 


POWER  OF  THE  FARMERS* 


WHY  FARMERS  DO  NOT  WIELD  POLITICAL  POWER. 

We  have  shown  that  heretofore  our  legislative  bodies 
have  been  composed  of  professional  men  chiefly.  There  are 
a  number  of  reasons  why  this  has  been  the  case;  the 
principal  one  being  that  we  are  all  too  much  inclined  to  be 
led  away  by  what  has  been  vulgarly  called  the  gift  of  gab. 
A  good  talker,  that  is,  one  who  is  able,  from  a  natural  flow 
of  words,  to  talk  glibly,  albeit  without  argument,  naturally 
leads  the  masses  the  world  over.  Lawyers  are,  notably, 
sophists,  and  many  of  them  sound  reasoners  and  deep  think 
ers.  Their  education  gives  them  such  training  that  they 
naturally  wield  great  influence.  Hence  their  vast  prepon 
derance  amdng  those  elected  to  do  the  legislation. 

Another  reason  why  farmers  have  not  secured  a  proper 
representation  is,  that,  as  a  class,  they  are  not  a  reading 
people ;  and  yet  there  is  no  calling  in  life,  requiring  contin 
ued  manual  labor,  in  which  so  much  of  that  invaluable  ele 
ment,  brains,  can  be  exercised,  or  where  so  much  is  accom 
plished  in  this  direction  by  natural  thinkers,  as  that  of  the 
farmer.  He  may  pursue  any  given  train  of  thought  while 
plowing,  driving  his  team  along  the  road,  and  during  many 
other  of  his  occupations,  which  the  mechanic  or  artisan  can 
not  do. 

4  (73) 


74  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

The  statistics  of  the  book  trade,  however,  show  that  the 
average  farmer  is  not  an  average  reader,  either  of  books  or 
newspapers — especially  of  those  devoted  to  his  profession. 
But  farmers,  although  working  slowly  for  the  better  in  this 
respect,  are  nevertheless  working  surely.  The  rising  gener 
ation  is  thirsting  after  knowledge,  and  when  it  has  fairly  en 
tered  the  arena  of  public  action  must,  if  its  predecessors 
do  not,  solve  the  problem  of  the  social  and  political  equal 
ity  of  the  masses. 

OUR  DEFECTIVE  EDUCATIONAL  SYSTEM. 

One  great  difficulty  is  that  our  "higher  system  "  of  edu 
cation  has  tended  to  bring  labor  into  contempt.  Happily, 
this  also  is  being  changed.  The  elements  of  science  are  now 
taught  in  many  of  our  common  schools,  though  imperfectly, 
in  most  cases,  and  through  the  old  groove-channels  of  the 
dead  past.  Our  colleges  are  beginning  to  see  the  necessity 
of  instruction  in  the  practical  application  of  science.  Our 
agricultural  colleges,  especially,  are  manifesting  a  just  ap 
preciation  of  that  higher  education  which  teaches  of  things 
rather  than  of  theories. 

The  "  coming  farmer  "  must  be  educated  to  a  fairer  and 
broader  comprehension  of  the  true  status  of  the  masses,  and 
the  advancement  of  the  industries.  He  must  study  for  his 
business,  just  as  the  merchant  does  for  his,  and  as  the  pro 
fessional  man  does  for  his.  This  attainment  is  growing 
easier  every  day ;  for,  with  the  progressive  settlement  of 
a  country,  the  agricultural  masses  become  less  and  less  seg 
regated,  and  neighborhood  Clubs,  Granges,  and  social  re 
unions  are  more  and  more  possible. 

If  the  farmer  and  the  artisan  longer  refuse  to  do  their 
share  in  the  education  to;  and  the  legislation  for,  the  great 


THE   FARMERS   MUST  AROUSE   THEMSELVES.  75 

body  politic,  they  will  have  none  to  blame  save  themselves. 
The  initial  point  upon  which  all  this  must  hinge,  so  far  as 
concerns  the  farmer,  is  the  neighborhood  Club  or  Grange,  in 
like  manner  as  with  Unions  among  artisans.  The  latter 
class,  by  the  way,  are  still  far  in  advance  of  the  farmers  in 
this  respect.  Their  organizations  can  make  themselves  felt, 
and  are  growing  daily  in  power  and  importance. 

FARMERS  MUST  AROUSE  THEMSELVES. 

Farmers,  you  must  arouse  yourselves  to  the  dignity  and 
importance  of  your  calling.  You  must  educate  yourselves 
to  that  intellectual  status  which  will  enable  you  to  rule,  as 
you  are  entitled  to  do  by  your  numerical  strength,  instead 
of  being  ruled,  as  now,  by  classes  in  nowise  your  superiors, 
save  as  you  permit  them  so  to  make  themselves. 

To  do  this,  you  must  work,  you  must  read,  you  must 
think !  You  must  combine,  and  support  the  organizations 
for  your  elevation  and  advancement  already  founded.  You 
must  array  yourselves  in  solid  column,  and  insist,  by  your 
voting  power,  that  the  law-makers  whom  you  elect  do  their 
duty,  by  subserving  the  interests  of  the  whole  people,  and 
not  those  of  merely  a  class. 

A  nation  should  be  represented  by  its  dominant  industries. 
Agriculture  is  the  dominant  interest  of  the  United  States. 
You  have  the  power,  if  you  choose  to  use  it.  You  represent 
a  majority  of  the  voting  power,  and  your  productions  con 
stitute  one-half  the  gross  annual  value  of  all  the  products  of 
all  the  varied  industries  of  the  country,  or  nearly  four 
thousand  millions  of  dollars. 

The  artisan  should  have  his  full  share  of  representation, 
and  the  merchant,  the  manufacturer,  and  the  other  profes 
sions  should  have  theirs.  Nay,  even  the  gambler  in  stocks 


THE  GROUNDSWELL. 


ought,  perhaps,  to  have  what  representation  he  is  entitled 
to,  although  it  would  be  somewhat  difficult,  under  a  just 
pro  rata,  to  see  just  where  his  individual  member  of  Con 
gress  would  come  in.  Perhaps,  New  York  and  some  other 
of  the  great  cities  might  gain  one  by  clubbing  together. 

There  is  one  important  point  in  this  connection  which 
farmers  must  constantly  keep  before  their  minds.  It  is 
that,  having  put  their  hands  to  the  plow,  there  must  be  no 
looking  back.  "Revolutions  never  go  backward,"  is  a  good 
saying  and  a  true  one.  The  agitation  now  going  on  must 


Brought  to  the  Bar  at  Last. 

be  continued,  until  the  corruption  now  rife  among  our 
public  men  has  received  its  death  wound.  The  centralizing 
and  monopolizing  tendencies  of  capital  must  be  unceasingly 
combatted  until  they  be  checked,  or  our  country  will  soon 
be  free  only  in  name.  The  Transportation  Companies  must 
be  made  to  feel  that  the  power  which  created  them  can  also 
regulate  them;  that,  while  their  just  rights  will  be  re 
spected,  such  vested  interests  as  they  claim,  which  are 
antagonistic  to  the  public  good,  are,  de  facto,  nullities. 

The  results  of  the  Farmers'  Movement  have,  already,  un 
mistakably  shown  themselves.      The  infant  Hercules  has 


NXJMEBICAL  STKENGTH  OF  THE   FARMEKS.  77 

strangled  the  serpent  in  his  cradle — witness  the  Illinois 
judicial  elections,  the  Illinois  "Bailroad  Law,"  and  the  panic 
precipitated  among  stock-jobbers  by  the  prescience  of  their 
impending  fate.  And  truly  it  is  time  that  the  many-headed 
hydra  of  corruption  prepared  for  its  approaching  end. 

NUMERICAL  STRENGTH  OF  THE  FARMERS. 

Twenty  years  ago,  the  numerical  strength  of  the  Agri 
cultural,  compared  with  all  other  of  the  producing,  classes 
in  this  country,  was  as  three  and  a  half  to  one.  The  rela 
tive  difference  in  the  number  of  farmers  and  that  of  the  ag 
gregate  of  mechanics  and  manufacturers  was  as  five  to  one. 
The  preponderance  of  the  farmer  over  the  so-called  "  learned 
professions  "  was  in  the  proportion  of  fifty-six  to  one ;  and 
of  all  the  producing  classes  over  all  the  learned  professions, 
as  seventy-two  to  one. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that,  over  the  whole  country,  it  then 
took  one  individual  out  of  seventy-three  to  bleed  and  blister, 
preach  to,  and  plead  for,  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
Nearly  seven-eighths  of  the  legislation  of  the  country,  how 
ever,  has  always  been  performed  by  one  of  these  professions, 
namely,  the  law. 

At  the  present  time  (using  the  latest  tabulated  statement 
which  I  have  seen)  the  adult  population  of  the  United 
States  is  divided,  as  to  occupations,  as  mentioned  in  the  first 
table  on  the  page  following. 

A  glance  at  the  second  table  reveals  the  fact  that  nearly 
one-half  of  the  total  earnings  of  the  country  are  composed 
of  the  earnings  of  the  agriculturist.  But  it  will  be  ob 
served  that  this  sum,  immense  as  it  is,  represents  less  than 
five  hundred  dollars  per  caput,  per  annum,  for  those  actually 
engaged  therein. 


8  THE   GKOUNDSWELL. 

Agrieultural  pursuits 5,922,471 

Domestic  servants 975,734 

Ordinary  laborers 1,031,666 

Trade  and  transportation 1,191,238 

Manufactures 2,555,314 

Miners 152,107 

Total  engaged  in  non-professional  pursuits 11,828,530 

Engaged  in  professional  pursuits ..„..,,..,.        677,393 

Total.. 12,505,923 

The  value  of  the  products  of  the  several  industries  is 
estimated  in  approximate  figures  as  follows : 

Products  of  artisans,   machinists,  carpenters,  blacksmiths, 

masons,  and  the  like $1,000,000,000 

Leather  manufactures 226,000,000 

Iron  and  steel  manufactures 120,000,000 

Cotton  manufactures 71,500,000 

Woolen  manufactures 66,000,000 

Unskilled  laborand  distributors 1,600,000,000 

Fisheries 100,000,000 

Railway  services 360,000,000 

Agriculture 3,300,000,000 

This  makes  the  gross  products  of  the  country  not  quite $7,000,000,000 


REPRESENTATION  OF  THE  FARMERS. 

When  we  come  to  compare  the  actual  amount  of  the  rep 
resentation  of  the  farmers,  both  in  our  National  and  State 
legislatures,  with  the  amount  to  which  they  are  entitled,  both 
in  respect  of  their  numbers  and  property,  an  astonishing  dis 
proportion  is  revealed.  Of  the  two  hundred  and  ninety-two 
Kepresentatives  in  Congress,  only  six  per  cent,  are  farmers, 
while  of  the  remainder  sixty-five  per  cent,  are  lawyers ;  the 
residue  is  mostly  composed  of  other  professional  men.  In  the 
State  legislatures  the  proportions  are  not  very  different.  As 
long  as  this  is  the  case — as  long  as  farmers  suffer  themselves 


REPRESENTATION  OF  THE   FARMERS.  79 

to  be  represented  by  men  who  have  no  interests  in  common 
with  themselves,  whose  advantage  it  is,  indeed,  that  the 
laws  should  be  as  complicated  and  obscure  as  possible — 
farmers  can  not  hope  that  their  interests  will  receive  proper 
attention. 

If  this  state  of  things  be  suffered  to  continue,  the  farmers 
will  have  themselves  to  blame  for  their  various  grievances. 
They  must  no  longer  suffer  the  village  caucus  to  be  manipu 
lated  by  the  'Squire,  the  doctor,  the  merchant,  and  the 
"  bummer,"  to  whom,  hitherto,  they  have  been  too  ready  to 
leave  the  direction  of  their  affairs.  Farmers  must  attend  the 
primary  meetings  and  see  that,  for  the  town  and  county 
offices,  as  well  as  for  the  State  and  National  legislatures, 
persons  of  their  own  class,  or  known  to  be  in  sympathy  with 
them,  be  elected. 

Our  farmers  are  not  by  any  means  free  from  blame  for  the 
condition  into  which  public  affairs  have  drifted.  They  have 
allowed  their  business  to  monopolize  their  attention,  blind  to 
the  fact  that,  while  their  assiduity  may  have  netted  them  a 
dollar,  designing  rascals  were  laying  their  plans  for  robbing 
them  of  fifty  cents.  As  a  class,  they  neglected  to  inform 
themselves  upon  the  current  topics  of  the  day.  Therefore, 
they  have  fallen  easy  victims  to  swindlers  of  all  shades — 
political  swindlers  chief  of  all.  Now  that  they  have  awak 
ened  to  their  interests,  we  see  the  work  of  political  regenera 
tion  making  cheering  progress,  and  still  the  tide  is  rising. 

UNITED,  EARNEST  ACTION  DEMANDED. 

All  other  trades  and  professions,  both  in  this  country  and 
in  England,  have  their  recognized  organs.  Most  of  them  have 
an  Association,  Society,  Club,  Union,  or  something  that 
answers  the  same  purpose.  They  never  indulge  in  bickerings 


80  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

and  strife  among  themselves;  but  they  are,  at  all  times, 
willing  to  unite  and  sow  dissension  among  the  farmers.  The 
latter,  in  this  country,  if  united,  as  their  enemies  are,  could 
carry  any  measure  they  please,  by  sheer  weight  of  metal. 

Some  statisticians  place  the  voting  power  of  the  farmers 
at  less  than  two-fifths  of  the  entire  vote  of  the  country.  I 
am  inclined  to  think  that  the  actual  power  of  the  farmers  far 
exceeds  this  proportion.  But  even  if  my  estimate  of  their 
strength  is  somewhat  in  excess  of  the  actual  figures,  it  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  there  are  certain  classes,  in  small 
towns  and  villages  especially,  whose  interests  are  intimately 
connected  with  those  of  the  farmers,  and  whose  votes  natu 
rally  belong  with  theirs,  and  in  any  distinctively  drawn  contest 
could  be  depended  on  by  them. 

I  repeat  that,  in  future,  the  farmer  must,  as  a  matter  of 
self-preservation,  take  a  more  active  interest  in  politics. 
The  concerns  of  the  nation,  State,  county,  and  township, 
must  no  longer  be  left  to  be  manipulated  by  professional 
politicians,  whose  conception  of  the  whole  duty  of  man  con 
sists  simply  in  looking  sharp  and  making  the  most  of  every 
possible  chance  of  advancing  the  interests  of  "  Number  One." 
The  Clubs,  Granges,  and*  other  organizations  will  eventually 
here  find,  perhaps,  their  most  useful  field.  A  scattering 
vote  of  the  farmers  would,  of  course,  be  ineffectual.  What 
is  to  be  done  will  have  to  be  done  in  concert  and  en  masse. 

The  Granges,  by  their  regulations,  can  not  discuss  politics 
or  religion  at  their  meetings;  but  this  does  not  prevent 
individual  Patrons  from  using  their  judgment  in  selecting 
their  candidates,  nor  does  it  preclude  them  from  combining 
their  votes,  if  they  see  proper  to  do  so.  When  the  Clubs 
and  Granges  have  solidified  their  organizations  (which  they 
are  now  actively  doing),  then  will  be  an  excellent  time  for 
small  politicians  to  stand  frc-m  under, 


tJNION  OF  CLUBS  AND  ORANGES  NECESSARY.  81 

UNION  OF  CLUBS  AND  GRANGES  NECESSARY. 

It  is  apparent  to  every  one  who  has  carefully  followed  up 
the  Farmers'  Movement  that  there  has  been  a  certain  ai»ount 
of  jealousy  and  rivalry  existing  between  the  Grange*  and 


The  Motto  for  Farmers, 


Clubs.  These  little  differences  have  been  fomented  by  cer 
tain  interests,  speaking  through  organs  which  have  spared 
no  means  of  sowing  dissensions  between  them ;  on  the  one 
hand,  decrying  the  Grange  as  being  a  secret  society,  and,  on 
the  other,  stigmatizing  the  open  workings  of  the  Club  as 
foolish,  or  at  least,  ineffectual,  from  the  facility  with  which 
politicians  manipulate  them. 

It  is  absolutely  essential  that  these  petty  differences  should 
cease.     The  leading  spirits  both  of  the  Clubs  and  Granges 
are  well  aware  of  this,  and  do  their  best  to  make  common 
4* 


82  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

cause  against  the  enemy.  In  those  States  where  both  Clubs 
and  Granges  exist,  an  organization,  similar  in  character  to 
that  of  the  Illinois  Farmers'  Association,  which  consists  of 
both  orders,  should  be  set  on  foot.  From  the  first  inception 
of  the  agitation  against  Transportation  Companies  and  monop 
olies  generally,  one  fact  has  been  more  and  more  clearly  devel 
oping  itself,  namely,  that  the  only  remedy  for  the  grievances 
of  the  farming  community  is  a  radical  one — the  substitution, 
in  large  degree,  of  farmers'  representatives  in  our  legislatures, 
State  and  National,  for  the  present  cliques  of  lawyers  and 
politicians.  Combined,  the  Granges  and  Clubs  will  shortly 
be  able  to  effect  this ;  separate  and  semi-antagonistical,  they 
will  fail  utterly. 

It  is  proper  to  say  that  I  am  not  a  member  of  the  Order 
of  Patrons  of  Husbandry.  So  far  as  I  am  informed,  judging 
from  the  stand-point  of  an  outside  but  much  interested  spec 
tator,  the  secret  feature  of  that  order  seems  to  be  sufficient 
to  disqualify  it  for  receiving  into  its  ranks  our  Eoman  Cath 
olic  farmers.  At  any  rate,  there  are  many  most  excellent 
citizens  who  are  opposed,  on  principle,  to  secret  societies  of 
any  kind.  For  these  reasons  it  is  necessary,  if  the  organiza 
tion  of  our  farmers  is  to  go  to  the  length  required  to  make  it 
invincible,  that  there  should  be  open  Clubs,  working  con 
jointly  with  the  Granges,  and  to  the  same  end. 

It  is  far  from  desirable,  however,  in  my  opinion,  that  our 
farmers  should  attempt  to  organize  themselves  into  a  political 
party ;  for  even  if  they  should  succeed  in  the  endeavor,  they 
would  but  exchange  King  Log  for  King  Stork.  The  easiest 
way  out  of  their  difficulties,  it  seems  to  me,  clearly  is  for  the 
farmers  to  vote  for  such  men,  and  such  men  only,  as  they 
know  to  be  identified  with  their  interests  and  those  of  the 
whole  people;  in  fact,  that  their  policy  should  largely  be 
"  men;  not  measures." 


UNION  OF   CLUBS  AND  GRANGES  NECESSARY.  83 

Men  of  known  worth  and  strength  of  character  must  be 
induced  to  take  office— men  whose  sturdy  integrity  and 
intelligence  shall  make  them  proof  against  the  sophistry  and 
blandishments  of  the  insinuating  lobbyist,  no  matter  in  what 
disguise  his  "job"  may  be  presented.  When  this  is  done, 
"  politician  "  and  "  corruptionist  "  will  cease  to  be  synonyms, 
and  the  cloud  of  dishonor  which  now  rests  on  our  legislation 
will  be  lifted,  and,  let  us  hope,  forever. 


CHAPTEE   VII. 


CO-OPERATION  AMONG  THE  INDUSTRIES 


WHAT  ORGANIZATION  MAY  ACCOMPLISH. 

It  can  not  be  doubted  that,  if  organizations  of  a  social 
nature  were  established  in  every  school  district,  auxiliary  to 
County  Societies  having  for  their  object  the  protection  and 
advancement  of  the  best  interests  of  the  agricultural  classes ; 
if  these,  again,  were  the  units  of  a  State  Society  or  Club 
which,  in  similar  manner,  should  guard  and  conserve  all 
the  varied  elements  concerned  in  making  agriculture  re 
spectable  and  successful,  and  should  secure  for  it  a  just 
share,  through  its  own  members,  in  the  management  of  state 
affairs;  and  if,  finally,  these  State  organizations,  through 
delegates  elected  each  year,  should  meet  at  some  designated 
point  in  the  country  to  agree  upon  principles  of  action,  and 
arrange  and  provide  for  the  necessary  means  for  carrying 
them  out — it  would  be  but  a  short  time  before  the  agricul 
tural  fraternity  of  the  nation  might — 

First.  Arrange  for  a  co-operative  system  of  trade. 

Second.  Purchase  implements  and  machinery  at  whole 
sale  rates. 

Third.  Dispose  of  grain  and  other  agricultural  products 
at  the  highest  prices. 

Fourth.  Direct  shipments  on  the  most  favorable  terms, 
and  at  equitable  rates  to  all. 

(84) 


CO-OPERATION  AMONG  THE  INDUSTRIES.  85 

Fifth.  Store  grain  and  negotiate  advances,  at  the  lowest 
rates  of  interest. 

Sixth.  Establish  banks  to  be  controlled  by  farmers. 

Seventh.  Replace  the  credit  with  a  cash  system  in  all  the 
ordinary  transactions  of  life. 

Eighth.  Through  co-operation,  sell  or  hold,  as  circum 
stances  rendered  necessary,  the  various  products,  of  the  na 
tional  industries,  thus  controlling,  or  entirely  abolishing,  the 
present  system  of  gambling  in  the  prime  necessaries  of  life. 

Ninth.  Dispense  with  a  large  proportion  of  commission 
and  middle  men. 

Tenth.  Keduce  railroad  and  water  freights  and  fares  to  a 
minimum. 

Eleventh.  Break  up  monopolies,  whether  in  trade,  com 
merce,  manufactures,  or  money. 

Twelfth.  Through  co-operation  of  the  farmers  with  me 
chanics  and  other  laboring  classes,  establish  manufactures 
at  home,  as  near  as  possible  to  the  production  of  the  raw 
material,  so  that  we  might  gradually  produce  at  home  nearly 
all  that  may  be  needed,  in  place  of  importing  heavily  from 
foreign  countries. 

Thirteenth.  Encourage  the  breeding  of  superior  stock. 

Fourteenth.  Establish  a  more  thorough  system  of  cultiva 
tion,  and  a  greater  diversity  of  products,  thus  preventing  a 
glut  of  any  one  of  them,  such  as  there  has  been  of  corn  dur 
ing  the  last  two  seasons  at  the  West. 

Fifteenth.  Promote  education  to  the  industries  by  insist 
ing  that  every  college  or  university  which  has  received  en 
dowment  from  the  State  or  General  Government  as  such, 
shall  use  the  funds  for  instruction  in  science,  and  the  ap 
plication  of  science  to  art. 

Sixteenth.  Through  co-operation  with  the  several  indus 
tries  of  the  country,  present  and  future,  insist  upon  a  just 


86  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

representation  of  these  industries  in  our  State  and  National 
Governments,  in  proportion  to  the  voting  powers  of  each, 
and  its  legitimate  importance  and  value  in  the  nation. 

SUPERIOR  ORGANIZATION  OF  OTHER  INDUSTRIES. 

Many  of  the  industrial  classes,  not  only  in  the  United 
States,  but  also  throughout  the  civilized  world,  and  espe 
cially  in  England,  have  been  for  years  assiduously  engage^ 
in  organizing  for  the  elevation  and  advancement  of  their 
several  trades  and  industries — socially,  financially,  and 
politically — by  means  of  Unions  and  Societies  of  various 
kinds.  For  one  reason  or  another,  the  most  important  of 
these  industries,  and  the  one  upon  which  all  others  are 
based — Agriculture — has  not  yet  been  organized  so  as  to 
present  a  united  and  solid  front  to  the  encroachments  of 
capitalized  power,  as  existing  in  corporations  and  monopo 
lies,  or  the  overweening  political  aspirations  of  the  so-called 
learned  professions.  The  result  is,  that,  while  the  various 
Trades'  Unions  have  measurably  held  their  own  as  against 
these  encroachments,  the  farmer,  contenting  himself  with 
raising  raw  material  with  which  to  feed  the  great  masses 
of  progressive  humanity,  has  suddenly  found  himself  with 
but  few  rights  which  any  one  seemed  bound  to  respect. 

THE  PENALTY  PAID  FOR  PAST  NEGLIGENCE. 

Our  farmers  have  helped  to  elect  congressmen  who  legis 
lated  away  the  public  lands  in  the  most  shameful  manner 
to  those  who  would  divide  the  proceeds  of  this  knavery 
with  them  to  the  largest  extent.  They  have  made  legisla 
tures  which  have  granted  to  corporations  vested  rights  dan 
gerous  in  the  highest  degree  to  the  well-being  of  the  com- 


PENALTY   PAID   FOR   PAST   NEGLIGENCE.  87 


THE  FARMER. 


THE  MINER. 


THE  BLACKSMITH. 


THE  MACHINIST. 


THE  SEAMSTRESS. 


THE  BUILDER. 


Some  of  the  Classes  that  should  Co-operate, 


-88  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

munity  at  large.  They  have  subsidized  railroads  with 
money  obtained  by  the  mortgage  of  their  farms,  which  rail 
roads,  being  completed,  have  been  absorbed  by  the  great 
trunk  lines,  controlled  and  manipulated  by  a  handful  of 
money-grabbing  adventurers  in  the  great  cities  of  the  East. 
The  American  farmers'  case,  in  a  nut- shell,  is  about  as 
follows :  He  was  a  hard  worker,  and  the  lawyer  legislated 
away  his  substance.  Needing  help  and  health  and 
strength,  the  doctor  purged  and  bled  him;  whereupon  the 
undertaker,  believing  him  nearly  ready  for  the  last  rites,  be 
gan  preparing  the  shroud  and  coffin  for  his  burial.  By  the 
lawyer  we  mean  the  politician;  by  the  doctor,  the  railroad 
and  other  moneyed  corporations;  and  by  the  undertaker, 
the  consolidation  of  power,  through  monopoly,  which,  in  its 
arrogance,  has  undertaken  to  say  what  the  farmer  shall  re 
ceive  as  the  price  of  his  sweat  and  toil. 


THE  AGRICULTURAL  PRESS  A  TRUSTY  COUN 
SELOR. 

Happily,  during  all  this  time,  the  farmer  has  had  the 
stimulating  counsel  of  the  Agricultural  press,  which  has 
maintained  a  stubborn  front,  and  has  been  the  means  of  set 
ting  on  foot  the  organizations  out  of  which  deliverance  is 
to  come.  The  power  of  that  press  for  good,  however,  has 
been  limited,  compared  with  the  influence  of  the  organs  of 
other  professions,  first,  from  the  fact  that  farmers  are  scat 
tered  over  wide  areas,  while  other  professions  are  concentra 
ted  in  villages  and  cities ;  and,  second,  because  farmers,  as  a 
class,  are  not  a  reading  people.  In  proportion  to  their  num 
bers,  they  read  less  of  general  news  and  the  current  litera 
ture  devoted  to  their  profession  than  any  other  class,  not 
even  excepting  the  day  laborers  of  the  cities.  They  have 


THE  POWER  OF  THE   MONEYED   CLASSES.  89 

had  all  along  an  overweening  faith  in  the  honesty  of  human 
nature,  forgetting  that  faith  without  good  works  is  of  but 
little  avail,  and  that  among  good  works  lies  the  faithful  im 
provement  of  the  privilege  which  Providence  has  given  each 
class  to  use  for  its  own  good  every  legitimate  means  that  is 
placed  in  its  power. 

The  most  available  of  these  means  are  the  journals  devo 
ted  to  the  interests  of  agriculture,  and  good  books.  Next,  are 
his  organizations,  at  the  meetings  of  which  he  may  consult 
and  debate.  In  short,  he  must  first  read,  study,  and  reflect, 
and  then  he  may  intelligently  resolve,  wisely  remedy,  and 
thoroughly  regenerate. 

One  of  the  great  means  for  carrying  forward  the  good 
work  which  is  the  immediate  end  and  aim  of  the  Farmers' 
Movement,  is  aggregation  by  co-operation — the  bringing  to 
gether  of  homogeneous  bodies,  and  causing  them  to  work 
unitedly  to  a  particular  end.  The  varied  industries  of  which 
Agriculture  consists  are  homogeneous.  Husbandry,  Stock- 
breeding  and  feeding,  Dairying,  Horticulture  (including,  as  it 
does,  Pomology,  Arboriculture,  Floriculture,  Vegetable  Gar 
dening,  and  rural  adornment) — these  several  professions 
make  up  over  three-fourths  in  number  of  the  population  of 
civilized  communities,  and  ought  actually  to  represent  a  con 
trolling  power  in  the .  nation.  Two  reasons  why  they  do 
not  have  been  stated.  Another  might  be  mentioned,  the  re 
sult  of  their  unavoidable  segregation,  namely,  the  lack  of 
cohesion  among  the  various  parts  which  constitute  the 
whole. 


THE  POWER  OF  THE  MONEYED  CLASSES  CONSOLIDATED. 

The  commercial  and  manufacturing  interests  concentrate 
their  power  by  aggregation,  as  at  New  York  and  Pittsburg, 


90  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

for  instance ;  the  agricultural,  must  always  necessarily  remain 
scattered  broad-cast  over  the  continent.  The  power  of  a 
corporation  is  represented  by  its  money;  that  of  the  mer 
chant  by  his  goods  and  wares ;  that  of  the  manufacturer  by 
his  fabrics ;  that  of  the  farmer  by  his  lands  and  their  prod 
ucts.  His  monetary  power  lies  in  his  crops.  A  single 
farmer's  crop  is  of  but  little  value  to  the  commerce  of  the 
world,  or  of  that  of  a  nation.  Aggregated,  the  agriculturists 
represent  a  power  which  all  others  may  not  equal. 

Yet,  in  spite  of  this,  as  matters  now  are,  the  financier  and 
gambler  in  stocks  and  bonds  hold  not  only  the  farmer,  but 
the  entire  industries  of  a  nation  as  in  the  hollow  of  their 
hands.  Should  the  farmers  of  a  country  withhold  for  a  single 
season  the  produce  of  their  labors,  manufactures,  trade, 
commerce,  and  every  other  industry  would  languish  and  lie 
prone  in  the  dust.  A  wail  would  go  up  such  as  has  not 
been  heard  since  the  seven  lean  seasons  of  Egypt. 

The  gold  gamblers,  the  stock  jobbers,  the  dealers  in  ficti 
tious  and  watered  stocks,  however,  have  gone  on  from  year  to 
year  "  bulling "  and  "bearing"  stocks,  absorbing  every 
dollar  of  successive  inflations  of  the  currency,  buying  and 
burying  every  coined  eagle  of  the  mint ;  tempting,  subsidiz 
ing,  purchasing,  our  legislatures,  statesmen,  and  even  the 
executive  officers  of  the  government,  until  the  nation  itself 
stands  appalled  at  the  enormity  of  the  iniquity.  The  excite 
ment  dies  away  and  is  forgotten,  for,  when  so  many  are  cor 
rupt,  each  is  willing  to  cover  his  neighbor  as  with  a  mantle. 

HOW  PANICS  ARE  GENERATED. 

The  financier  hurls  masses  of  money  against  the  stock  of 
some  particular  corporation  as  an  objective  point ;  values  are 
inflated;  stock  gamblers  become  wild;  they  buy  and  sell, 


HOW   PANICS  ARE  'GENERATED.  '  91 

until  the  wire-pullers,  having  gained  their  ends,  unload  at 
far  higher  prices  than  those  at  which  they  bought,  leaving 
the  struggling  smaller  fry  to  suffer  their  losses  as  best 
they  may. 

Again,  a  railroad  is  projected  (a  Pacific  Eailroad,  for 
instance)  through  a  region  of  swamps,  mountains,  and  deserts. 
Congress  is  partly  bribed  and  wholly  duped  to  aid  the  scheme, 
and  passes  a  law  granting  a  territory  equal  in  extent  to 
Illinois  and  Indiana  combined— a  territory  comprising  land 
enough  to  found  an  empire.  Financiers  are  posted  off  to 
Europe  to  negotiate  the  bonds.  Banks  are  cajoled  into  lend 
ing  the  money,  much  of  it  deposited  by  customers,  hoping 
to  be  reimbursed  from  the  sale  of  lands  before  the  bubble 
bursts.  European  capital  has  been  bitten  by  this  dog  before, 
and  is  shy ;  it  does  not  take  the  well-covered  bait ;  there  are 
rumors  that  all  is  not  right ;  apprehension  ensues.  A  great 
banking  corporation,  that  has  accumulated  millions  from  the 
treasury  of  the  nation,  through  the  sale  of  its  bonds,  goes 
down.  Consternation  seizes  the  money  kings,  the  brokers, 
and  gamblers  of  Wall  street,  as  bank  after  bank  succumbs 
to  the  pressure.  And  now  the  banks  can  not  pay,  the  mer 
chant  can  not  pay,  the  manufacturer  can  not  pay,  and — the 
laborer  may  starve.  Business  stagnates,  the  price  of  every 
commodity  depreciates,  and  financial  ruin  engulfs  thousands 
in  quick  succession. 

Depreciated  stocks  and  commodities  are  then  quietly  ab 
sorbed  by  those  who  set  the  ball  in  motion.  By  a  series  of 
such  moves,  these  accumulate  fortunes — ten,  twenty,  fifty,  or 
even  seventy  millions  of  dollars,  perhaps.  They  retire  to 
their  fastnesses,  but  only  to  issue  forth,  like  Ghouls,  at  the 
chosen  time,  to  again  arid  again  rob  the  graves  of  buried 
hopes  and  reputations,  and  revel  once  more  in  those  fearful 
charnel  houses — horror  and  despair. 


92  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

This  is  no  overdrawn  picture.  What  care  these  money 
lords,  who  are  seeking  to  carry  the  nation  to  a  point  where 
consolidated  capital  will  hold  a  centralized  government  at 
its  beck  and  to  crush  out  the  last  vestige  of  that  liberty  which 
was  gained  by  the  labor  and  the  life-blood  of  the  heroes  of 
the  Eevolution? 

COMBINE,  CONSOLIDATE,  CONCENTRATE. 

Co-operation  was  inaugurated  by  the  original  framers  of 
Farmers'  Clubs  and  kindred  societies.  Its  growth  has  been 
slow,  extending  now  over  a  century  and  a  half.  It  is  still 
continuing  to  take  shape;  witness  the  increased  interest  mani 
fested  in  practical  education,  and  in  Clubs,  Granges,  Farmers' 
"Unions,  and  Agricultural  Conventions.  It  may  be  consoli 
dated  by  a  movement  to  unite  the  farmer  and  the  artisan, 
which  is  even  now  engaging  the  talent  of  some  of  the  best 
minds  of  the  country. 

Let  the  farmers  of  the  country  take  hold  unitedly  in  this 
matter  of  co-operation,  using  the  calm  judgment  for  which, 
as  a  class,  they  have  always  been  noted,  and  they  can  hurl 
from  power  those  who  have  pandered  to  the  monopolizing 
tendency  of  capital.  For  it  is  this  monopolizing  power  of 
centralized  capital  that  is  sapping  the  foundation  of  the 
people's  liberties,  and;  through  the  open  and  unblushing 
purchase  and  sale  of  public  men,  rendering  the  government 
a  byword  of  contempt.  The  farmers  of  the  United  States 
can  accomplish  this  of  themselves,  if  thoroughly  combined. 
United  with  the  other  industrial  classes,  their  power  will  be 
not  merely  irresistible,  but  overwhelming. 

"When  crime  and  false  intent — whether  in  the  Judiciary, 
in  the  Legislature,  in  Congress,  or  in  the  departments  of 
State — shall  have  been  made  odious ;  when  the  penitentiary 


COMBINE,   CONSOLIDATE,   CONCENTRATE.  93 

shall  receive  the  criminal  of  high  degree,  as  the  Bridewell 
does  the  thimble-rigger  of  the  low  dens  of  vice;  when  the 
statesman,  bribed  through  Credit  Mobiliers  or  with  actual 
hard  cash,  to  betray  his  constituents,  shall  be  made  to  suffer 
the  penalty  of  his  crimes,  as  certainly  and  swiftly  as  does 
the  sneak-thief,  or  the  petty  swindler  at  the  street  corners ; 
when  vice  shall  be  thought  hideous,  because  it  is  vice ;  when 
for  proven  corruption  in  office  it  shall  be  insisted  that  a 


Fidelity. 

man  shall  be  stripped  of  place  and  power,  and  buried  politi 
cally,  forever,  without  hope  of  resurrection;  when  all  this 
is  brought  to  pass,  then  shall  we  hope  to  see  the  beginning 
of  the  end.  The  raid  on  the  railroads  is  but  a  trimming  of 
the  edges  of  the  vast  and  horrid  ulcer  that  is  eating  out  the 
vitals  of  our  free  government — the  ulcer  whose  real  name  is 
Corruption  in  Office! 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


CONSTITUTION  AND  BUSINESS  OF  FARMERS' 
CLUBS. 


PRELIMINARY  STEPS  IN  ORGANIZATION. 

Farmers  in  many  communities  are  prevented  from  or 
ganizing  Clubs  for  the  reason  that  they  are  not  conversant 
with  the  mode  of  organization.  A  few  simple  rules  may 
suffice.  Any  number  of  individuals,  male  and  female,  (and 
in  the  organization  of  the  social  clubs  it  has  been  found  nec 
essary  to  perfect  success  that  both  sexes  participate),  may 
meet  together  and  agree  upon  the  time  and  place  for  meet 
ing.  It  is  also  better,  in  summer,  at  least,  that  an  afternoon 
be  selected,  and  that  the  meeting  be  in  the  open  air,  when 
the  weather  is  favorable. 

It  is  also  a  pleasant  adjunct  to  the  social  features  to  have 
a  simple  lunch  provided,  unless  it  be  deemed  preferable  to 
make  a  pic-nic,  each  family  furnishing  its  own  basket  of 
eatables.  This  latter  plan  certainly  approves  itself,  as  paving 
work  to  the  hosts  for  the  time  being,  and  causing  F,  sub 
division  of  the  labor  and  expense  of  the  gathering,  as  well 
as  adding  to  its  enjoyability. 

Until  the  machinery  is  well  in  motion,  and  the  newness  of 
the  situation  wears  off,  it  is  well  to  have  the  gatherings  en 
tirely  informal  and  conversational ;  in  fact,  principally  de 
voted  to  social  chat  upon  the  prospects  of  the  crops,  the 
(94) 


AFTERWORKINGS.  95 

probable  yield,  prices,  and  arrangements  for  mutual  assist 
ance  in  gathering  and  marketing,  and  the  discussion  of  some 
general  plan  of  co-operation.  If  there  be  musical  talent 
among  the  members,  let  there  be  singing  by  all  means,  with 
instrumental  accompaniments,  if  possible.  There  will  al 
ways  be  found  some  among  the  members  who  will  be  able, 
even  at  the  outset,  to  deliver  short  extempore  addresses,  or 
to  prepare  short  practical  essays  on  subjects  connected  with 
agriculture. 

AFTER  WORKINGS. 

Gradually,  debates  may  be  introduced,  taking  care  always 
that  the  exercises  be  not  too  long-continued  at  any  one  time. 


"  Going  to  the  Club  Meeting." 


To  vary  this,  the  music  and  lunch  will  be  in  order.     It  will 
be   found    surprising  how   soon  the   genial   influence   will 


THE  GfcOttNDSWELL. 


spread,  and  how  eager  all  who  are  within  walking  or  riding 
distance  of  the  meeting  will  be  to  join  in  the  work. 

Thus  Clubs  may  be  instituted  in  every  school  district  in 
the  land,  accomplishing  great  present  good,  and  exercising  a 
powerful  influence  upon  the  rising  generation.  And  it  will 
not  be  long  until  every  man,  woman  and  child  will  look  for 
ward  to  the  day  of  meeting  as  a  holiday,  and  a  time  of  social 
enjoyment  and  improvement. 

The  first  thing,  of  course,  after  organizing,  will  be  to  form 
a  constitution  under  which  to  work. 

The  following  is  a  simple,  and  yet  comprehensive,  consti 
tution.  It  has  been  adopted,  with  slight  modifications,  by 
some  of  the  most  energetic  and  influential  clubs  in  the  West. 
The  Club  should  meet  on  a  fixed  day  in  each  month  at  the 
residence  of  one  or  another  of  its  members. 


MODEL  FOR  A  CONSTITUTION. 

I.  This  organization  shall  be  known  as  the County 

Farmers'  Club,  No. . 

II.  Its  object  shall  be  the  improvement  of  its  members  in 
the  theory  and  practice  of  Agriculture. 

III.  Its  members,  additional  to  its  original  number,  shall 
consist  of  such  persons  as  shall  receive  a  two-thirds  vote  for 
admission,  and  pay  the  sum  of  one  dollar,  and  such  ad 
ditional  annual  sum  as  may  be  annually  fixed  by  a  two- 
thirds  vote  of  the  members. 

IV.  Its  officers  shall  consist  of  a  President,  Vice-Presi 
dent,  Secretary,  Treasurer,  and  Librarian  (who  shall  consti 
tute  the  Executive  Committee,  etc.),  and  the  Chairmen  of 
Standing  Committees.     The  officers  shall  all  be  elected  an 
nually. 

V.  Its  meetings  shall  be  held  monthly,  and  at  such  other 
times  and  places  as  the  President  may  deem  necessary  to 
promote  the  aims  of  the  Society. 


STANDING  COMMITTEES,  ORDER  OP  BUSINESS,   ETC.      97 

VI.  This  Constitution  may  be  amended  at  any  regular 
meeting,  said  amendment  having  been  proposed  in  writing 
at  the  next  preceding  meeting. 

BY-LAWS. — 1.  The  President  shall  preside  at  all  meetings 
of  the  club  and  Executive  Committee,  and  have  power  to 
call  special  meetings. 

2.  In   the  absence  of  the  President,  the  Vice-President 
shall  have  the  full  powers  of  the  President,  and  shall  preside 
over  the  meeting  during  such  absence  or  inability  of  the 
President. 

3.  The  Secretary  shall  record  the  proceedings  of  the  Club, 
and  conduct  its  correspondence. 

4.  The  Treasurer  shall  receive  all  moneys,  and  shall  pay 
out  the  same  on  the  written  order  of  the  President. 

5.  Regular  meetings  shall  be  held  on  the  second  Satur 
day  of  each  month. 

STANDING  COMMITTEES,  ORDER  OF  BUSINESS,  ETC. 

Standing  committees  take  cognizance  of  all  regular  sub 
jects,  of  which  the  most  important  (in  the  Northern  States) 
may  be  named,  as  follows : 

Soils  and  their  improvement;  Grasses,  Pastures,  and 
Meadows;  Grains  (Wheat,  Oats,  Corn,  etc.)  on  Exhibition, 
and  other  farm  crops ;  Fruits  and  Fruit  Trees ;  Grass  and 
Shrubbery ;  domestic  animals ;  and  library. 

These  may  be-  grouped  together,  according  to  their  impor 
tance,  or  each  made  the  labor  of  a  committee,  three  to 
five  individuals  constituting  a  committee. 

The  order  of  business  may  be  as  follows : 

1.  Reading  minutes  of  last  meeting. 

2.  Reports  of  Special  Committees. 

3.  Unfinished  Business.    .   . 

4.  New  Business,  Essays,  Discussions,  Report  of  Standing 
Committees. 

5.  Adjournment. 

5 


THE  GROUNDSWELL. 


CO-OPERATION  OF  CLUBS. 

One  of  the  objects  of  designating  the  Clubs  of  a  district 
or  county  by  numbers  is  that  it  paves  the  way  to  co-opera 
tion.  The  several  Clubs  will  thus  be  enabled  to  meet  to 
gether  each  year  for  the  discussion  of  matters  of  general  in 
terest,  and  to  elect  delegates  to  attend  a  yearly  State  Con 
vention.  These,  again,  can  elect  delegates  for  the  National 
Convention,  or  Congress,  which  should  also  meet  yearly. 
The  Club  may  also  have  a  local  name,  or  a  name  indicating 
its  special  work,  if  any,  such  as  Stock  Breeding,  Husbandry, 
Pomology,  or  General  Horticulture,  etc.  At  the  yearly 
meetings,  all  these  various  branches  of  Agriculture  should 
meet  on  common  ground  the  interests  of  the  whole  being 
identical. 

The  meetings  being  held  at  the  homes  of  the  several 
members  in  succession,  the  Club  will  have  a  pleasant  visit, 
and  an  opportunity  to  inspect  the  various  systems  of  agri 
culture  practiced.  The  comments  elicited,  and  the  general 
interchange  of  opinions,  will  be  valuable  and  instructive  to 
all.  They  will  create  and  elevate  taste,  and  tend  to  improve 
and  simplify  many  of  the  processes  of  the  farm,  besides 
being  the  means  of  cultivating  the  social  refinements,  and 
the  harmony  of  purpose  so  indispensable  to  the  well-being 
of  every  community. 


FORM  OF  ILLINOIS  FARMERS'  CLUBS'  CONSTITUTION. 

Subjoined  is  given  the  form  of  Constitution  and  By-Laws 
for  Farmers'  Clubs,  as  adopted  by  the  Illinois  (State)  Farm 
er's  Association.  They  are  simple  and  practical  in  their 
construction. 


ILLINOIS  FARMERS'  CLUB  CONSTITUTION.  99 


CONSTITUTION. 

I.  This  organization  shall  be  known  as  the Farm 
ers' Club. 

II.  Its  objects  shall  be  improvement  in  the  theory  and 
practice  of  Agriculture  and  Horticulture;  to  promote  the 
moral,    intellectual,   social,    and   pecuniary    welfare   of    its 
members,  and  by  active  and  cordial  co-operation  with  other 
Clubs,  and  with  its  County  Committee,  to  assist  in  carrying 
to  a  successful  issue  the  object  of  the  State  Association. 

III.  Its  members,  other  than  the  original  ones,  shall  be 
elected  by  ballot,  and  all  members  shall  be  subject  to  pay 
an  initiation  fee  of  $ — — ,  and,  thereafter,  such  sums  as  shall 
be  necessary  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  Club. 


State  Seal  of  Illinois. 


IV.  Its  officers  shall  consist  of  a  President,  Vice-Presi- 
dent,  Secretary,  Corresponding   Secretary,  and  Treasurer, 
who  shall  jointly  constitute  the  Executive  Committee,  and 
shall  be  elected  annually. 

V.  Its  meetings  shall  be  held  monthly,  and  at  such  other 
times  as  the  President  may  deem  necessary  for  the  good  of 
the  society. 

VI.  This   Club   shall   become   auxiliary   to   the   County 
Association,  whenever  it  shall  be  formed. 

VII.  This  Constitution  may  be  amended  at  any  regular 
meeting,  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  members  present,  said 


100  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

amendment  having  been  proposed  in  writing  at  a  previous 
meeting. 

BY-LAWS. — 1.  The  President  shall,  when  present,  preside 
at  all  meetings  of  the  Club  and  Executive  Committee. 

2.  The  Vice-President  shall,  during  the  absence  or  ina 
bility  of  the  President,  perform  all  the  duties  of  the  execu 
tive  officer. 

3.  The  Secretary  shall  record  all  the  proceedings  of  the 
Club,  and  the  Corresponding    Secretary   shall  conduct  its 
correspondence,  and  maintain  an  active  correspondence  with 
the  County  Committee,  and  other  Clubs  of  the  county  and 
district. 

4.  The  Treasurer  shall  receive  all  moneys  paid  into  the 
Club,  and  disburse  the  same  only  on  the  order  of  the  Presi 
dent  and  Secretary. 

5.  The  regular  meetings  of  this  Club  shall  be  held  on  the 
day  of  each  month,  at o'clock. 

The  order  of  business  shall  be : 

1.  Reading  minutes  of  last  meeting. 

2.  Reports  of  Special  Committees. 

3.  Unfinished  Business. 

4.  New  Business,  Essays,  Discussions,  Reports  of  Stand- 
ing  Committees. 


STATE  ORGANIZATION— CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  TENNES 
SEE  FARMERS'  ASSOCIATION. 

As  Societies  increase  in  the  towns  and  counties  of  a  State, 
a  general  organization  will  be  required.  Below  is  appended 
the  Constitution  and  By-Laws  adopted  by  the  Tennessee 
Farmers'  Association,  containing  many  excellent  provisions, 
Which  may  be  modified  to  meet  existing  wants.  This  form 
may  also  be  easily  altered,  so  as  to  adapt  it  perfectly  to 
county  organizations.  The  Constitution  is  as  follows  : 


STATE   ORGANIZATION.  101 


CONSTITUTION. 

I.  We,   the   Farmers   of   Tennessee,    in   Convention   as 
sembled,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  promote 
the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to 
ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do  establish  this  State  organiza 
tion,  which  shall  be  known  as,  and  styled,  the  TENNESSEE 
FARMERS'  ASSOCIATION. 

II.  Its  object  shall  be  the  promotion  of  the  moral,  intel 
lectual,  social,  and  pecuniary  welfare  of  the  farmers  of  the 
State. 

III.  Its   members   shall   consist   of    delegates    from   the 


State  Seal  of  Tennessee. 


various  Farmers'  Clubs,  Granges,  and  Agricultural  and  Hor 
ticultural  Societies  of  the  State,  each  of  which  shall  be  entitled 
to  at  least  one  delegate,  and  where  the  number  of  its  mem 
bers  exceeds  fifty,  to  one  delegate  additional  for  each  one 
hundred  members  or  fraction  exceeding  half  that  number. 
The  members  of  the  State  Bureau  of  Agriculture,  also  the 
President  and  Professors  of  the  Agricultural  College  of  the 
State,  shall  be,  ex-offido,  members  of  this  Association,  and 
from  counties,  or  from  civil  districts,  in  which  no  form  of 
farmers'  organization  exists,  farmers  not  delegates  may  be 
admitted  by  a  vote  of  this  Association.  All  members  shall 
pay  an  annual  fee  of  one  dollar. 

IV.  Its  officers  shall  consist  of  a  President,  and  a  Vice- 
President  from  each  Congressional  district  of  the  State  to 
be  nominated  by  the  delegates  therefrom;  of  a  Secretary 


102  THE  GHOUNDSWELL. 

and  Treasurer,  and  these  officers  shall  constitute  the  State 
Central  Committee  of  this  organization,  with  power  to 
appoint  an  Executive  Committee  of  three  from  its  members ; 
also,  of  a  County  Committee  of  one  from  each  county  in  the 
State,  to  be  nominated  by  the  delegates  from  each  county. 
Said  officers  shall  be  elected  annually,  and  serve  for  one  year, 
or  .until  their  successors  are  chosen.  This  organization 
shall  meet  annually,  at  such  time  and  place  as  the  Associa 
tion,  or,  in  case  of  its  failure  to  designate,  the  State  Central 
Committee  may  determine.  Special  meetings  may  be  called 
by  the  Executive  Committee. 

V.  This  Constitution  may  be  amended  at  any  annual 
meeting  by  a  two-thirds  vote,  provided  said  meeting  be 
composed  of  delegates  from  one-naif  of  the  counties  which 
are  members  of  this  Association. 

BY-LAWS. — 1.  The  President  shall  perform  the  duties  of 
presiding  officer,  and  have  power  to  call  meetings  of  the 
btate  Central  Committee. 

2.  The  Senior  Vice-President  shall,  in  the  absence  or  dis 
ability  of  the  President,  perform  the  duties  of  that  office. 
It  shall  be  the  duty  of  each  Vice-President  to  secure  the 
organization  in   each  county  of  his  district  of  a  Farmers' 
Association,  to  be  composed  of  delegates  from  the  various 
Farmers'  Clubs  and  Granges  in  the  county,  and  of  such 
other  persons  as  the  County  Association  may  determine  to 
admit. 

3.  The  Secretary  shall,  under  the  direction  of  the  Asso 
ciation  and  committees,  open  and  maintain  an  active  corre 
spondence  with  the  Vice-Presidents  and  County  Committees, 
furnishing  them  with  forms  and  Constitutions,   and  other 
documents  and  information  to  aid  them  in  organization,  and 
performing  such  other  duties  of  correspondence  as  may  be 
assigned  him.    He  shall  also  keep  a  record  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  Association,  and  of  its  Central  and  Executive  Com 
mittees,  and  may  be  paid  such  compensation  for  his  services 
as  is  found  expedient  and  practicable. 

4.  The  Treasurer  shall  hold  the  moneys  of  the  Associa^ 
tion,  and  disburse  them  upon  the  written  order  of  the  Presi- 


THE  TENNESSEE   FARMERS'   ASSOCIATION.  103 

dent  and  Secretary.     He  shall  give  such  bond  as  the  State 
Central  Committee  may  require. 

5.  The  State  Central  Committee  shall  have  the  general 
management  of  the  affairs  of  the  Association.     It  shall  be 
their  duty  to  promote  and  effect  the  thorough  organization 
of  the  farmers  of  the  State;  to  aid,  by  their  advice  and  in 
struction,  in  such  organization  in  all  parts  of  the  State ;  to 
ask  and  secure  necessary  legislation,  State  and  National, 
upon  matters  affecting  the  farmers'  interests ;  and,  in  general, 
to  do  all  things  in  their  power  to  further  the  objects  and 
advance  the  interests  of  the  Association. 

6.  The  Executive  Committee  shall  perform  such  duties  as 
may  be  assigned  to  it  by  the  State  Central  Committee,  and 
may  call  special  meetings. 

7.  These  By-Laws  may  be  amended  at  any  annual  meet 
ing  by  a  majority  vote,  provided  said  meeting  is  composed 
of  delegates  from  one-half  of  the  counties  which  are  mem 
bers  of  this  Association. 


CHAPTEE    IX. 


INNER  WORKINGS  OF  FARMERS'  CLUBS. 


.FARMERS'  CLUBS  MUST  BE  SOCIAL. 

If  we  could  have  Clubs  throughout  the  length  and  breadth 
of  the  land,  conducted  on  true  social  principles,  so  that  the 
farmers  of  each  neighborhood  might  meet  together,  both 
men  and  women,  at  stated  times,  especially  during  the  win 
ter  months,  and  discuss  matters  of  general  interest  (eschew 
ing  politics,  of  course),  it  would  go  a  great  way  toward 
elevating  the  status  of  the  fraternity.  Heretofore,  this  has 
not  been  possible,  but  every  day  is  making  it  easier  and 
easier  of  accomplishment,  as  the  country  becomes  more 
thickly  settled,  and  facilities  for  locomotion  increase.  All 
that  is  wanted,  is  that  individual  leaders  in  each  neighbor 
hood  inaugurate  the  movement,  and  hold  out  faithfully  until 
it  is  accomplished.  It  would  soon  be  found  surprising  how 
many  facts  could  be  gathered,  even  from  the  seemingly  ig 
norant,  which,  stored  up,  would  lay  the  foundation  for  future 
usefulness. 

Thus  each  Farmers'  Club  would  become  the  nucleus,  from 
which  agricultural  societies,  occupying  a  still  higher  plane, 
might  be  formed,  to  discuss  and  compile  from  the  facts  there 
gathered,  some  of  the  more  important  changes  and  trans 
mutations  that  nature  is  working  out  so  silently  and  with 
such  seeming  mystery. 
(104) 


CLUBS   MUST  COLLECT   FACTS.  105 

Let  these  societies  increase,  until  their  ramifications  extend 
upward  through  town,  county,  district,  and  State  societies ; 
and  culminate  in  one  grand,  yearly  convention  for  the  whole 
nation,  composed  of  delegates  from  each  State  or  district. 
If  this  were  accomplished,  we  could  eventually  so  organize 
as  to  control — for  good,  I  trust — the  destinies  of  a  country, 
the  inhabitants  of  which  are  made  up  of  the  most  energetic 
and  intelligent  of  the  working  populations  of  the  earth. 

CLUBS  MUST  COLLECT  FACTS. 

It  is  the  duty  of  every  farmer  in  the  land  to  endeavor  to 
collect  facts.  Nay,  there  is  not  a  farmer  in  the  whole 
country  but  does  so,  and  again  loses  or  forgets  them. 
Through  Farmers'  Clubs,  these  valuable  data  might  be 
preserved,  and  eventually  classified,  by  means  of  the  county 
and  State  societies,  into  definite  shape.  This  done,  we  should 
be  surprised  to  see  how  long  we  had  been  groping  in  igno 
rance,  simply  for  the  want  of  organized  study.  Even  the 
simplest  operations  of  the  farm,  for  the  lack  of  accurate 
knowledge  relating  to  the  fixed  and  simple  law  that  some 
where  governs  each  and  every  thing  in  nature,  is  lost  to  the 
farmer,  and,  consequently,  to  the  world. 

The  collection  of  experimental  facts  is  the  legitimate  work 
of  our  Agricultural  Colleges  also.  These  facts  should  be 
supported  by  the  results  of  isolated  experiments  that  the 
working  farmer  is  collecting  every  day  in  the  year,  and  los 
ing  again  for  the  want  of  some  place  and  means  suitable  for 
putting  them  on  record  for  the  benefit  of  'others.  The  ag 
gregation  of  these  isolated  units  from  year  to  year,  properly 
condensed  into  readable  shape,  would,  in  the  end,  furnish  data 
valuable  to  science  in  the  highest  degree. 

Let  us  illustrate.  The  farmer,  being  of  an  experimental 
turn  of  mind,  throughout  the  course  of  a  lifetime  collects 


106  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

many  facts — amasses  a  rich,  store  of  actual,  practical,  thor 
oughly-tested  knowledge  connected  with  his  art.  If  a 
writer,  he  is  likely  to  give  the  results  through  the  public 
press ;  but  if  not,  they  are  entirely  lost  at  his  death,  unless, 
happily,  the  son  succeeds  the  father,  and  happens  to  be  im 
bued  with  the  same  love  of  experiment.  Even  in  the  former 
case,  many  of  those  who  read  his  articles  will  not  profit  by 
them;  for,  having  no  personal  acquaintance  with  him,  they 
pass  his  writings  by,  as  but  the  opinion  of  one  unknown 
farmer — a  man  of  like  frailties  of  judgment  with  themselves. 
At  all  events,  his  contributions  to  agricultural  science  are 
not  in  their  most  valuable  shape.  But  if  the  facts  are  gath 
ered  at  our  colleges,  where  the  experiments  carried  out  from 
year  to  year  are  chronicled  and  tabulated  systematically,  we 
shall,  sooner  or  later,  gather  data  that  will  be  of  immense 
value.  If  the  professor  die  to-morrow,  the  observations  and 
experiments  are  still  carried  forward  by  his  successor. 

In  the  case  of  the  private  individual,  such  records  do  not 
carry  equal  weight.  To  say  nothing  of  the  known  fallibility 
of  human  judgment,  there  is,  quite  frequently,  a  disposition 
to  suspect  that  the  individual  experimenter  has  some  private 
end,  or  pet  theory,  to  advance.  Very  much  less  of  this 
feeling  attaches  to  the  work  done,  in  the  same  direction,  at 
a  public  institution.  There  the  observer  is  supposed  to  be 
the  servant  of  the  people,  and  to  be  actuated  by  motives 
entirely  above  suspicion ;  and,  hence,  by  virtue  of  his  posi 
tion,  he  can  speak  as  one  having  authority. 


SUBJECTS  FOR  DEBATE  IN  CLUBS,  ETC. 

While  the  local  societies,  founded  solely  on  a  social  basis, 
must  have  a  wide  and  beneficial  effect  upon  our  State  Boards 
of  Agriculture,  this  is  not  their  only  duty.  The  Granges 


Not  to  be  Trusted— The  Patron  versus  the  Politician. 


107 


108  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

are  directly  prohibited,  by  their  fundamental  regulations, 
from  discussing  politics,  but  this  the  Farmers'  Clubs  may  do 
freely.  Now,  it  would  not  be  at  all  advisable  to  consider 
questions  of  politics  from  a  partisan  stand-point.  But  all 
matters  pertaining  to  the  welfare  of  the  farmer,  and  the 
relation  which  each  and  every  measure  brought  before  the 
State  and  National  Legislatures  sustains  to  the  interests  of 
agriculture  and  the  agricultural  masses,  should  be  freely 
discussed  and  debated.  This  would  be  one  way  to  make  and 
keep  legislators  honest. 

If  to  this  were  added  the  firm  resolve  to  send  farmers 
in  numbers  proportionate  to  their  ratio  of  voting  power,  to  the 
Legislature,  and  also  to  Congress,  a  long  stride  would  have 
been  taken  towards  securing  those  rights  for  which  the 
farmer  is  now  struggling. 


HORTICULTURISTS  BETTER  ORGANIZED  THAN  FARMERS. 

I  have  already  mentioned  the  undoubted  fact  that  the 
average  horticulturist  is  far  in  advance  of  the  average 
farmer,  as  regards  scientific  familiarity  with  their  respective 
callings.  He  has  also  made  much  further  progress  in  the 
direction  of  organization. 

In  most  of  the  older  States,  and  many  of  the  younger, 
there  are  active  and  thoroughly  organized  State  societies  in 
the  interests  of  horticulture,  the  members  of  which  meet 
regularly  once  a  year.  They  discuss  the  experiences  gained 
through  the  local  societies,  legislate  upon  such  matters  as  are 
of  general  interest  to  the  fraternity,  and  compile  and  publish 
the  record  of  whatever  is  new  or  valuable  to  the  profes 
sion.  Their  Transactions,  often  published  at  their  own  ex 
pense,  will  compare  favorably  with  other  literature  pertain- 


ORGANIZED   PLEASURE   TAKING. 


109 


ing  to  technical  knowledge.     So,  also,  the  papers  and  essays 
contributed  are,  many  of  them,  models  of  their  class. 

The  educated  farmer,  in  this  country,  is  the  exception; 
the  educated  horticulturist,  the  rule.  The  latter  neyer 
allows  any  thing  to  escape  his  eye  that  may  profitably  be 
published,  either  in  books,  or  in  the  journals  devoted  to  the 
profession.  He  is  constantly  educating  himself  to  a  better 
and  better  acquaintance  with  the  mysteries  of  nature.  He 
reads,  marks,  learns,  and  inwardly 
digests,  continually. 

If  one  will  only  educate  himself 
to  it,  it  is  perfectly  easy  to  do  as 
the  horticulturist  does — work  with 
the  brain  while  working  with  the 
hands.  The  operator  at  any  labor, 
except  such  as  is  really  laborious, 
as  chopping,  pitching,  heavy  lift 
ing,  etc.,  may  employ  the  brain 
constantly.  If  the  conversation 
Usually  carried  on  at  ordinary 
labor  were  such  as  to  expand 
the  mind,  rather  than  small  talk,  very  small  talk,  sometimes, 
the  civilized  portion  of  the  human  family  would  soon  be 
educated  to  a  point  where  gossip  would  seem  flat.  Does 
the  farmer  thus  educate  himself  to  the  minutia  of  his  pro 
fession  ?  The  few  do,  the  many  do  not. 


Brawn  and  Brains. 


ORGANIZED  PLEASURE  TAKING. 


A  prominent  feature  of  the  farmers'  agitation,  during 
1873,  was  the  organized  observance  of  the  Fourth  of  July 
by  the  Clubs  and  Granges.  These  bodies  held  meetings, 


110  THE  GROUNDS  WELL. 

throughout  the  West  and  North-west,  at  which  it  is  estimated 
that  fully  two  hundred  thousand  persons  assisted.  Immense 
gatherings  took  place  all  over  Iowa,  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  and 
Minnesota,  chief  in  importance  of  which  was  the  one  in 
Livingston  County,  111.,  a  county  which,  from  the  first,  has 
taken  a  leading  part  in  the  movement.  If  any  doubt  had 
previously  existed  as  to  the  hold  which  the  movement  had 
popularly  secured,  the  gatherings  on  the  "  Farmers'  Fourth," 
as  it  was  known,  must  have  been  sufficient  to  satisfy  the 
veriest  Thomas. 

Though  Jupiter  Pluvius  was  the  reigning  deity  on  the 
Farmer's  Fourth  of  1873,  he  was  utterly  unable  to  damp  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  meetings.  Not  that  they  were  simply 
merry-makings.  Far  from  it.  The  farmers  were  smart 
ing  under  a  sense  of  intolerable  wrongs,  and  the  seek 
ing  of  redress  for  the  past,  and  insurance  against  their 
repetition  in  the  future,  formed  the  principal  topics  of  de 
bate.  However,  I  am  hopeful  that  better  days  have  dawned, 
and  that,  ere  long,  the  fathers  of  the  Farmers'  Movement 
will  be  looked  up  to  with  the  same  veneration  as  that  with 
which  the  Revolutionary  forefathers  were  regarded  after  the 
liberation  of  our  nation  was  achieved.  Unless  i  am  egre- 
giously  mistaken  in  the  character  of  the  Farmers'  Move 
ment,  its  success  is  certain,  sooner  or  later.  The  utmost  its 
enemies  can  do  is  to  postpone  their  evil  day  by  dividing 
the  farmers'  counsels ;  but  postponement  will  only  make  the 
blow  more  severe  when,  at  length,  it  does  fall. 

Hereafter,  by  all  means,  let  the  various  societies  combine 
and  take  an  annual  holiday  on  the  Fourth,  when  they  can 
join  with  their  wives  and  children  in  merry-making,  casting 
aside  all  business,  except  the  addresses,  without  which  a 
gathering  of  this  sort  would  be  incomplete. 


CO-OPERATIVE  BUYING  AND  SELLING.  Ill 


CO-OPERATIVE  BUYING  AND  SELLING. 

If  there  existed  the  thorough  neighborhood,  county, 
State,  and  National  organization  of  Clubs  and  Granges  that 
I  have  advocated,  co-operation  in  buying  and  selling  would 
be  an  easy  matter.  Until  this  is  accomplished,  these  Asso 
ciations  must  work  from  their  own  individual  bases,  or 
through  combination  with  such  districts  as  may  be  enabled 
to  join  together. 

The  Treasurer  of  the  Club  may  be  the  financial  or  purchas 
ing  agent,  or  some  member  of  the  Club  may  be  appointed  to 
that  office  separately.  Suppose  the  Club,  containing  twenty 
to  fifty  members,  intends  to  sell  a  certain  amount  of  pro 
duce,  for  the  purchase  of  necessary  stores.  The  families 
represented  in  the  Club  require  annually  from  fifty  to  one 
hundred  dollars  worth  of  dry  goods  and  groceries  each, 
according  to  size.  The  individual  can  not  get  as  good  a 
price  on  two  to  three  hundred  bushels  of  corn,  a  hundred 
bushels  of  wheat,  a  pair  of  steers,  a  half  dozen  fat  hogs,  or 
fifteen  to  twenty  barrels  of  apples,  as  he  who  has  from 
twenty  to  fifty  times  this  quantity  to  dispose  of  at  once. 

The  fiscal  agent  of  the  Club  becomes  the  custodian  of  the 
property— say,  a  car  load  of  hogs,  another  of  cattle,  ten 
cars  of  corn,  half  a  dozen  of  wheat,  and,  perhaps,  one  or 
two  of  fruit.  Accounts  are  opened  with  the  grain  merchant, 
the  produce  commission  man,  the  cattle  broker,  etc.,  unless 
the  respective  dealers  in  the  village  or  town  consider  it  to 
their  interest  (which  they  soon  come  to  do)  to  buy  this 
property,  and  give  cash  in  return,  or  such  articles  as  may  be 
wanted  at  fair  prices.  If  not,  the  agent  appointed  makes  the 
best  terms  he  can  for  transportation,  and  sells  in  the  best  mar 
ket  he  can  find,  buys  the  stores,  and  distributes  to  the  several 


112  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

individuals  of  the  Club.  If  the  agent  be  a  shrewd  business 
man,  consent  to  put  aside  his  ordinary  work,  and  does  this 
business  as  a  matter  of  accommodation  to  his  Club,  or  at  a 
lower  rate  than  when  done  through  the  customary  channels, 
money  will  be  saved.  If  not,  money  is  lost. 

It  is  evident  that,  under  the  modern  system,  this  plan 
can  not  be  fully  and  permanently  carried  out,  for  the  reason 
that  the  agent  soon  becomes  the  actual  commission  man  or 
produce  buyer,  the  actual  merchant  or  middle  man,  with  all 
the  acquisitiveness  of  these  classes.  What  may  be  done, 
legitimately,  and  with  better  results  in  most  cases,  is  this: 
a  community  of  farmers  may  combine  to  sell  a  certain  quantity 
of  produce,  and  buy  for  it  certain  other  produce.  A  certain 
number  of  car  loads  of  grain,  for  instance,  may  be  delivered 
upon  a  fixed  day,  to  be  sold  in  the  best  market.  With  the 
proceeds  certain  goods  are  bought  and  distributed,  according 
to  the  wants  of  the  individuals.  So  with  the  purchase  of 
farm  machinery,  etc.  The  principal  of  co-operation,  how 
ever,  can  not  be  carried  into  practice  with  any  economy, 
where  competition  is  already  sufficient  to  check  a  monopo 
lizing  tendency. 

THE  ADVANTAGE  OF  MUTUAL  ASSISTANCE. 

Farmers,  from  their  isolation  and  peculiar  position,  have 
constantly  felt  the  necessity  of  mutual  assistance.  In  case 
of  sickness,  the  neighbor  must  often  go  long  distances  for 
the  doctor.  In  sparsely  settled  districts,  when  one  farmer 
went  to  market,  it  has  always  been  expected  that  he  would 
do  errands  for  his  neighbors.  In  butchering,  a  reciprocity 
of  service  is  extremely  common,  a  return  in  kind  in  time  of 
need  being  the  only  pay  tendered  or  expected.  Husking-. 
bees,  and  other  frolics  of  like  nature,  are  always  eagerly 


ADVANTAGE  OF   MUTUAL  ASSISTANCE. 


113 


Neighborly  Help. 


looked  forward  to  by  coun 
try-bred  youth.  These,  and 
many  other  neighborly  acts, 
have  been  common  in  every 
community  of  farmers  from 
time  immemorial.  Through 
a  close  social  organization 
among  them,  the  principle 
may  be  applied  in  a  variety 
of  ways,  keeping  alive  a 
kindly  and  generous  feeling, 
one  toward  another,  and 
proving  of  great  material 
benefit,  also,  through  co-op 
erative  assistance  in  carrying  out  the  labors  of  the  farm. 

The  soil  of  one  farm  may  become  ready  to  plow,  or  sow, 
or  harvest,  days  before  another.  In  the  Society,  this  might 
be  arranged,  and  the  labor  mapped  out  in  succession,  so  that 
much  valuable  time  now  lost  might  be  saved.  A.'s  field 
may  be  plowed  and  seeded  to-day,  B.'s  field  to-morrow,  and 
so  on.  If  B.  has  double  the  land  of  A.,  he  has,  or  should 
have,  double  the  team.  If  he  do  one  day's  work  for  A. 
with  two  teams,  he  should  receive  in  return  two  day's  work 
with  one  team.  The  rich  neighbor  may,  perhaps,  have  the 
better  teams,  and,  therefore,  the  poor  neighbor  may  receive 
more  than  he  gave;  but,  again,  the  gain  in  having  the 
work  of  both  accomplished  just  when  it  should  be,  would 
more  than  balance  this. 

Plans  may  also  be  laid  in  the  Council  or  Club,  that  will 
enable  the  farmer  to  successfully  compete  with  his  city 
neighbor,  who  is  acutely  educated  to  trade.  The  farmer 
owning  a  thousand  acres  or  more  is  able  to  economize  labor 
in  a  variety  of  small  things,  and  thus  saves,  where  the 


114  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

workers  of  small  farms  must  lose.     Mutual  assistance  and 
co-operation  will  obviate  this  in  a  great  degree. 

A  single  instance  will  suffice  to  illustrate  the  point  here 
presented.  I  once  had  occasion  to  purchase  nineteen  corn 
cultivators  in  one  season,  having  increased  the  area  of  corn 
to  require  this  additional  number.  Two  of  my  neighbors 
wanted  three  each,  making  twenty-five  in  all.  I  wrote  let 
ters  to  several  manufacturers,  asking  the  lowest  cash  price 
for  the  quantity.  The  dealers  at  the  nearest  railroad  town 
soon  found  out  what  I  had  done,  and  waited  on  me,  offering 
to  sell  at  prices  lower  than  the  factory  price  and  freight 
would  cost  me,  being  content  with  the  relative  difference 
between  the  freight  on  my  twenty-five,  and  the  freight  on 
car  lots.  They  did  not  relish  this  interference  with  their 
prerogatives,  but,  of  course,  they  could  not  help  themselves. 
This  was  before  the  manufacturers  combined  to  sell  only 
through  their  agents.  They  are  beginning  to  find  that  the 
project  of  forcing  farmers  to  buy  of  whom  they  please, 
and  as  they  please,  is  like  having  too  many  cooks  in  making 
broth — the  dish  is  sure  to  be  spoiled. 


CHAPTER  X. 
THE  ORDER  OF  PATRONS  OF  HUSBANDRY. 


WHAT  IS  A  GRANGE  f 

Webster  says  that  the  French  word  grange  signifies  a 
farm;  grangier,  a  farmer;  the  Spanish  word  grangear,  is 
to  cultivate,  and  grangero  a  farmer.  In  Scotland,  the  build 
ings  belonging  to  a  grain-farm  are  called  a  grange ;  since, 
originally,  the  place  where  the  rents  and  tithes  due  to  the 
priesthood,  and  payable  in  grain,  were  deposited,  was  the 
grange,  from  the  Latin  word  granum,  grain.  Shakespeare 
and  Milton  both  use  the  word  grange  as  meaning  a  farm 
house,  with  the  buildings  and  stables  attached. 

In  England,  "  grange"  is  generally  used  to  signify  an  old 
farm  or  manor  house,  surrounded  by  ancient  trees,  and 
sometimes  by  a  moat  or  ditch.  During  the  civil  wars 
which  devastated  England  up  to  two  centuries  ago,  these 
manor  houses  and  farm  strongholds  were  made  the  scenes 
of  bitter  strife  between  tbe  contending  factions,  and  were 
often  stubbornly  defended.  Hence,  the  term  may  be  liber 
ally  construed  as  "  stronghold  " — happily  expressive  of  the 
sense  in  which  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry  use  it. 

The  wealth  of  the  farmer  consists  in  his  lands,  buildings, 
stock,  implements,  and  grain.  Upon  his  cattle  and  grain 
are  dependent,  not  only  himself  and  his  family,  but  also  the 
entire  community.  In  time  of  civil  war,  or  other  great  na- 

(115) 


116  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

tional  danger,  the  care  of  that  which  will  support  life  is  of 
vital  importance.  In  time  of  strife,  under  the  old  baronial 
rule,  neither  party  was  especially  careful  to  pay  for  what 
they  wanted.  If  they  found  it,  they  took  it,  and  the  poor- 
husbandman  was  left  with  nothing  to  maintain  his  family  ; 
hence,  when  able  to  do  so,  he  made  his  house  his  stronghold. 
The  Patrons  of  Husbandry  could  scarcely  have  found  a 
more  appropriate  designation  for  their  places  of  meeting 
than  the  word  Grange.  It  is,  literally,  their  stronghold. 
The  means  of  access  may  be  aptly  symbolized  by  the  actual 
approaches  of  the  Grange,  as  they  existed  in  England  dur 
ing  times  of  trouble,  to-wit,  a  drawbridge  and  a  ladder. 
Here  the  defenders  meet — the  Laborer  and  the  Maid,  the 
Cultivator  and  the  Shepherdess,  the  Harvester  and  the 
Gleaner,  the  Husbandman  and  the  Matron. 

DEGREES  OF  THE  ORDER  SYMBOLIZED. 

The  above  are  the  names  of  the  degrees  of  the  subordi 
nate  or  local  Granges,  in  which  communities  of  farmers, 
their  wives,  and  those  of  their  children  who  are  approaching 
maturity,  meet  to  labor  for  the  general  good ;  to  devise 
plans  for  social  improvement ;  to  discuss  means  for  the 
mutual  welfare  of  the  fraternity ;  and  to  assist  each  other 
in  the  every  day  business  of  life.  When  the  younger  ones 
shall  have  arrived  at  the  full  age  and  stature  of  Husband 
man  and  Matron,  they  will  have  climbed  the  first  four  steps 
of  the  ladder.  To  gain  thus  much,  the  candidate  must  have 
broken  up  the  stubborn  glebe  of  ignorance,  and  cultured  it 
with  the  harrow  and  roller  of  good  intent,  that  it  may  re 
ceive  the  seeds  of  education,  which,  in  due  time,  shall  return 
the  husbandman  an  hundred-fold  of  knowledge.  The  suc 
cession  of  these  four  stages  may  be  represented  by  the  rise 


DEGREES  OF  THE  ORDER  SYMBOLIZED.       117 

of  man  from  the  state  of  a  savage.  First,  having  neither 
flocks  nor  herds,  primeval  man  gains  a  precarious  subsist 
ence  by  the  chase  and  slaughter  of  such  wild  beasts  as  h^ 
may  be  able  to  overcome.  While  living  this  hand-to-mouth 
existence — to-day  overburdened  with  meat  and  having  no 
incentive  to  exertion,  anon,  driven  by  extreme  want  to  re 
sume  his  toil — but  slight  mental  improvement  is  possible. 
Rising  slowly  in  intelligence,  he  gathers  flocks  and  herds, 
and  emerges  from  his  primeval  barbarism,  and  the  light  of 
civilization  begins  to  dawn  upon  him.  Still  his  condition  is 
that  of  a  nomad,  and  improvable  only  to  a  limited  extent ; 
the  pastoral  life  necessitates  frequent  changes  of  location  as 
his  flocks  and  herds  exhaust  the  pasture. 

In  the  course  of  time  he  seeks  a  more  settled  mode  of  life. 
He  learns  to  till  the  soil  in  a  rude  way,  and  provide  stores 
for  the  winter;  gathers  his  fellows  together  into  communities, 
makes  laws  for  the  general  welfare,  and  becomes  qualified  to 
subdue  and  replenish  the  earth.  The  progress  of  strug 
gling  humanity,  however,  is  still  very  slow.  The  discoveries 
and  inventions  of  one  generation  are  handed  down  to  the 
next  orally,  and,  necessarily,  imperfectly;  the  craftsman 
hands  down  by  word  of  mouth  to  his  son  the  secrets  of  his 
trade.  Thus,  for  ages,  the  improvement  goes  on,  certain  but 
slow,  till  the  invention  of  the  art  of  writing  gives  a  vast 
impulse  to  the  rate  of  progress.  Thenceforward  the  advance 
is  at  an  accelerating  rate,  and  the  achievements  of  man,  once 
on  record,  relapse  into  oblivion  no  more.  The  higher,  God 
like  nature  becomes  expanded,  and  man  goes  on,  step  by 
step,  forming  empires,  surmounting  difficulties  apparently 
unconquerable  but  only  met  to  be  overcome ;  the  rate  of 
progress  quickening,  till,  at  length,  he  no  longer  advances 
step  by  step,  but  by  leaps  and  bounds  toward  that  perfec 
tion  which  he  was  created  to  attain. 


118  THE  GHOUNDSWELL. 

HIGHER  STAGES  OF  PROGRESS. 

The  Grange,  whether  it  be  allegorized  as  the  fold  for  shelter 
ing  the  flock,  the  storehouse  of  prosperous  industry,  or  the  place 
where  all  meet  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  mutual  labors,  is 
typical  of  the  whole  state  of  man.  Here  are  gathered  the 
golden  grain,  the  ripe  fruits,  and  the  bright  flowers  of  human 
progress;  corresponding,  respectively,  to  the  Labors  of  Agri 
culture,  the  Religion  of  Agriculture,  and  the  Poetry  of 
Agriculture;  the  three — Husbandry,  Pomology,  and  Gar 
dening—comprising  the  whole  art  of  Agriculture.  This  is 
the  field  where  labor  the  Husbandman  and  the  Matron,  with 
their  fellows.  They  have  passed  over  the  stile  or  ladder 
of  the  outer  field  of  labor,  and  are  now  ready  to  enter  the 
Orchard. 

The  Orchard  is  dedicated  to  Pomona.  The  Patrons  reach 
this  degree  through  a  portal  connecting  the  boundary  of  the 
field  adjoining  with  the  Orchard  beyond.  The  ripe  fruit  of 
the  trees  planted  therein  is  called  Hope.  The  fruit  will  not 
be  perfect  unless,  after  the  seeds  are  planted  and  the  seed 
lings  large  enough  to  graft,  the  scions  be  properly  placed, 
and  guarded,  nursed,  watered,  and  pruned.  They  must  be 
protected  from  the  burning  sun  of  summer  by  ample  foliage, 
and  by  kindly  mulching  from  the  deadly  frosts  of  winter; 
its  blossoms  must  be  shielded  from  the  blasting  east  wind, 
and  its  overburdened  boughs  thinned  of  superfluous  fruit, 
that  all  may  be  equal  in  size  and  beauty,  and  the  perfect  fruit 
brought,  in  due  season,  safely  to  the  storehouse  or  Grange, 
to  be  shared  with  the  fellow-laborers  in  the  field  and  the 
fold. 

The  Orchard  adjoins  the  Garden,  represented  by  Flora,  or 
Charity.  It  is  divided  from  it  by  a  beautiful  hedge,  from 
one  side  of  which  hang  garlands  of  flowers ;  on  the  other 


DEGREES  OF  THE  ORDER  SYMBOLIZED.       119 

side,  fruits.  The  entrance  to  it  is  known  only  to  those 
within.  In  it  are  winding  paths,  leading  to  bowers  shaded 
by  beautiful  climbing  plants.  The  most  lovely  flowers, 
gathered  from  every  clime,  grow,  singly  or  in  masses,  every 
where,  while  foliage,  plants  and  rare  exotics  are  interspersed 
by  the  master  minds  who  have  labored  to  make  it  beautiful. 
A  grassy  slope,  of  the  softest  and  smoothest  turf,  stretches 
away  to  a  calm  lake  of  pure  water  in  the  distance.  In  the 
lake  is  an  island,  reached  by  a  rustic  bridge.  Upon  the 
island  are  trees  from  every  quarter  of  the  globe,  among 
whose  branches  song-birds  nestle,  while  aquatic  fowl  are 
ever  busy  on  the  clear  lake.  A  winding  path  from  the 
bridge  leads  to  a  bower,  formed  by  the  interlacing  branches 
of  trees,  over  which  climbing  roses,  honeysuckles,  ivies, 
passion  flowers,  and  trum^t  vines  are  trailing  in  beautiful 
masses.  The  delicate  perfume  of  flowers,  the  gentle  breezes, 
cooled  by  ever-playing  fountains,  and  birds  of  sweetest  song 
or  loveliest  plumage,  make  this  bower  the  fit  court  for  the 
Goddess  Flora,  or  Charity. 

To  the  novice,  upon  entering,  all  seems  enchantment. 
His  perception  has  been  rendered  acute  in  the  outer  fields, 
and  in  the  Orchard  he  has  enjoyed  the  fruits  of  his  labor. 
In  the  Garden  the  work  is  both  for  the  true  and  the  beau 
tiful.  The  worker  here  must  not  only  reflect  upon  the  lines 
of  beauty  drawn  throughout  the  garden,  but  must  study  the 
effect  produced  by  ever- varying  light  and  shade,  the  group 
ing  of  trees,  the  masses  and  lines  of  flowers,  the  emerald 
hue  of  the  grassy  turf,  the  gentle  slope,  the  abrupt  ascent, 
or  the  beetling  cliff"  overhanging  the  torrent  that  dashes  its 
waters  over  the  rocky  bed  beneath,  only,  at  last,  to  find  rest 
in  the  glassy  and  peaceful  lake  beyond.  As  the  Husband 
man  has  studied  the  groundwork  of  his  profession  in  the 
Field  of  Art;  and  in  the  Orchard  of  Hope  has  gathered  thq 


120  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

ripe  fruits,  the  Keligion  of  Agriculture — here,  in  the  beau^ 
tiful  Garden,  dedicated  to  Flora,  the  Poetry  of  Horticul 
ture,  he  perfects  himself  in  the  science  which  underlies  all 
art — the  Science  of  Life. 

He  now  sees  before  him  the  temple  of  Ceres,  Faith,  the 
goddess  of  the  fruitful,  productive  earth ;  the  inventress  of 
Agriculture,  without  which  man  is  a  savage ;  the  founder 
of  civil  society,  which  fixes  the  wandering  savage  to  the 
soil,  by  making  him  a  tender  of  flocks  and  herds.  Softening 
his  nature  by  degrees,  she  grants  rights  to  property,  and 
gives  the  protection  of  laws.  He  is  no  longer  a  barbarian, 
for  now  he  has  property,  civil  rights,  and  is  a  respecter 
of  the  property  of  others. 


OBJECTS  AND  ADVANTAGES  OF  THE  GRANGES. 

We  hear  it  constantly  dinned  in  our  ears,  that  "Agricul 
ture  is  the  most  important  and  elevated  occupation  of  any  on 
earth."  It  is  important  as  furnishing  food  for  mankind,  and 
elevated  in  proportion  to  the  intelligence  of  the  community 
which  practices  it.  The  farmer's  vocation  must  depend  for  its 
relative  status  upon  the  intelligence  of  the  individuals  compos 
ing  the  fraternity.  It  is  a  mournful  fact  that  the  average 
farmer  is  not  the  equal  of  any  of  the  other  middle  classes  in 
education,  and,  consequently,  not  in  business  tact.  One  reason, 
as  we  have  seen,  is  that  he  is  isolated,  in  a  great  measure,  from 
his  kind,  so  that  it  is  difficult  for  him  to  continue  at  school 
long  enough  to  acquire  more  than  the  rudiments  of  an  Eng 
lish  education.  The  fault  is  too  often  with  the  parents,  who, 
even  when  near  schools,  seem  indifferent  whether  the  child 
attend  or  not,  or  think  they  can't  spare  him  or  her  from 
other  work.  Many  of  them  fail  to  comprehend  that  this 


OBJECTS  AND  ADVANTAGES  OF  THE  GRANGES.    121 

negligence  en  their  part,  is  almost  certain  to  have  an  evil  in 
fluence  on  the  future  of  the  man. 

This  is,  and  should  be,  one  of  the  legitimate  fields  of  work 
for  the  Granges,  because  herein  lies  their  power  in  the  next 
generation.  The  child  of  to-day  will  be  the  man  or  woman 
then ;  the  boy  of  to-day,  the  drudge  and  indifferent  farmer, 
or  the  intelligent  worker,  and  the  successful  tiller  of  the 
soil — the  law  maker  or  the  ruler — according  as  his  educa 
tion  has  been  neglected  or  fostered. 

But  a  short  time  ago,  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry 
was  the  vague  idea  of  one  individual ;  a  year  ago,  a  compara 
tive  handful  of  men  and  women ;  to-day,  they  are  a  vast  army 
of  earnest  workers,  strong  in  their  will  to  resist  the  aggres 
sions  that  have  accumulated  with  each  recurring  year,  to 
burden  the  farmer  and  carry  the  fraternity  lower  and  lower 
in  the  social  scale.  Their  watchwords  are  hailed  and  an 
swered  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific — from  the  head 
waters  of  the  Great  Lakes,  and  the  wild  forests  of  Canada, 
to  the  everglades  of  Florida  and  the  Texas  plains  whose 
shores  are  washed  by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Their  banners 
are  unfurled,  not  alone  to  a  nation,  but  over  a  continent. 
Political  organizations  arise,  culminate,  accomplish  or  fail 
of  their  ends,  and  die.  They  are  weak  from  want  of  cohe 
sion  and  unity  of  purpose.  But  the  Grange  was  strong  in 
its  infancy,  and  while  yet  weak  in  numbers,  because  laboring 
with  a  unity  of  purpose  for  the  right.  It  is  still  but  a 
youth,  with  its  best  powers  undeveloped ;  but  the  stripling 
David  has  already  cast  the  stone  that  is  to  smite  the  Goliath 
of  Monopoly  in  the  forehead.  Those  who  despised  it  a  few 
months  ago,  in  its  supposed  weakness,  are  now  praying  to  it 
in  its  young  strength.  When  it  shall  have  arrived  at  its 
full  stature,  a  giant  in  strength,  irresistible  if  it  remain  pure 
in  its  intentions,  it  will  wield  a  power  such  as  no  other 
6 


122  THE  GHOUNDSWELL. 

m 

social  organization  has  known  since  the  advent  of  man  upon 
the  earth. 

WHAT  A  GRANGE  IS  NOT. 

The  Grange  is  not  a  political  organization,  and,  notwith 
standing  the  efforts  of  politicians  to  sway  its  destinies,  so  far 
they  have  signally  failed.  Therefore,  any  person,  of  what 
soever  political  creed,  eligible  to  the  rites  of  the  Order,  may 
become  a  member. 

It  is  not  a  religious  Order.  Its  record  on  that  score  is  as 
broad  as  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Hence,  all 
persons  may  meet  here — provided,  simply,  that  they  recog 
nize  a  Supreme  Being — on  terms  of  perfect  equality. 

It  is  not  an  Order  composed  solely  of  the  male  sex.  It 
includes  both  men  and  women,  and  herein  is  one  great  mani 
festation  of  sagacity  in  its  founders.  Herein,  again,  lies  its 
pre-eminent  strength ;  as  the  best  bow-anchor  it  will  hold 
the  ship  secure  at  its  moorings,  where,  when  not  under  sail 
fighting  for  the  rights  of  the  brotherhood,  in  its  harbor  of 
safety,  no  groundswells  rising  in  the  sea  of  discord  can 
injure  it. 

It  is  not  partisan  in  its  nature,  favoring  one  class  at  the 
expense  of  another;  asking  no  more  than  simple  justice  at 
the  hands  of  its  enemies,  nor  desiring  that  which  it  is  not 
willing  to  concede.  The  Grange  teaches  that  "  Human  hap 
piness  is  the  acme  of  earthly  ambition." 

It  is  not  sectional  in  its  aims.  For,  while  all  are  properly 
excluded  from  the  Order,  who  have  not  a  direct  interest  in 
Agriculture,  it  is  not  in  antagonism  with  any  industry,  but 
rather  seeks  to  foster  and  build  up  industries  of  every  kind; 
holding  that  "Individual  happiness  depends  upon  the  gen 
eral  prosperity.'*' 


The  "  Graiiger  "  is  not  an 


TO  HOOT  AT  MIDNIGHT. 


Nor  is  he  a 


TO  GROWL. 


NOT   A    NATURAL   BORN   CROAKER. 


He  is  not  such  as  these 


Least  of  all  is  he  a 


TO  BE   FLEECED. 


TO   "  ADVANCE    BACKWARD." 


What  the  "  Granger  "  is  Not— The  Opinions  of  Some  to  the 
Contrary  Notwithstanding.  (123) 


124  THE   GROtTNDSWELL. 

It  is  not  even  a  secret  society,  except  in  the  sense  that 
every  corporation,  and  every  business  firm,  and  even  every 
family,  are  secret.  The  members  simply  do  not  tell  the  world 
all  they  know.  Corporations  have  their  secret  transactions, 
known  only  to  the  officers.  Every  business  firm  has  its 
secret  marks  or  cipher,  known  only  to  its  members  and 
their  assistants,  by  which  they,  and  they  only,  know  at  what 
prices  they  buy,  and  at  what  prices  they  are  willing  to  sell. 
Their  books  are  not  thrown  open  to  the  gaze,  or  curiosity, 
of  any  one  who  may  choose  to  pry  into  their  business. 

And  thus,  dear  reader,  here  you  have,  condensed  in  a  nut 
shell,  what  a  grange  is,  and  what  it  is  not.  It  is  a  social  and 
business  organization,  for  the  promotion  of  the  well-being  of 
its  individual  members.  It  is  not  a  conclave,  seeking  to  do 
injury  to  any  man  or  woman  on  earth. 


CHAPTEE    XI. 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  ORDER. 


HOW  IT  CAME  ABOUT. 

In  January,  1866,  Mr.  0.  H.  Kelley,  a  native  of  Boston, 
but  owning  a  farm  in  Minnesota,  and  at  the  time  employed 
in  the  Department  of  Agriculture  at  Washington,  was  com 
missioned  by  President  Johnson  to  make  a  tour  of  the  South, 
to  collect  data  as  to  its  agricultural  and  mineral  resources. 
He  found  the  country  struggling  to  recuperate  from  the 
effects  of  the  war;  the  planters  and  farmers,  few  in  num 
ber  and  widely  scattered,  with  but  little  means  for  success 
fully  carrying  on  their  avocation. 

Southern  born  planters  have  always  been  noted  for  their 
generous  hospitality,  and  geniality,  but  it  was  not  expected 
they  would  take  kindly  to  a  stranger  and  a  government 
officer,  whom  they  might  naturally  regard  as  an  enemy. 
One  reason,  perhaps,  for  the  generous  spirit  displayed  by 
this  people  is  that  Freemasonry  is  largely  established 
among  them.  The  "  mystic  tie  of  brotherhood  "  saved  many 
a  poor  soldier's  life  during  the  war,  alleviated  the  sufferings 
of  many  wounded,  and  created  countless  friendships  between 
individuals  of  the  contending  parties  that  will  never  be 
sundered  while  life  lasts.  Mr.  Kelley,  himself  a  Masonic 
brother,  and  of  straightforward  and  pleasing  address,  made 

(125) 


126  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

friends  wherever  he  went,  and  traveled  throughout  the 
entire  district  south-east  of  the  Mississippi,  without  an  un 
pleasant  incident;  and,  having  satisfactorily  executed  the 
mission  upon  which  he  was  sent,  he  returned  North. 

THE  GERM-IDEA. 

Feeling  deeply  the  disabilities  under  which  the  southern 
planters  labored,  from  the  want  of  trained  labor— themselves, 
from  their  antecedents,  unfitted  as  yet  to  direct  their  affairs 
with  practical  efficiency— he  gave  much  thought  to  the  means 
to  be  employed  to  rouse  the  lower  classes  to  an  appreciation 
of  the  dignity  of  agriculture,  and  the  necessity  of  steady 
work,  through  which  they  might  make  comfortable  homes 
for  themselves  and  their  children. 

While  at  Mobile,  Ala.,  he  thought  deeply  over  the  subject 
of  practical  co-operation  by  the  union  of  the  Agricultural 
Societies  then  existing.  He  knew  that  these  societies  were 
distinct  and  independent  of  each  other,  but  he  asked  himself 
the  question  which  had  so  often  occurred  to  other  minds,  but 
without  result,  Why  should  not  the  Agricultural  Societies 
co-operate  for  the  general  welfare  of  the  farmers  of  the  whole 
country  ?  At  least,  why  could  not  some  plan  be  originated, 
by  which  these  societies  in  the  South  could  mutually  assist 
each  other  in  ameliorating  the  condition  of  the  southern 
farmers  ? 

Continuing  to  think  and  to  talk  upon,  this  matter,  he 
remembered,  that,  according  to  tradition,  the  tie  that  binds 
Mason  to  Mason  had  existed  from  time  immemorial;  he 
remembered  that  the  hand  of  brotherhood  had  extended 
with  civilization,  until  now  in  almost  every  land,  and  among 
nearly  all  people,  the  tie  was  found  which  bound  man 
to  man  as  brethren— religion,  honor,  and  manhood  being 


MATURING  PLANS.  127 

the  only  qualifications  for  the  unity  of  brother  with 
brother. 

At  last,  he  asked  himself  the  question,  Why  should  not 
the  farmers,  both  North  and  South,  unite  in  the  same  man 
ner  as  the  Masons,  who  have  clung  together  for  hundreds 
of  years,  for  social  and  educational  purposes,  with  a  view  to 
promote  their  common  interests  ? 

Why  not  ?  was  the  answer  echoed  back.  And  now  the 
solution  was  reached.  All  that  remained  was  to  mould  the. 
germ-idea  into  practical,  tangible  shape.  To  do  this,  would 
require  constant  energy,  untiring  labor,  and  much  self- 
sacrifice. 

MATURING  PLANS. 

The  future  founder  of  the  Order  was  not  a  man  to  shrink 
from  the  responsibility.  During  the  remaining  months  of 
his  stay  in  the  South,  he  mentioned  the  project  to  prominent 
gentlemen  whom  he  met.  It  was  received  with  favor.  The 
only  difficulty  was,  with  the  means  at  his  disposal,  to  unite 
individual  to  individual,  and  mind  to  mind,  in  the  working 
out  of  plans  that  should  harmonize  conflicting  views,  and 
enable  them  to  make  the  conception  of  his  brain  a  beneficent 
reality,  for  the  elevation  of  the^  masses,  through  the  sweat 
of  whose  faces  the  nations  eat  their  bread. 

Mr.  Kelley  returned  to  Washington,  and  from  thence  to 
Minnesota,  where  he  spent  the  succeeding  summer,  still 
revolving  the  project  in  his  mind.  In  November,  1866,  he 
returned  to  Washington,  to  take  a  clerkship  in  the  Post- 
Office  Department.  He  now  began  to  move  seriously  toward 
developing  the  idea,  that,  within  the  last  eighteen  months, 
has  spread  over  the  entire  West  and  South  like  a  prairie 
fire,  and  is  now  making  rapid  progress,  not  only  in  the  East, 
but  even  in  Canada* 


128  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

Among  the  gentlemen  whose  co-operation  he  sought,  no 
one  enlisted  more  heartily  than  Mr.  William  Saunders,  then 
(as  now)  Superintendent  of  the  gardens  and  grounds  of  the 
Department  of  Agriculture  at  Washington.  Other  gentle 
men  who  cordially  co-operated  with  Mr.  Kelley,  were  Mr. 
William  M.  Ireland,  chief  clerk  of  the  finance  bureau  of  the 
Post-Office  Department  (which  position  he  still  holds),  Rev. 
John  Trimble,  Jr.,  Eev.  A.  B.  Grosh,  so  familiarly  known 
from  his  connection  with  Odd  Fellowship,  and  Mr.  J.  R>. 
Thompson. 

FORMING  THE  FIRST  DEGREE  OF  THE  ORDER. 

The  above  were  all  members,  with  high  rank,  of  secret 
social  and  benevolent  orders,  and  therefore  proficients  in 
ritualism ;  and  all  are  gentlemen  of  education  and  refinement. 
They  met  from  time  to  time,  canvassing  the  grand  work  and 
suggesting  various  means  of  promoting  the  organization.  At 
length,  acting  upon  the  suggestions  offered  at  the  different 
meetings,  Messrs.  Kelley  and  Ireland,  on  the  5th  of  August, 
1867,  at  their  quarters  at  the  United  States  Hotel,  upon 
Pennsylvania  Avenue  at  Washington,  together  compiled  and 
worked  out  a  draft  of  the  First  Degree  of  the  Order. 

Immediately  after  this  date,  Mr.  Saunders  was  directed 
by  the  Commissioner  of  Agriculture  to  proceed  to  the  West 
and  South,  upon  business  connected  with  the  Department. 
Proceeding  West,  he  wrote  Mr.  Kelley  from  Sandusky,  0., 
on  August  30th :  "  I  have  mentioned  your  Order  to  a  good 
many,  and  all  agree  in  considering  the  thing  a  grand  idea." 
Among  other  prominent  farmers  and  horticulturists  whose 
attention  Mr.  Saunders  called  to  the  new  Order,  were,  Mr. 
Anson  Bartlett,  of  Ohio,  who  was  subsequently  elected 
Overseer  of  the  National'  Grange,  and  Mr.  Wm.  Muir;  of 


FORMING  THE  FIRST  DEGREE  OF  THE  ORDEE.    129 


Hon.    WILLIAM    SAUNDERS, 

(First  Master  National  Grange,  and  Member  National 
Executive  Committee.) 


130  THE  GROUNDS  WELL. 

Missouri,  the  well-known  horticulturist,  (who  was  afterward 
elected  Steward  of  the  National  Grange),  then  of  the  Rural 
World,  and  now  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Illustrated  Journal 
of  Agriculture. 

In  St.  Louis,  Mr.  Saunders  conferred  the  First  Degree. 
He  reported  progress,  periodically,  to  the  Agricultural  Syn 
dicate  at  Washington,  and  furnished  the  names  of  those  who 
from  time  to  time  agreed  to  co-operate.  The  gentlemen 
previously  mentioned,  and  others  to  whom  the  new  move 
ment  was  communicated,  all  took  an  earnest  interest  in  the 
work,  and  thenceforward  labored  peristently  for  its  success. 

Besides  those  whose  names  have  been  given,  correspond 
ence  was  entered  into  with  Mr.  A.  S.  Moss  and  Mr.  F.  M. 
McDowell,  of  New  York,  and  other  prominent  gentlemen  in 
various  States,  connected  with  agriculture,  from  whom  valu 
able  suggestions  were  received  in  elaborating  the  ritual,  and 
forming  the  ground-work  of  the  Order. 

THE  FOUNDERS  OF  THE  ORDER. 

To  Mr.  Kelley,  then,  belongs  the  credit  of  originating  the 
idea  which  was  so  energetically  and  promptly  worked  up 
and  carried  out  by  the  worthy  few  heretofore  mentioned. 
But  it  is  due  to  Mr.  Saunders  more  than  to  any  other  single 
individual  that  it  became  popularized  among  the  farmers, 
and  especially  among  horticulturists.  His  official  position, 
his  knowledge  of  the  real  wants  of  these  classes,  and  his 
wide  popularity  as  a  working  member  in  agriculture  and 
agricultural  art,  gave  him  great  personal  influence.  His 
persistent  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  Order,  since  his 
connection  with  it,  has  been  singularly  free  from  bias  as  to 
its  objects  and  aims.  While  this  is  true,  indeed  of  the  great 
proportion  of  its  officers,  it  is  pre-eminently  so  of  this  earnest 
and  honorable  man. 


SELECTING  A   NAME.  131 

It  is  a  singular  fact  in  connection  with  the  Order,  that,  of 
the  original  members,  not  one  of  them,  it  is  believed,  except 
Mr.  Kelley,  ever  organized  a  subordinate  Grange.  ISTo  less 
remarkable  is  the  fact  that,  of  those  early  correspondents 
who  gave  substantial  aid  and  encouragement  in  earnest 
words  of  praise,  not  more  than  five  or  six  have  ever  taken 
an  active  part  in  the  practical  work  of  the  Order.  Thomas 
B.  Bryan,  of  Chicago,  for  instance,  early  in  the  organization, 
felt  deeply  its  necessity,  urged  strongly  its  merits,  and  gave 
liberally  of  his  means,  while  yet  the  Order  was  in  its  greatest 
straits.  At  various  times,  the  funds  freely  given  by  this 
gentleman  were  urgently  needed.  These  gifts,  too,  possessed 
the  added  merit  of  having  been  earned  in  legitimate  and 
honorable  business  pursuits;  and,  unlike  the  large  sums 
occasionally  donated,  with  so  much  ostentation,  by  the  rail 
road  and  other  Wall  Street  jobbers  to  found  religious  and 
other  institutions,  his  donations  were  neither  given  to  divert 
public  opinion,  nor  to  cover  up  some  nefarious  scheme,  by 
which  the  ill-gotten  wealth  was  obtained,  nor  yet  to  smother 
by  good  deeds  the  cries  of  the  struggling  masses,  by  whose 
blood  and  sweat  it  was  gathered. 


SELECTING  A  NAME. 

In  September,  1867,  a  circular  was  prepared  by  the  lead 
ers  in  the  movement,  and  sent  out  to  individuals  prominent 
in  agriculture.  This  document  stated  what  had  been  so  far 
done  toward  organizing  the  system  for  association  and  co 
operation*  Suggestions  were  asked  for,  and,  among  other 
things,  as  to  the  proper  name  to  be  adopted,  in  case  the 
project  met  their  approval.  Responses  came,  which,  as  a 
rule,  were  favorable  to  the  work  contemplated ;  suggestions 


132  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

were  given,  and  the  work  on  the  ritual  at  last  became  so  far 
advanced  that  it  was  imperative  that  a  fitting  and  suggestive 
name  should  be  decided  on  for  the  new  Order,  still,  as  it 
were,  in  embryo. 

About  forty  titles  in  all  were  received  for  consideration. 
Among  these  were,  "Agricultural  Lodges,"  "  Bee  Hives," 
"  Knights  of  Husbandry,"  "  Knights  of  the  Plow,"  "  Tern-, 
pies  of  Industry,"  and  "Tillers  of  the  Soil."  But  the 
name  that  has  since  made  the  Order  so  famous,  and  which 
is  so  expressive  of  the  true  nature  of  the  association, 
"  Patrons  of  Husbandry,"  was  happily  adopted,  as  the  title 
of  the  members,  while  another  term,  equally  expressive, 
was  decided  on  to  indicate  the  hall  or  place  of  meeting,  and 
thus  the  word  "  Grange  "  was  wedded  to  enduring  fame. . 

It  would  be  well  for  all  to  remember  this  fact,  and  not 
mutilate  the  English  language  by  calling  the  individuals 
Grangers,  as  is  so  often  done,  not  only  in  contempt  of 
the  Order,  but  often,  for  want  of  knowing  better,  by 
those  who  do  not  feel  inimical  to  the  Order.  The  individual  is 
a  "  Patron  of  Husbandry ;"  the  place  of  meeting,  a  "  Grange." 


ORGANIZING  THE  "NATIONAL  GRANGE." 

On  the  fourth  day  of  December,  1867,  the  National  Grange 
was  organized.  Less  than  twenty  persons  assembled  at  the 
office  of  Mr.  Win.  Saunders,  in  Washington,  on  4J  Street, 
between  Missouri  Avenue  and  the  old  canal ;  but  these  were 
individuals  from  various  States,  who  were  actuated  by  a 
feeling  unanimous  in  its  resolve,  to  draw  together  the  agri 
cultural  masses  throughout  the  whole  country,  and  endeavor, 
by  precept  and  example,  to  show  the  necessity  of  such  a 
thorough  organization  as  should  enable  the  fraternity  to 


ORGANIZING  THE  NATIONAL  GRANGE.  133 

counteract  the  influences  that  had  long  been  at  work,  in 
various  directions,  to  divert  the  legitimate  profits  from  the 
hands  of  the  farmer. 

After  a  free  and  most  earnest  discussion  of  the  means  best 
adapted  to  forward  the  project,  it  was  resolved  to  organize 
the  National  Grange.  A  ballot  for  officers  resulted  in  the 
election  of  the  following :  William  Saunders,  of  the  District 
of  Columbia,  Master;  J.  R.  Thompson,  of  Vermont,  Lec 
turer;  Anson  Bartlett,  of  Ohio,  Overseer;  Wm.  Muir,  of 
Missouri,  Steward;  A.  S.  Moss,  of  New  York,  Assistant 
Steward ;  Rev.  A.  B.  Grosh,  of  Pennsylvania,  Chaplain ;  Wm. 
M.  Ireland,  of  Pennsylvania,  Treasurer ;  0.  H.  Kelley,  of 
Minnesota,  Secretary;  and  Edward  P.  Paris,  of  Illinois, 
Gate-Keeper. 

The  persons  thus  elected  were  not  all  present,  but  they 
were  all  well  known,  and  were  selected  because  of  their  inter 
est  in  the  Order,  and  the  constancy  which  they  had  shown 
in  supporting  the  new  movement.  The  majority  of  them  had 
been  earnest  and  untiring  in  the  establishment  of  the  Order ; 
they  had  matured  their  plan  of  operation  so  far  as  possible ; 
and  it  was  necessary  that  sufficient  time  be  given  to  carry 
out  this  plan,  according  to  the  pre-conceived  idea.  In  the 
discussion  of  ways  and  means,  it  was  decided,  therefore, 
that  this  election  should  be  for  five  years. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


EARLY  STRUGGLES  AND  THEIR  FRUITION. 


TESTING  THE  WORK  ALREADY  DONE. 

Very  soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  parent  or  Na 
tional  Grange,  a  subordinate  Grange  was  organized  at 
Washington,  numbering  about  sixty  members.  This  was 
intended,  not  only  as  a  school  of  instruction,  but  also  as  a 
means  of  testing  the  efficiency  of  the  ritual.  The  latter 
being  found  good,  so  far  as  it  went,  in  January,  1868,  a 
second  circular  was  sent  out  to  various  portions  of  the 
States,  in  which  the  objects  of  the  Order  were  announced. 

Some  of  these  objects  were  stated  to  be,  "  to  advance  edu 
cation,  to  elevate  and  dignify  the  occupation  of  the  farmer, 
and  to  protect  its  members  against  the  numerous  combina 
tions  by  which  their  interests  were  injuriously  affected." 

Among  the  benefits  to  be  derived,  as  stated  by  the  circu 
lar,  were :  "  Systematic  arrangements  for  procuring  and 
disseminating,  in  the  most  expeditious  manner,  information 
relative  to  crops,  demand  and  supply,  prices,  markets, 
transportation  throughout  the  country,  and  for  the  estab 
lishment  of  depots  for  the  sale  of  special  and  general  prod 
ucts  in  the  cities ;  also,  for  the  purchase  and  exchange  of 
stock,  seeds,  and  desired  varieties  of  plants  and  trees,  and 
for  the  purpose  of  procuring  help  at  home  or  from  abroad, 
and  situations  for  persons  seeking  employment;  also,  for 
(134) 


CARRYING   THE   WORK   AHEAD.  135 

ascertaining  and  testing  the  merits  of  newly-invented  farm 
ing  implements,  and  those  not  in  general  use,  and  for  detect 
ing  and  exposing  those  that  are  unworthy,  and  for  protect 
ing,  by  all  available  means,  the  farming  interests  from  fraud 
and  deception  of  every  kind." 

CARRYING   THE   WORK  FORWARD. 

Four  months  had  now  elapsed  since  the  organization  of 
the  National  Grange.  It  wanted  money,  which  had  here 
tofore  been  taken  freely  from  the  pockets  of  the  founders  of 
the  Order,  to  satisfy  the  necessary  current  expenses.  These 
gentlemen  were  not  wealthy,  and  the  sums  already  advanced 
had  been  a  heavy  tax  upon  them.  The  organization  now 
owed  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  most  of  which  was  for 
printing.  Progress  had  been  made,  it  is  true,  through  the 
circulars  sent  out  and  the  personal  efforts  of  the  members ; 
and  it  will  also  be  seen  that  progress  had  been  made  in  cre 
ating  a  debt,  which,  though  small,  was  onerous,  nevertheless, 
to  men  of  moderate  or  limited  means,  who  had  already  liber 
ally  furnished  the  "  sinews  of  war." 

To  create  new  Granges,  it  was  necessary  that  individuals 
familiar  with  the  work  should  meet  with  the  new  candidates. 
The  head  officers,  who  were  devoting  their  time  to  the  organ 
ization,  did  not  receive  any  compensation.  How,  then,  could 
the  money  be  raised  to  enable  the  proper  officers  to  travel 
and  disseminate  the  ritual  of  the  Order? 

Mr.  Kelley,  the  Secretary,  was  found  equal  to  the  emer 
gency,  and  even  hopeful  that  he  could  make  his  necessary 
traveling  expenses,  from  the  ordinary  fees  derived  from  the 
granting  of  dispensations.  It  was,  therefore,  decided  to 
send  him  out,  on  a  salary  of  two  thousand  dollars  a  year, 
provided  this  amount  could  be  realized  out  of  the  fees  ob- 


136  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

tained  from  the  establishment  of  the  Granges  in  the  various 
States.  The  National  Grange,  however,  expressly  stipu 
lated  that,  if  the  fees  did  not  meet  the  sum  named,  he 
should  have  no  claim  on  that  organization,  and  that  it  would 
assume  the  payment  of  no  expenses  whatever. 

Hopeful  and  enthusiastic,  Mr.  Kelley  immediately  resigned 
his  clerkship  in  the  Post-office  Department.  Being  fur 
nished  with  a  general  letter  of  introduction,  Harrisburg, 
Pa.,  was  selected  as  the  first  point  for  trial.  His  ticket 
bought,  he  found  himself  with  but  two  dollars  and  a  half  in 
currency  of  the  United  States,  for  expenses.  How  many 
men  would  have  left  a  lucrative  office,  and  thus  launched  out 
upon  an  unknown  sea,  on  a  voyage  which  might  eventuate 
in  the  wreck  of  his  fondest  hopes?  He  carried  nothing 
with  him  but  the  best  wishes  and  earnest  prayers  of  the 
brotherhood  left  behind. 

THE  FIRST  FOUR  DISPENSATIONS  ISSUED. 

Armed  with  the  necessary  power  to  grant  dispensations 
for  the  organization  of  subordinate  Granges,  Mr.  Kelley  ar 
rived  at  Harrisburg,  where  he  enlisted  the  co-operation  of  a 
sufficient  number  of  persons  to  form  a  Grange,  and  there 
the  first  dispensation  was  granted. 

Proceeding  from  this  point,  he  traveled  on,  talking, 
wherever  opportunity  offered,  with  the  farmers  whom  he 
met;  here  and  there  meeting  with  hearty  encouragement, 
but,  in  the  majority  of  cases,  finding  the  farmers  afflicted 
with  that  species  of  conservatism  which  looks  with  doubt 
upon  any  thing  that  seems  like  breaking  out  of  old  ruts. 
They  did  not  like  to  take  stock  in  any  chimerical  venture, 
content  to  suffer  the  ills  they  had  rather  than  fly  to  those 
they  knew  not  of. 


THE   FIRST   FOUR   DISPENSATIONS   GRANTED.  137 


O.   H.   KELLEY,   ESQ., 
Secretary  of  the  National  Grange, 


138  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

At  length,  reaching  Fredonia,  1ST.  Y.,  a  second  dispensa 
tion  was  granted.  From  here  he  went  to  Columbus,  0., 
where  another  Grange  was  organized.  From  thence,  in  due 
course  of  travel,  he  went  to  Chicago,  where  the  fourth  dis 
pensation  was  granted. 

Of  these  four  dispensations,  the  first  two  retained  vital 
action,  tfie  third  resulted  in  a  total  failure,  and  the  fourth 
proved  but  little  better.  Before  long,  the  Chicago  Grange 
ceased  to  hold  meetings,  and  became  as  virtually  dead  as 
the  one  in  Ohio.  In  this  condition  it  remained  until  No 
vember,  1873,  when  an  effort  was  made  to  revive  the  inter 
est  of  its  members ;  and  while  this  history  is  being  written, 
strong  hopes  are  entertained  that  the  reorganization  of  this, 
the  first  Grange  in  Illinois,  will  be  entirely  successful.  It 
has  amply  proved  that  large  cities  are  not  favorable  to  the 
growth  of  an  Order  for  asserting  the  rights  of  the  farmer. 

The  history  of  the  Order  will  show  that  the  principal  ob 
stacles  to  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  enterprise  lay 
with  the  farmers  themselves.  The  reasons  were,  that  they 
required  to  be  roused  by  their  enemies  no  less  than  by  their 
friends — they  had  first  to  be  educated  to  the  proper  point, 
through  the  well-organized  and  constantly  increasing  power 
of  legalized  monopolies,  using  their  accumulated  capital  to 
bind  still  closer  the  shackles  of  the  farmer  and  the  other 
producing  classes  of  the  nation. 

DISCOURAGEMENT,  BUT  NOT  DESPAIR. 

Discouraged,  but  not  despairing,  still  urging  the  import 
ance  of  the  Order,  and  wanting  only  money  to  carry  on  the 
good  work,  Mr.  Kelley,  one  month  after  leaving  Washington, 
reached  Minnesota,  in  which  State,  it  will  be  recollected, 
his.  farm  was  situated.  In  this  great  grain-growing  State 


DISCOURAGEMENT,   BUT  NOT  DESPAIR.  139 

he  met  with  somewhat  better  success.  Six  Granges  were 
organized  before  the  close  of  the  year,  making  ten  in  all. 
One  of  these,  the  North  Star  Grange,  of  St.  Paul,  deserves 
more  than  a  passing  notice.  Its  members  took  hold  of  the 
work  with  alacrity ;  they  persisted,  nowithstanding  the  dif 
ficulties  under  which  the  new  organization  labored ;  and,  to  its 
credit  be  it  said,  the  Grange  has  never  missed  a  meeting 
since. 

Among  those  who  most  vigorously  denounced  the  scheme, 
were  the  class  who,  while  conducting  their  own  affairs  with 
secrecy,  saw  in  the  future  of  this  organization  a  power  that 
might  combat  and  render  nugatory  their  own  schemes  of 
aggrandizement.  The  journals  devoted  to  this  class  were 
not  slow  in  ringing  the  changes  on  the  terrible  abuse  of 
power  that  would  ensue,  if  the  organization  should  prove 
successful  and  become  powerful. 

The  journals  of  our  large  cities,  acting  in  the  interests  of 
great  organizations,  were  especially  virulent.  Even  a  por 
tion  of  the  religious  press  attempted  to  cast  obloquy  on  the 
Order,  having  suddenly  bethought  itself  that  all  secret 
orders  were  inimical  to  the  interests  of  humanity ;  unaware, 
perhaps,  that  through  secret  societies  and  means  some  of 
the  most  self-sacrificing  and  disinterested  actions  that  have 
ever  cast  a  halo  over  the  divine-human  in  man  have  been 
performed ;  and  taking  no  note  of  the  fact  that  the  admis 
sion  of  wives  and  mothers  into  full  communion  with  the 
Order  was  the  element  that  must  conserve  the  purity  of  the 
organization.  Happily  for  the  Order,  and  happily  for  its 
members,  that  this  idea  early  suggested  itself  to  the  found 
ers.  Happy  for  humanity  all  over  the  earth,  if  this  sacred 
element  could  pervade,  not  only  each  and  every  secret 
society,  but  all  political  organizations  as  well, 


140  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 


WORKING  AGAINST  DIFFICULTIES. 

After  reaching  his  farm  in  Minnesota,  Mr.  Kelley  re 
mained  there  until  the  early  part  of  1871.  Meanwhile,  he 
wrote  and  talked  about  the  Order,  made  journeys,  when 
necessary  to  grant  dispensations,  and,  in  connection  with  his 
brethren  of  the  various  Granges,  encountered  manifold  dis 
couragements  with  fortitude.  But  all  working  for  a  com 
mon  purpose,  the  small  nucleus  of  Granges  slowly  increased. 

The  first  Grange  established  in  Minnesota  was  at  Itasca. 
In  a  short  time,  one  was  organized  in  Jasper  County,  Ind. 
Another  was  organized  at  Waukon,  Iowa,  at  the  home 
of  Mr.  Adams,  the  present  Master  of  the  National  Grange. 
A  few  more  Granges  were  organized  in  Iowa,  Minnesota, 
"Wisconsin,  and  Illinois ;  but,  up  to  the  beginning  of  1873,  the 
entire  membership  of  the  Order  in  the  United  States  was 
not  computed  at  over  seventy-five  thousand.  Before  the 
issue  of  this  work,  it  will  undoubtedly  exceed  seven  hundred 
thousand.  One  reason  for  the  slow  growth  of  the  Order 
until  within  the  last  eighteen  months,  was  that  the  farmers 
still  looked  to  their  Clubs  as  the  way  out  of  their  difficul 
ties.  But  it  was  at  last  found  that  the  only  way  to  solve 
the  problem  of  concentrated  effort  was  by  co-operation 
with  and  through  the  Granges. 

Slowly,  yet  surely,  the  organization  gained  friends  and 
strength.  The  annual  meetings  of  the  National  Grange  at 
Washington,  which  was  working  steadily  forward,  were 
regularly  attended  by  the  Masters  of  the  State  Granges; 
and,  at  length,  the  business  of  the  Order  had  reached  such 
magnitude  that  Mr.  Kelley  found  that  he  must  either  relin 
quish  his  position  as  Secretary  of  the  National  Grange,  or 
give  up  his  farm.  He  proposed  to  continue  his  labors  for 
the  Order,  and;  in  January,  1871,  removed  to  Washington, 


THE  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ORDER.       141 

whence,  a  year  later,  lie  removed  his  office  to  Georgetown, 
D.  C.,  and  here  the  headquarters  of  the  National  Grange 
have  since  remained.  Since  this  date,  the  principal  difficul 
ties  which  originally  embarrassed  the  movement  have  been 
overcome,  and  many  conscientious  men  and  women,  who 
formerly  opposed  the  Order  from  principle,  have  learned  to 
view  the  matter  in  a  different  light,  since  they  have  found 
that  the  secret  feature  of  the  organization  could  not,  by  the 
rules  of  the  Order  itself,  be  used  for  evil.  Thus  it  has  come 
about  that  many  heretofore  bitterly  opposed  to  the  system 
are  now  its  staunchest  friends,  and  labor  heartily  in  their 
new  field  of  usefulness. 


THE  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE   ORDER. 

As  we  have  just  mentioned,  the  Order  has  its  headquar 
ters  at  Georgetown,  D.  C.  Here  its  vast  business  is  carried 
on ;  the  accounts  are  kept  and  compared,  circulars,  tracts,  and 
pamphlets  issued,  correspondence  conducted,  dispensations 
granted,  etc.  Ten  clerks  are  unremittingly  engaged,  find 
ing  it  difficult  to  keep  pace  with  the  constantly  increasing 
business  of  the  office. 

In  1872,  more  than  five  hundred  thousand  publications 
of  various  kinds  were  sent  out.  The  number  largely  increased 
in  1873,  corresponding  with  the  growth  of  the  Order.  Franks 
have  never  been  used,  under  any  circumstances.  In  1872, 
about  two  thousand  five  hundred  dollars  worth  of  postage 
stamps  were  used,  while  the  express  charges  aggregated 
about  one  hundred  dollars  per  month. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  drain  on  its  treasury,  the  Na 
tional  Grange"  is  in  excellent  financial  condition.  So  much 
have  its  circumstances  changed  since  the  period  of  its  early 
struggles,  when  "  the  forlorn  hope  "  traveled  westward,  that  it 


142  THE  GftOtWDSWELL, 

now  has  over  thirty  thousand  dollars  in  bank,  and  does  not 
owe  a  dollar.  The  motto,  is  "  Pay  as  you  go."  This  alone 
ought  to  commend  it  to  every  business  man  in  the  land.  The 
Secretary  writes :  "I  make  no  purchases,  except  C.  0.  D., 
and  every  clerk  is  paid  promptly  'each  Saturday  night." 
The  Constitution  requires  that  moneys  shall  be  deposited 
once  a  month,  but  it  is  proposed  to  alter  this  provision  so  as 
to  require  such  deposits  to  be  made  weekly ;  indeed,  this  has 
been  the  practice  of  the  National  Secretary  for  a  considerable 
time  past.  The  depository  has,  we  believe,  always  been  the 
Farmers'  Loan  and  Trust  Company,  of  New  York  City. 

It  has  been  said  that  all  new  organizations  must  have  the 
measles,  whooping-cough,  and  other  infantile  complaints. 
This  organization  has  fairly  got  through  with  these  disor 
ders  ;  indeed  they  were  taken  very  lightly,  and  no  evils  en 
sued.  It  is  now  fully  grown,  of  mature  vigor,  clear  in  intel 
lect,  and  with  conscience  unstained. 

WONDERFUL  GROWTH  OF  THE  ORDER. 

The  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  has  been  repeatedly 
decried  as  of  mushroom  growth,  and  it  has  as  often  been 
prophesied  that  its  decay  would  be  as  speedy.  Those  who 
make  this  assertion  are  evidently  conversant  with  its  history 
for  only  the  last  two  years,  and  even  with  that  but  imper 
fectly.  It  seems  to  have  been  forgotten  that  the  organiza 
tion  is  six  years  old,  or  else  the  assumption  is  made  up  from 
the  old-fashioned  stand-point  that,  in  order  to  be  respectable, 
an  order  must  be  covered  with  the  dust  of  ages.  Such  ia 
not  the  modern  way  of  organizing  reforms. 

Let  us  look  at  the  real  growth  of  the  Order.  In  tha 
year  1868,  ten  subordinate  Granges  were  organized;  in 
1869,  thirty-nine;  in  1870,  thirty-nine;  in  1871,  one 


WONDERFUL  GROWTH  OF  THE  ORDER. 


143 


dred  and  twenty-five ;  in  1872;  one  thousand  one  hundred  and 
five.     Since  January  1, 
1873,  subordinate  Gran 
ges  have  been  organized 
as  follows: 

January 158 

February 347 

March  666 

April  571 

May 696 

June   625 

July 612 

August 829 

September  919 

October 1050 

The  number  of  Gran 
ges  in  the  several  States 
and  Territories,  accord 
ing  to  the  official  list, 
on  November  15,  1873, 
was: 

^Alabama 240 

^-Arkansas 80 

^California 110 

Georgia 327 

^  Illinois 712 

^Indiana 587 

"Iowa 1830 

"Kansas 664 

Kentucky 50 

Louisiana 31 

Massachusetts 14 

Michigan 124 

Minnesota  378 

*  Missouri 1056 

Mississippi 457 

Maine.  ~ 1 

Nebraska 346  |  New  Jersey 19 

New  Hampshire 8|  New  York 22 


What  the  Order  is  Not. 


144  THE  GHOtJNDSWELL. 


Wisconsin 245 

Colorado 2 

Dakota 29 

Canada 8 

Washington 5 

Maryland 6 

Florida 16 


Total 8260 


Ohio 199 

Oregon 43 

;  Pennsylvania  37 

'  South  Carolina 188 

-  Tennessee 219 

/Texas 31 

.'  Vermont 30 

Virginia 8 

.  West  Virginia 21 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  there  are  subordinate  Granges 
established  in  thirty-six  States  and  Territories,  besides 
those  in  Canada,  where,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  the 
Order  will  become  as  popular  as  it  is  in  the  United  States. 
If  it  is  of  mushroom  growth,  its  bitterest  opponent  can  not 
deny  that  it  has  the  sympathy  and  support  of  many  of  the 
leading  minds  of  the  United  States  and  Canada.  A  reference 
to  the  statistics  of  the  subordinate  Granges  established  in 
1873  will  convince  the  most  skeptical  that  the  growth  is 
entirely  healthy;  otherwise,  its  popularity  could  not  so 
steadily  increase. 

STRENGTH  OF  THE  ORDER. 

The  strength  of  the  Order  has  been  variously  estimated. 
The  membership  of  the  subordinate  Granges  ranges  from 
eleven  to  two  hundred  and  fifty.  Our  figures  show  eight 
thousand  two  hundred  and  sixty  Granges.  Taking  seventy 
as  a  fair  average  membership  for  each  Grange,  which  is  not 
too  high  an  estimate,  we  have  a  total  membership  of  nearly 
six  hundred  thousand.  It  will  undoubtedly  be  increased, 
before  the  first  of  January,  1874,  by  a  hundred  thousand 
The  female  membership  (included,  of  course,  in  the  above 
estimate)  is  believed  to  be  from  seventy-five  to  one  hundred 
thousand  strong. 


STRENGTH  OF  THE  ORDER.  145 

"While,  for  the  inception  of  this  work,  full  credit  should 
be  accorded  the  originators,  Messrs.  Saunders  and  Kelley, 
and  their  worthy  co-laborers,  the  rank  and  file — the  working 
members — must  not  be  forgotten.  The  Deputies  especially 
have  had  an  onerous  task.  They  have  had  to  battle  with 
opposition,  submit  to  reproach,  disarm  suspicion,  and  guard 
the  Order  at  all  points  against  the  attacks  of  wily  and  in 
sidious  enemies.  They  have  borne  the  emblems  of  the  fra 
ternity  among  foes  difficult  to  overcome ;  they  have  had  to 
steady  the  irresolute,  and  support  the  timid.  With  unbend 
ing  purpose,  and  a  firm  reliance  in  the  integrity  of  their 
cause,  they  have  planted  the  banner  of  co-operative  effort 
in  every  State  of  the  Union.  They  have  gathered  a  harvest 
of  members — men  whose  strong  arms  have  hewed  out  homes 
from  the  forest,  or  reared  habitations  on  the  prairie  or  the 
mountain  slope,  the  plain  or  the  hillside— all  over  the  land. 
So  far,  this  great  army  of  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  land  have 
used  their  power  in  the  most  careful  and  considerate  man 
ner.  The  wonderful  success  of  the  organization  might 
naturally  have  turned  the  heads  of  men  who  have  long 
struggled  hopelessly  for  their  natural  rights.  That  it  has 
not  thus  far  done  so  may  certainly  be  accepted  as  evidence 
that  the  Order,  in  the  future  as  in  the  past,  will  be  actuated 
only  by  motives  of  honor,  and  a  strict  regard  to  justice  and 
the  inherent  rights  of  man. 
7 


CHAPTEE   XIII. 


AIMS  AND  OBJECTS  OF  THE  ORDER. 


SALIENT  FEATURES  OF  THE  ORDER. 

Three  salient  and  distinct  features  of  the  Order  of  Patrons 
of  Husbandry  are,  respectively,  its  social,  intellectual,  and 
business  elements. 

The  feature  first  named  aims  to  bring  together  men  and 
women,  young  and  old",  who,  in  social  converse,  may  discuss 
whatever  pertains  to  the  well-being  of  the  community. 
Purity  of  thought  and  expression  are  inculcated ;  and,  while 
any  question  pertaining  to  innocent  gossip  may  be  broached, 
coarseness  and  backbiting  are  allowed  no  place. 

In  1870,  Mr.  Saunders,  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  Na 
tional  Grange,  of  which  he  was  then  the  Master,  expressed 
himself  as  follows :  "  To  make  country  homes  and  country 
society  attractive,  refined,  and  enjoyable,  to  balance  exhaust 
ive  labors  by  instructive  social  amusements  and  accomplish 
ments,  is  part  of  our  mission  and  our  aim." 

Among  the  pleasant  social  features  are  the  feasts  pro 
vided,  once  a  month,  by  the  ladies  in  summer,  not  unfre- 
quently  taking  the  form  of  pic-nics  in  some  grove.  It  is 
pleasant  to  record  that  this  idea  originated  with  a  lady, 
Miss  Carrie  A.  Hall,  of  Boston,  Mass.,  who,  with  untiring 
zeal  and  self-abnegation,  has  devoted  herself  to  the  further 
ance  of  the  best  interests  of  the  Order  almost  from  its  incep- 
(146) 


EDUCATING  THE   INTELLECTS.  147 

tlon.  These  banquets,  whether  held  within  the  Grange  or 
in  the  grove,  help  to  bind  together  the  various  other  features 
in  one  harmonious  whole.  The  popularity  of  the  pic-nics 
especially,  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  their  utility,  not  only  among 
the  members  themselves,  but  as  exercising  an  influence  upon 
many  who  would  not  otherwise  become  united  with  the  fra 
ternity.  The  lack  of  social  enjoyment  has  long  been  felt 
among  farmers,  and  this  want  the  Grange  supplies  most 
thoroughly. 

EDUCATING  THE  INTELLECTS. 

Another  want  always  felt  most  keenly  by  progressive 
farmers  has  been  the  difficulty  experienced  in  meeting  to 
gether  for  intellectual  improvement.  The  Farmers'  Clubs, 
except  in  a  few  isolated  instances,  have  always  failed  in  this. 
It  seemed  impossible  to  make  the  incongruous  elements  of 
masculine  humanity  cohere  sufficiently  for  persistent  effort 
in  this  direction";  and  only  when  the  feminine  element  was 
permitted  to  unite  therein  has  it  ever  become  permanently 
successful. 

In  the  ritual  of  the  Grange,  there  is  music  to  enliven,  ed 
ucate,  and  refine;  many  of  the  Granges  already  possess 
libraries,  constantly  added  to,  whose  benefits  all  the  mem 
bers  may  share  alike.  While  the  Grange  is  a  place  where 
each  sex  and  every  condition  in  life,  if  respectable,  may 
meet  upon  terms  of  perfect  equality,  the  refining  influences 
therein  gained  have  already  prevented  many  a  young  man 
from  spending  his  time  and  means  in  the  village  saloons, 
or  billiard  halls,  and  many  soul-destroying  resorts  of  vice. 
The  Grange  has  undoubtedly  redeemed  some  who,  but  for 
its  influence,  would  have  gone  from  bad  to  worse,  and  have 
died  drunkards,  and  perhaps  have  filled  paupers'  graves. 

The  Grange  is  intended  to  be  the  moral  and  intellectual 


148  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

club -room,  where  husband  and  wife,  father  and  mother,  brother 
and  sister,  may  meet,  when  the  labors  of  the  day  permit,  to 
improve  themselves  in  that  social  and  intellectual  intercourse 
that  has  hitherto  seemed  unavailable  to  a  class  who  com 
pose  at  least  two -fifths  of  the  population  of  the  country. 
If  no  other  problem  in  human  life  were  solved  by  the  Pa 
trons  of  Husbandry,  this  alone  would  stamp  it  indelibly  as 
one  of  the  most  harmonizing  institutions  of  either  ancient 
or  modern  times. 

THE  BUSINESS  FEATURE. 

While  the  Patrons  seek  to  inculcate  precepts  of  morality, 
educate  the  intellectual,  and  provide  innocent  amusement, 
business  is  the  chief  aim  of  the  Order.  This  includes  plans 
for  assisting  each  other  in  buying  and  selling;  discussions 
on  the  best  means  for  the  improvement  of  tillage ;  on  drain 
ing,  landscape  adornments,  and  the  best  methods  of  making 
home  beautiful ;  and  educating  the  members  to  a  general 
knowledge  of  business,  so  that  they  will  not  become  the 
prey  of  sharpers,  who  have  heretofore  found  our  agricultu 
ral  classes  only  too  easy  dupes. 

There  is  one  class  of  swindlers  to  whom  the  farmers  have 
especially  fallen  victims,  the  class  called  "  scalpers  "  by 
railroad  men.  They  sell  tickets  on  their  own  account  to 
any  part  of  the  world,  cheating  the  purchaser  when  oppor 
tunity  occurs.  They  are  self-constituted  agents,  who  buy 
up  blocks  of  nursery  trees  and  plants  already  culled  until 
•entirely  worthless  for  practical  use.  These  are  sorted,  tied 
into  suitable  bundles,  to  correspond  to  the  orders  taken  from 
farmers  by  their  agents,  carefully  labeled,  and  delivered  as 
first-class  stock  of  the  varieties  ordered.  These  tricks  have 
filled  the  orchards  of  the  unwary  with  fruits  unsuited  to 


A  THIRST  FOE   KNOWLEDGE.  149 

v^_ 

the  climate  and  locality,  or  even  entirely  spurious,  wholly 
untrue  to  name. 

Another  species  of  sharpers  are  the  various  so-called 
agents,  who  are  traveling  over  the  country  purporting  to 
have  bought  goods  at  bankrupt  sales,  which  goods  they  pro 
fess  to  sell  at  merely  nominal  prices.  Still  another  stripe 
of  these  precious  scamps  are  the  swindlers  in  our  cities  who 
flood  the  country  with  circulars,  proposing  to  sell  tickets  at 
from  twenty-five  cents  to  one  dollar  each,  entitling  the 
holder  to  select  from  a  stock  of  goods  to  an  amount  many 
times  their  value. 

These,  then,  are  some  of  the  objects  for  which  the  Order 
of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  was  organized,  namely,  to  abolish, 
through  the  social  and  intellectual  elevation  of  the  mem 
bers,  the  nefarious  practices  of  unscrupulous  sharpers,  who 
constantly  prey  upon  those  who,  thrown  seldom  into  contact 
with  the  world,  have  not  the  means  of  discerning  the  lurk 
ing  swindle  beneath. 

A  THIRST  FOE  KNOWLEDGE. 

As  the  farmer  gains  information,  he  sees  the  necessity  of 
supplementing  his  own  empirical  attainments  with  the 
knowledge  richly  stored  in  the  books  and  journals  devoted 
to  his  especial  interests,  of  which  heretofore  by  far  too  little 
use  has  been  made,  and  which  should  be  to  the  agriculturist 
what  the  technical  books  and  journals  are  to  the  other  several 
classes  that  compose  a  civilized  nation.  If  the  farmer  ig 
nores  these  means,  he  must  continue  not  only  to  be  the  prey 
of  sharpers  and  confidence  men,  but,  in  a  great  degree,  to  be 
worsted  in  the  every-day  transactions  of  legitimate  busi 
ness  ;  for  it  is  human  nature  to  make  money  wherever  one 
can,  and  in  this  the  farmer  is  not  different  from  other  men. 


150 


THE  GROUNDSWELL. 


He  wins  from  his  fellow,  if  he  can.  The  higher  his  social 
and  intellectual  nature  is  developed,  the  less  liable  is  he  to 
depart  from  strict  honesty  and  descend  to  meanness  or 


A  Farm  Scene. 


downright  dishonesty.  Fair  and  honorable  dealing  marks 
the  true  business  man ;  deceit  and  fraud  belong  only  to  the 
sharper  and  swindler. 

THE  SECRET  NATURE  OF  THE  ORDER. 

It  was  considered  necessary  to  the  permanency  of  the 
organization,  early  in  the  inception  of  the  Order,  that  its 


THE   SECRET   NATURE   OF   THE   ORDER.  151 

workings  be  secret.  There  are  many  reasons  why  this 
secrecy  should  be  imperative.  It  was  intended  to  bind  the 
agricultural  masses  together  firmly,  but  without  severity. 
To  use  the  expressive  language  of  Mr.  Saunders :  "  Unity 
of  action  can  not  be  acquired  without  discipline,  and  disci 
pline  can  not  be  enforced  without  significant  organization; 
hence,  we  have  a  ceremony  of  initiation  which  binds  us  in 
mutual  fraternity  as  with  a  band  of  iron ;  but,  although  its 
influence  is  so  powerful,  its  application  is  as  gentle  as  that  of 
the  silken  thread  that  binds  a  wreath  of  flowers." 

Why  should  it  not  be  secret?  No  member  of  any  busi 
ness  firm  would  long  retain  his  position  if  he  should  allow 
the  whole  town  to  know  the  means  used  to  forward  the 
enterprises  in  which  the  firm  was  engaged;  for,  by  this 
course,  it  would  inevitably  be  bankrupted.  If  the  lawyer 
was  not  bound  by  oaths  to  preserve  inviolate  the  secrets 
entrusted  to  him  by  his  clients,  how  could  the  ends  of  justice 
be  subserved?  If  the  physician  should  tell  at  the  street 
corner,  every  thing  that  might  come  to  his  knowledge  in  the 
course  of  his  practice,  the  social  privacy  of  our  homes  and 
firesides  would  be  gone,  and  all  the  decencies  of  life  be  out 
raged.  If  the  divine  should  tell  every  idle  gossip,  each 
incident  of  sin  or  wrong  done,  that  came  to  his  ear,  or  if  the 
priesthood  should  reveal  the  secrets  of  the  confessional,  what 
would  be  the  result  ?  Society  would  be  convulsed  to  its 
center ;  for  that  which  was  innocent  in  itself  would  be  mag 
nified  into  absolute  wrong,  and  that  which  was  only  venial 
would  be  contorted  into  the  blackness  of  iniquity. 

Persons  in  every  vocation  and  degree  of  life  have  secrets 
that  may  not  be  told  outside  of  the  immediate  circle  in  which 
they  move.  Even  our  political  organizations  have  secrets 
that  are  not  freely  communicated.  Our  associations  of  every 
kind,  and  corporations,  hold  secrets  essential  to  their  success 


152  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

in  business.  Our  legislative  bodies,  and  even  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  hold  executive  sessions  with  closed  doors. 
While  it  might  be  freely  confessed  that  a  political  organi 
zation,  conducted  with  secrecy,  would  be  likely  to  prove 
inimical  to  the  liberties  of  the  people,  there  can  be  no  danger 
from  the  secrecy  obligatory  on  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry, 
one  of  whose  fundamental  principles  is  that  politics  shall  not 
be  discussed  in  meetings  of  the  Order.  Certainly,  one  thing 
has  been  proved,  that  women,  from  whom  secrets  were 
wrongfully  supposed  to  leak  as  freely  as  water  from  a  sieve, 
have  proved  themselves  as  trustworthy  in  this  particular  as 
men,  thus  disproving  one  more  of  the  slanders  against 
the  sex. 

THE  SECRET  FEATURE  EXAGGERATED  AND  MIS 
APPREHENDED. 

From  first  to  last,  there  has  been  the  wildest  misappre 
hension  of  the  extent  and  importance  of  the  secrecy  specialty 
of  the  Granges.  This  feature  has  been  grossly  misrepresented. 
Good  people,  in  their  anxiety  to  discountenance  any  thing 
savoring  of  Know-Nothingism  or  the  like,  have  held  up 
their  hands  in  horror  when  asked  to  join.  "What?  Join 
a  secret  society?  Never!  Never/!"  Straightway,  they 
have  gone  home,  and,  with  hair  on  end,  outpoured  to  the 
partners  of  their  bosom  the  unheard-of  wickedness  they  have 
been  tempted  to  perpetrate. 

There  exists,  among  persons  who  are  not  members  and  are 
therefore  unacquainted  with  its  workings,  a  fixed  impression 
that  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  is  modeled  after 
the  German  Vehm  Gericht — a  sort  of  agricultural  "Holy 
League ;  "  that  it  holds  midnight  sessions  to  which  no  one  is 
admitted,  except  after  giving  certain  cabalistic  grips  and 
passwords  ;  that  its  councils  are  presided  over  by  mysterious, 


THE  REAL  CHARACTER  OF  THE  ORDER.       153 

closely-masked,  scarlet-clad  persons,  in  whose  hands  are  the 
life  and  death,  goods  and  chattels,  of  its  members ;  that  these 
head  centres  are  entitled  to  require,  and  do  require,  neo 
phytes  to  prove  their  fitness  to  join  the  Order  by  some  deed 
of  blood;  that,  at  a  sign  of  hesitancy,  "Off  with  his  head" 
is  the  command,  and  straightway  the  unfortunate  trembler 
is  minus  his  caput.  In  short,  the  general  impression  abroad 
is,  that  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  is  a  concatenation 
Of  masked  meetings,  grips,  passwords,  dark  lanterns,  stilet 
toes,  poisoned  chalices,  skulls  and  crossbones,  drowning  in 
sacks,  anonymous  denunciations,  and  mysterious  disappear 
ances.  And  all  this  because  it  chooses  to  exclude  out 
siders  from  its  business  deliberation,  and  not  to  let  their  ene 
mies  know  their  every  move. 

The  real  state  of  the  case  (and,  though  not  a  member  of 
the  Order,  I  know  it  to  be  so — which  is  itself  a  proof  that  the 
secrecy  required  is  not  very  rigorous)  is,  that  this  feature  of 
the  Grange  is  of  the  mildest  character,  and  in  very  rare 
cases  is  it  vigorously  enforced.  The  wonderful  spread  of 
the  Order  is  a  guarantee  that  its  principles  are  such  as  a 
good  citizen  may  conscientiously  subscribe  to.  In  fact,  the 
secrecy  feature  has  been  one  of  the  greatest  reasons  for  the 
marvelous  success  of  the  Order — perhaps  the  greatest, 
except  the  vigor  which  the  leaders  of  the  movement  have 
shown  in  developing  it. 

0 

THE  REAL  CHARACTER  OF  THE  ORDER. 

The  real  character  and  aims  of  the  Order  of  Patrons  of 
Husbandry  were  thus  detailed  to  the  writer  by  Col.  A.  B. 
Smedley,  Master  of  the  State  Grange  of  Iowa : 

It  has  no  politics  of  a  partisan  character,  yet  it  could 
hardly  be  expected  that  those  consecrated  to  the  work  of 


154  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

reform  and  purification  should  consent  to  be  longer  in  the 
leading-strings  of  political  tricksters  and  demagogues,  who 
have  bartered  their  trusts  for  money.  In  fact,  this  Order 
proposes  to  invite  office-seekers  to  back  seats,  while  the 
people  shall  seek  and  designate  their  servants. 

The  Order  is  no  respecter  of  persons,  color,  sects,  or  sexes, 
but  has  reference  most  positively  to  character,  declining  to 
admit  drunkards,  gamblers,  professional  politicians,  or  those 
whose  pursuits  or  associations  place  them  antagonistic  to 
farm  interests. 

The  Order  means  business,  and  will  labor  to  bring  the 
greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number.  Some  of  its  general 
objects  may  be  stated  as  follows,  viz. : 

1st.  The  ennoblement  of  labor,  and  the  fraternity  of  the 
producing  classes. 

2d.  Mutual  instruction,  and  the  lightening  of  labor  by 
diffusing  a  better  knowledge  of  its  aims. 

3d.  Social  culture,  as  also  mental  and  moral  develop 
ment. 

4th.  Mutual  relief  in  sickness  and  adversity. 

5th.  The  prevention  of  litigation. 

6th.  Prevention  of  cruelty  to  animals. 

7th.  Bringing  more  nearly  together  the  producer  and 
consumer. 

8th.  The  overthrow  of  the  credit  system. 

9th.  Building  up  and  fostering  our  home  industries. 

10th.  Mutual  protection  to  husbandmen  against  sharpers 
and  middle-men. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


OTHER  PROMINENT  FEATURES  OF  THE  ORDER. 


WOMAN'S  MISSION  IN  THE  GRANGE. 

This  subject  has  already  been  touched  upon,  but  will  bear 
amplifying.  During  the  early  days  of  the  Order,  every 
means  was  used  by  its  enemies  to  throw  disrepute  upon  this 
feature  of  the  plan  of  association.  All  sorts  of  charges- 
moral,  philosophical,  humorous,  satirical,  and  vindictive — 
were  hurled  against  it.  Time,  however,  has  proved  the  ex 
cellence  and  strength  of  this  element.  One  firm  friend  it 
has  had,  from  first  to  last,  in  that  brotherhood  who  acknowl 
edge  the  mystic  tie,  wherever  on  earth  it  is  habitable  for 
man;  who  are  bound  with  a  cord  of  union  that  can  not  be 
broken ;  who  recognize  that  all  men  are  the  children  of  one 
God,  and  who  follow  the  divine  precept,  "  Love  ye  one  an 
other." 

Mr.  Saunders,  in  an  address  heretofore  quoted  from,  said 
of  the  work  of  women  in  the  Grange:  " Their  assistance  in 
the  workings  of  the  Order  is  proving  of  incalculable  value ; 
it  is,  indeed,  doubtful  whether  the  objects  of  the  institution, 
especially  in  regard  to  the  refinements  of  education,  and  all 
that  tends  to  brighten  hearths  and  enliven  homes,  could 
have  been  accomplished  without  their  presence  and  aid." 

Woman's  work  in  the  Grange  is  to  elevate  and  refine.  If 
her  influence  were  felt  and  acknowledged  in  every  secret  or- 

(155) 


156  THE   aROUNDSWELL. 

ganization  having  for  its  object  the  rounding  off  the  rough 
edges  of  every-day  life,  its  power  for  good  would  be 
greater  than  it  was  ever  before  able  to  exercise  in  any  one 
single  direction ;  for,  as  is  truly  said  in  one  of  the  circulars 
sent  out  by  the  Patrons :  "  Every  husband  and  brother 
knows  that  where  he  can  be  accompanied  by  his  wife  or  sis 
ter,  no  lessons  will  be  learned  but  those  of  purity  and  truth." 

WOMEN  AS  KEEPERS  OF  SECRETS. 

Another  fear,  early  expressed,  was  that  women  could  not 
keep  a  secret.  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  this  idea  is  now 
thoroughly  exploded.  In  all  the  workings  of  the  Order 
nothing  is  yet  believed  to  have  escaped  the  lips  of  one  of  the 
female  members  where  it  should  not  be  told.  The  reason  is 
obvious.  The  wives  and  daughters  of  farmers  are  not  sur 
rounded  by  the  false  glitter  and  deceptions  of  fashionable 
life.  They  share  the  labors  and  the  sorrows  of  their  fami 
lies  ;  they  are  treated  as  the  equals  of,  and  co-workers  with, 
the  men.  Their  tastes  are  simple,  their  aspirations  pure. 

Many  a  city  belle  envies  the  robust  health,  the  blending 
of  the  rose  with  the  lily,  characterizing  the  country  girl. 
The  one  is  engaged  in  frivolities  and  fashionable  dissipation, 
such  as  drive  the  carmine  from  the  cheek ;  the  other  takes  a 
healthy,  practical  interest  in  the  affairs  of  daily  life  around 
her.  The  mere  votary  of  fashion  may  be  able  to  keep  her 
own  secrets,  but  she  does  not  always  keep  those  of  her 
friend.  The  rural  wife  or  maiden  keeps  not  only  her  own, 
but  also  those  of  her  friends  which  may  not  be  told. 

Maidens  as  true  and  faithful  abound  also  in  our  cities, 
but  they  are  not  found  in  the  circles  of  those  butterflies 
who  worship  at  the  altar  of  fashion,  but  rather  around  the 
fireside  of  the  God-fearing  man  of  business,  the  artisan  and 


The  Matron  at  Home. 


(157) 


158  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

the  mechanic.  If  the  lately-established  Order  of  Patrons 
of  Industry  should  do  for  the  working  classes  of  our  cities 
what  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry  have  done  and  will  do  for 
our  rural  population,  the  united  strength  of  these  organiza 
tions  will  become  a  power  for  good  absolutely  irresistible; 
and  they  can  sweep  from  the  land  the  last  vestige  of  cor 
ruption  and  fraud,  even  to  the  cleansing  of  the  Augean  sta 
bles  of  party  politics  and  "ring"  jobbery. 

HOW  THE  PATRONS  PREVENT  LAW  SUITS. 

Lawyers  make  our  laws,  and  in  framing  them  it  is  not 
strange  that  they  should  so  arrange  them  as  to  make  the 
most  capital  for  themselves.  As  now  con 
stituted,  the  majority  of  our  legislative 
enactments  are  such  a  mass  of  verbiage 
that  none  but  an  adept,  educated  to  the 
art,  can  unravel  the  tangled  skein.  In 
deed,  so  intricate  are  they  that  even  the 
lawyers  themselves,  nay,  even  our  best 
judges,  are  not  able  to  pronounce  upon 
their  meaning  with  precision. 

Many  of  the  Granges  have  incorpora 
ted  into  their  constitutions  a  clause  bind 
ing  the  members,  when  differences  arise 
between  them,  to  submit  their  cases  to  ar 
bitration.  Here  is  a  beneficent  expedient 
that,  if  rigidly  adhered  to,  will  save  to  the  members  not  only 
enough  to  pay  the  working  expenses  of  the  Grange,  but  also, 
in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  to  stock  each  organization  so 
electing  with  a  library  amply  sufficient  to  meet  all  their 
ordinary  wants. 

In  some  instances  this  method  of  settling  disputes  has  en: 


THE  COLORED   BROTHER  AS  A  PATRON.  159 

tirely  done  away  with  the  petty  suits  that  are  constantly 
stirring  up  neighborhood  strife,  and  filling  the  pockets  of 
pettifogging  lawyers,  growing  rich,  in  many  cases,  from  the  re 
sults  of  their  own  machinations.  If  this  class,  who  are  held 
in  contempt  by  the  honorable  portion  of  their  profession, 
persist  in  stirring  up  strife,  let  the  quarrels  by  all  means  be 
settled  by  the  Granges  without  their  further  intervention. 
A  Patron  who  refuses  to  abide  by  the  pledge  he  takes  in 
this  respect  when  he  signs  the  constitution,  should  justly  be 
considered  to  have  a  greater  love  for  the  law  than  justice, 
and  properly  ought  to  be  subject  to  Grange  discipline,  even 
to  expulsion. 

The  time  and  money  often  wantonly  squandered  in  litiga 
tion  (to  say  nothing  of  the  ill-feeling  engendered),  if  properly 
expended,  would,  in  many  cases,  save  the  farmer's  family 
much  needless  suffering,  and  not  unfrequently  lift  the  mort 
gage  from  the  farm,  and  leave  its  possessor  in  the  undis 
turbed  enjoyment  of  the  results  of  his  previous  hard  labors. 
This  clause  in  the  constitution  of  Granges  we  believe  to 
have  been  first  started  in  that  enterprising  banner  State, 
Iowa.  May  her  people  long  enjoy  the  results  of  their  strug 
gle  against  extortion. 

THE  COLORED  BROTHER  AS  A  PATRON. 

It  has  been  said  that,  sooner  or  later,  the  colored  element 
in  our  population,  and  especially  at  the  South,  would  clamor 
for  admittance  into  the  Order ;  and  that  this  question  would 
prove  annoying  and  difficult  of  adjustment.  This  is  one 
of  the  myths  gotten  up  originally  in  Washington,  and  dis 
patched  to  a  daily  paper  of  New  York  city,  apparently  for 
the  purpose  of  not  only  exciting  prejudice  among  those  out 
side  the  Order,  but  also  of  creating  discord  within.  But 


160  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

the  bomb  fell  harmless ;  the  still-born  myth  failed  to  stir  up 
the  feeling  among  Southern  Patrons  that  was  intended. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  a  gratifying  fact  that  in  no  portion 
of  the  country,  except  the  Western  States,  has  the  Order  made 
so  rapid  progress  as  at  the  South.  There,  at  least,  the  col 
ored  element  gives  no  trouble.  Why 
should  it  in  this  Order,  any  more 
than  in  Masonry,  for  instance  ?  No 
individual,  unless  he  or  she  be  a 
farmer,  or  at  least  connected  with 
agricultural  pursuits,  and  respecta 
ble,  is  admitted  into  the  Order. 

The  constitution  of  the  Order 
does  not  allow  either  politics  or  re 
ligion  to  interfere  with  the  work. 

Cotton  Plant.  ,,..,,  , 

Every    individual    member    is    as 

free  and  untrammeled  in  these  matters  as  though  not  a  Pa 
tron.  Nor  does  the  constitution  contain  any  reference  to 
color.  If  the  requisite  number  of  persons  of  color  should 
apply  for  a  dispensation,  it  would  be  issued ;  or,  if  not,  it 
would  be  a  proceeding,  on  the  part  of  the  officer  refusing,  of 
an  entirely  arbitrary  character,  for  which  he  could  not  readily 
account  to  the  National  Grange.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  indeed, 
that  Granges,  composed  of  persons  of  color,  will  be  estab 
lished  all  over  the  South  and  elsewhere,  provided  the  agri 
cultural  element  is  strong  enough  to  support  one.  In  the 
North  there  will  rarely  be  any  necessity  for  Granges  of  col 
ored  brethren,  for,  there,  comparatively  few  persons  of  color 
take  to  farming  regularly.  Their  tropical  nature  leads  them 
to  engage  in  such  labor  in  cities  as  save  them  from  exposure 
to  the  weather  in  winter.  There  is  nothing  in  the  ritual  of 
the  Order  that  precludes  the  admission  of  any  person  on  ac 
count  of  nationality  or  color,  no  matter  what  it  be.  Ther<* 


NO   GRANGES   SPEAKING   FOREIGN   LANGUAGES.          161 

is  an  especial  field  of  usefulness  for  the  Grange  at  the  South. 
It  would  be  just  the  school,  combining  the  esthetic  with  the 
practical,  in  which  to  educate  the  freedmen,  who,  having 
just  emerged  from  slavery,  requires  every  possible  agency 
for  informing,  refining,  and  elevating  his  untutored  nature, 
and  fitting  him  for  his  duties  as  a  man  and  citizen. 


NO  GEANGES  SPEAKING  FOREIGN  LANGUAGES. 

It  has  also  been  flung  in  the  teeth  of  the  Patrons  that  no 
German  Granges  have  been  established.  With  the  same 
truth,  and  to-^he  same  point,  it  might  be  observed  that  there 
have  been  no  Irish,  nor  French,  nor  Swedish,  nor  Dutch 
Granges  established.  The  fact  is,  there  should  not  be,  except 
in  certain  special  localities,  or  in  settlements  sufficiently 
large  for  organization,  where  the  inhabitants  have  not  yet 
learned  to  speak  our  language.  In  such  exceptional  cases 
the  ritual  should  be  translated  into  the  language  required, 
that  the  perfect  affiliation  of  all  farmers  might  be  secured. 

Where  the  community  of  any  nationality  is  sufficiently 
strong  to  allow  the  formation  of  a  Grange,  although  they 
might  speak  English  in  the  most  imperfect  manner,  there 
could  be  no  objection  to  dispensations  therefor.  Indeed, 
being  subordinate  to  the  National  and  State  Granges,  it 
would  help  to  cement  and  bind  together  the  whole  with  a 
still  stronger  bond  of  unity,  and  in  a  closer  brotherhood. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  Order  will  work  strongly  in  this 
direction,  granting  dispensations  in  every  language,  if  need 
be,  that  is  spoken  in  the  United  States. 

It  is  unquestionably  true  that  all  the  foreign  nationalities 
in  our  midst,  and  especially  the  German,  who  are  naturally 
imbued  with  a  strong  fraternal  feeling,  prefer  to  join  bene- 


162  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

ficiary  societies  having  their  own  branches.  The  feature  in 
question  could  work  no  harm  among  the  Patrons,  any  more 
than  among  other  order,  in  the  country.  On  the  contrary, 
it  might  be  the  means  of  still  further  consolidating  the  ag 
ricultural  masses. 

THE  ILLINOIS  " STAATS-ZEITUNG"  ON  THE  GRANGES. 

The  following  extract  from  this  leading  German  news 
paper  well  expresses  the  feeling  which  should  govern  this 
matter : 

"  A  German  recently  publicly  protested  against  the 
'  Granges.'  He  thought  the  control  of  the  reform  move 
ment  ought  not  to  be  left  in  the  hands  of  secret  societies 
with  mystic  signs  and  ceremonies  of  inauguration.  Like 
the  country,  he  regarded  its  welfare,  and  the  furthering  of 
the  same,  as  the  common  privilege  and  duty  of  all ;  and  here, 
where  every  laudable  object  may  be  openly  prosecuted,  so 
patriotic  an  undertaking  must  not  become  the  exclusive 
property  of  a  few,  nor  yet  must  it  be  enveloped  in  a  mantle 
of  secrecy,  and  surrounded  with  a  mysterious  hocus-pocus. 
Such  secrecy  and  hocus-pocus  is  hypocrisy  and  deception  on 
the  one  hand,  and  superstition  and  folly  on  the  other. 

"The  man  who  wrote  this  views  the  thing  in  too  gloomy 
a  light.  Deception  and  folly  can  not  be  discovered  in  the 
farmer  associations.  The  thing,  of  course,  would  be  wrong 
if  they  sought  to  accomplish  a  specific  political  object  in  a 
secret  manner.  But,  as  is  to  be  seen  from  the  declarations 
of  the  chiefs  of  the  Order,  politics  is  not  really  the  object. 
Not  in  their  capacity  as  members  of  granges  do  the  farmers 
take  part  in  politics,  but  in  their  capacity  of  members  of 
public  farmers'  associations,  who  publicly  discuss,  and  in  their 
resolutions  publicly  declare,  what  they  want.  We  will  only 
point  to  the  county  conventions  of  the  farmers  in  Illinois, 
and  to  their  platforms  and  nominations. 

"  Not  a  few  German  farmers  belong  to  the  English- 
American  granges.  But  their  participation  in  the  Order 
would  be  far  greater  if  there  were  German  granges,  which, 


UNJUST  CHARGES.  163 

of  course,  would  be  just  as  subordinate  to  the  principal 
body  as  are  German  Odd  Fellow  lodges  to  the  Grand 
Lodges  of  their  Order." 

SOME  OF  THE  UNJUST  CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  GRANGES. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  the  Granges  were  simply  orga 
nized  for  political  effort,  which  in  time  would  become  appar 
ent  ;  that  the  ritual  is  simply  a  cheap  glitter  that,  in  a  short 
time,  would  lose  its  power,  and  end  in  dissolution,  leaving 
the  farmer  worse  oft'  than  before;  that,  if  successful,  they 
would  crush  manufactures,  and  involve  the  country  in 
financial  ruin ;  that  the  Order  is  fatally  defective  in  coher 
ence,  from  the  want  of  education  and  intelligence  among  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  Order;  with  many  more  harsh  things 
of  the  same  general  tenor. 

The  first  proposition  has  already  been  sufficiently  dis-- 
proved  by  the  action  of  the  Granges  themselves.  The  second 
is  well  known  in  the  Order  to  be  incorrect,  unless  by  cheap 
glitter  is  meant  the  simplicity  of  the  ritual  and  the  few 
ceremonies  of  initiation.  The  saving  in  purchases  of  every 
kind  needed  by  the  members  is  a  feature  that  must  inevit 
ably  bind  together  this  most  remarkable  social  organization 
of  any  age.  The  want  of  intelligence  and  education  has 
more  foundation  in  truth,  if  by  this  is  meant  that  the  average 
farmer  lacks  the  training  that  would  enable  him  to  cope 
with  those  shrewd  fellows  whose  only  aim  in  life  is  the 
gathering  together  of  the  almighty  dollar,  from  every  avail 
able  source,  and  by  whatsoever  means  possible. 

It  is  conceded  that  agriculture  is  the  ground-work  of 
national  wealth;  and  that  the  prosperity  of  the  country 
depends  upon  the  prosperity  of  the  agricultural  interests. 
Yet  the  farmer  of  the  West  has  seen  himself  grow  poorer 
and  poorer  each  year,  although  his  granaries  were  overflow- 


164  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

ing  with  the  cereals,  while  millions  far  away  wanted  cheap 
food.  While  in  one  nation  thousands  were  starving,  the 
Western  farmer,  in  many  localities,  was  burning  his  corn  for 
fuel,  because  freights  were  so  high  that  he  could  not  trans 
port  it. 

The  fault,  it  must  be  said,  was  not  all  with  the  railways, 
exorbitant  as  were  their  charges,  and  grasping  as  were  their 
combinations  to  extend  'their  power.  The  farmers  of  the 
West  had  been  raising  too  much  of  the  raw  material  for 
export.  They  had  failed  to  keep  up  with  the  progress  of 
the  age,  and  did  not  diversify  their  agriculture  to  meet  the 
requirements  of  the  times.  Therefore,  education  to  a  proper 
business  managment  is  one  of  the  tenets  of  the  Order. 

SOME  GAINS  OF  THE  GRANGES. 

They  have  gained  much  socially,  in  having  been  enabled  to 
bring  together  neighborhoods  between  which  social  inter 
course  had  previously  seemed  impossible.  Instances  are 
recorded  where  families  have  ridden  fifteen  miles,  regularly, 
to  attend  the  meetings  of  the  Order.  The  reason  was,  the 
gathering  was  not  only  made  the  occasion  when  friends  could 
meet  together  in  social  converse,  but  the  ritual,  both  written 
and  unwritten,  tends  to  expand  the  mind ;  the  aim  and  scope 
of  the  work  in  general  being  to  make  the  members  better 
and  more  intelligent  men  and  women.  For  as  the  action  of 
flint  upon  steel  elicits  sparks,  so  the  attrition  of  mind  with 
mind  elicits  ideas  and  stimulates  the  intellect. 

The  educational  features  are,  by  lectures  and  discussions, 
to  show  the  true  value  of  business  qualifications,  not  only 
in  buying  and  selling,  but  also  as  applied  to  the  every 
day  routine  of  farm  life.  The  Patron  will  be  a  better  busi 
ness  man  and  a  better  farmer  as  well.  The  work  of  the 


A  CASE  IN  POINT.  165 

Order  not  only  shows  the  business  relation  of  individual  to 
individual,  but  also  the  business  relation  of  the  individual 
to  the  Government,  and  to  the  community  in  which  he  or 
she  lives. 

Buying  cheaper  and  selling  dearer,  are  simply  incidents 
that  come  in  correlatively  in  the  work.  A  certain  class  of 
business  men  have  endeavored  to  inculcate  the  idea  that  the 
Order  was  to  make  a  raid  upon  the  various  industries  of  the 
country,  in  order  to  concentrate  all  business  in  the  hands  of 
the  Patrons  themselves.  But  the  truth  is,  the  Patrons  do  not 
propose  interference  with  any  legitimate  business  ;  and  they 
seek,  by  every  lawful  means,  to  build  up  manufactures  every 
where.  When  a  business  or  manufacture  becomes  an  onerous 
monopoly,  that  seeks  to  obtain  excessive  profits  by  crushing 
out  the  weak  who  seek  the  same  line  of  business,  the  counter 
acting  of  this  iniquity  must  undoubtedly  be  regarded  as 
legitimate  and  proper  work  for  the  Granges.  They  are  seek 
ing  to  build  up  business,  not  kill  it. 

A  CASE  IN  POINT. 

The  cost  of  shipping  agricultural  machinery  and  manufac 
tured  implements  is  exceedingly  great.  It  occurred  to  the 
Patrons  of  Iowa  that  much  of  this  expense  might  be  reduced 
by  making  at  least  some  of  these  at  home.  Plow  factories 
were  started  under  the  auspices  of  the  Order,  and  now  a 
large  percentage  of  the  plows  used  by  the  members  of  the 
Order,  are  manufactured  in  this  State,  and  at  prices  materially 
below  what  they  cost  under  the  old  regime,  when  they  had 
to  go  through  the  hands  of  the  various  agents,  employed  by 
manufacturers  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  them  to  keep  up 
the  retail  price  to  the  farmer. 

Some  of  the  more  sagacious  of  the  manufacturers  have 


166  DHfi  GROtIKt>SWELL. 

retracted  their  overbearing  diction  to  deal  with  the  Granges 
only  through  the  manufacturers'  agents,  and  they  acknowledge 
that  their  profits  remain  unimpaired.  In  the  end,  all  manu 
facturers  must  come  under  the  same  system,  or  go  to  the 
wall.  One  of  their  great  savings,  and  one  not  previously 
estimated,  is,  that  they  are  not  obliged  to  keep  immense 
stocks  scattered  all  over  the  land,  constantly  depreciating  in 
value,  and  in  various  ways  entailing  a  considerable  percent 
age  of  losses.  The  new  system  of  direct  purchases  will 
eventually  do  away  with  a  class  of  middle  men  or  agents, 
many  of  whom  have  been  but  little  better  than  "  grain 
scalpers,"  living  as  they  did,  and  growing  rich  from  their 
inordinate  commissions,  and  having  a  monopoly  of  the 
articles  sold.  One  of  the  very  proper  aims  of  the  Patrons 
is  to  do  away  with  such  exactions. 

CO-OPERATION   OF  INDEPENDENT  ORGANIZATIONS 
NECESSARY  TO   ULTIMATE  SUCCESS. 

Every  Grange,  Farmers'  Club,  Farmers'  Union,  Farmers' 
Co-operative  Association,  and  every  similar  organization  of 
whatsoever  name  that  has  sprung  up  throughout  the  land, 
•  since  the  banner  of  resistance  to  monopoly  has  been  raised, 
must  not  only  co-operate  with  other  Granges,  Clubs,  Unions, 
etc.,  but  these  several  organizations  must  learn  to  work 
unitedly,  as  one  coherent  whole,  toward  all  legitimate  ends 
that  it  may  seem  necessary  to  secure. 

The  assumption  is  reiterated  and  insisted  on,  that  all 
these  bodies  must  assist  and  co-operate  with  each  other 
upon  all  vital  questions,  whether  social,  financial,  or  even 
political. 

Some  of  the  leading  partisan  journals  of  the  day  begin  to 
see  the  beginning  of  the  end,  and  are  endeavoring  to  preju- 


CO-OPERATION  OF  INDEPENDENT,   ETC.  16? 

dice  public  opinion  against  all  combinations  of  farmers.  At 
first,  many  of  the  politicians  and  political  editors  were 
especially  anxious  to  assist  in  working  out  the  problems 
that  agitated  the  agricultural  masses.  The  more  sensible 
of  them  are  now  inclined  to  allow  these  organizations  to 
manage  their  own  affairs.  This  is  especially  true  of  the 
Granges,  and  for  a  cogent  reason,  namely,  they  can  not,  to 
use  a  slang  phrase,  get  the  inside  track. 

One  of  the  leading  journals  of  Chicago,  which,  when  not 
indecent  or  vulgar,  is  bitterness  itself,  in  calling  attention 
to  the  meeting  of  the  Illinois  Farmers'  Association  which 
held  its  annual  session  at  Decatur,  on  the  16th  of  December 
last,  headed  a  double-leaded  leader  on  the  subject,  "Agri 
cultural  Jackasses,"  and  rounded  it  off  with  "Dam  phool;" 
by  such  terms  referring  to  men  like  Professor  Turner,  W.  C. 
Flagg,  and  others  of  justly  high  standing  for  intelligence  and 
philosophical  breadth  of  mind. 

If  these  men  are  not  capable  of  discussing  questions  re 
lating  to  agriculture,  and  agricultural  interests,  as  connected 
with  national  or  political  economy,  it  is  not  probable  that 
the  penny-a-liner  of  the  Chicago  Times  will  ever  shine 
in  that  direction.  That  journal  might  well  be  proud  if  its 
entire  staff  possessed  a  moiety  of  the  scholarly  attainments 
that  belong  to  either  of  the  two  working  farmers  above 
named. 


CHAPTEB  XV. 


LAWS  AND  BY-LAWS  OF  THE  ORDER. 


OFFICERS   AND    CONSTITUTION   OF  THE   NATIONAL 
GRANGE. 

The  officers  of  the  National  Grange,  at  present,  are  as 
follows  :  Master— Dudley  W.  Adams,  Waukon,  Iowa ;  Over 
seer — Thomas  Taylor,  Columbia,  S.  C.;  Lecturer — T.  A. 
Thompson,  Plainview,  Wabasha  Co.,  Minnesota;  Steward — 
A.  J.  Vaughan,  Early  Grove,  Marshall  Co.,  Mississippi; 
Assistant  Steward — G-.  W.  Thompson,  New  Brunswick, 
New  Jersey ;  Chaplain — Rev.  A.  B.  Grosh,  Washington, 
D.  C. ;  Treasurer — F.  M.  McDowell,  Corning,  New  York ; 
Secretary — 0.  H.  Kelley,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  Gate-Keeper 
— 0.  Dinwiddie,  Orchard  Grove,  Lake  Co.,  Indiana;  Ceres 
— Mrs.  D.  W.  Adams,  Waukon,  Iowa;  Pomona — Mrs.  0. 
H.  Kelley,  Washington,  D.  C.;  Flora— Mrs.  J.  C.  Abbott, 
Clarkesville,  Butler  Co.,  Iowa;  Lady  Assistant  Steward — 
Miss  C.  A.  Hall,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  Executive  Committee 
—  William  Sounders,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  D.  Wyatt  Aiken, 
Cokesbury,  Abbeville  Co.,  S.  C. ;  E.  E.  Shankland,  Du- 
buque,  Iowa. 

PREAMBLE  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

Human  happiness  is  the  acme  of  earthly  ambition.  Individual 
happiness  depends  on  general  prosperity. 

The  prosperity  of  a  nation  is  in  proportion  to  the  value  of  its  pro 
ductions. 

(168) 


CONSTITUTION.  169 

The  soil  is  the  source  from  whence  we  derive  all  that  constitutes 
wealth ;  without  it,  we  would  have  no  agriculture,  no  manufactures, 
no  commerce.  Of  all  the  material  gifts  of  the  Creator,  the  various 
productions  of  the  vegetable  world  are  of  the  first  importance.  The 
art  of  agriculture  is  the  parent  and  precursor  of  all  arts,  and  its  pro 
ducts  the  foundation  of  all  wealth. 

The  productions  of  the  earth  are  subject  to  the  influence  of  natural 
laws,  invariable  and  indisputable;  the  amount  produced  will,  conse 
quently,  be  in  proportion  to  the  intelligence  of  the  producer,  and 
success  will  depend  upon  his  knowledge  of  the  action  of  these  laws, 
and  the  proper  application  of  their  principles. 

Hence,  knowledge  is  the  foundation  of  happiness. 

The  ultimate  object  of  this  organization  is  mutual  instruction 
and  protection,  to  lighten  labor  by  diffusing  a  knowledge  of  its  aims 
and  purposes,  to  expand  the  mind  by  tracing  the  beautiful  laws  the 
Great  Creator  has  established  in  the  universe,  and  to  enlarge  our 
views  of  Creative  wisdom  and  power. 

To  those  who  read  aright,  history  proves  that  in  all  ages  society  is 
fragmentary,  and  successful  results  of  general  welfare  can  be  secured 
only  by  general  effort.  Unity  of  action  can  not  be  acquired  without 
discipline,  and  discipline  can  not  be  enforced  without  significant  or 
ganization  ;  hence,  we  have  a  ceremony  of  initiation,  which  binds  us 
in  mutual  fraternity  as  with  a  band  of  iron  ;  but  although  its  influ 
ence  is  so  powerful,  its  application  is  as  gentle  as  that  of  the  silken 
thread  that  binds  a  wreath  of  flowers. 

The  Patrons  of  Husbandry  consist  of  the  following : 


CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE  I. — Officers. — Section  1.  The  officers  of  a  Grange,  either 
National,  State,  or  Subordinate,  consist  of  and  rank  as  follows :  Mas 
ter,  Overseer,  Lecturer,  Steward,  Assistant  Steward,  Chaplain,  Treas 
urer,  Secretary,  Gate-Keeper,  Ceres,  Pomona,  Flora,  and  Lady 
Assistant  Steward.  It  is  their  duty  to  see  that  the  laws  of  the  Order 
are  carried  out. 

Sec.  2.  How  Chosen. — In  the  Subordinate  Granges  they  shall  be 
chosen  annually ;  in  the  State  Granges  once  in  two  years,  and  in  the 
National  Grange  once  in  three  years.  All  elections  to  be  by  ballot. 

Vacancies  by  death  or  resignation  to  be  filled  at  a  special  election 
at  the  next  regular  meeting  thereof — officers  so  chosen  to  serve  until 
the  annual  meeting. 

Sec.  3.  The  Master  of  the  National  Grange  may  appoint  members 
of  the  Order  as  Deputies  to  organize  Granges  where  no  State  Grange 
exists. 

Sec.  4.  There  shall  be  an  Executive  Committee  of  the  National 
Grange,  consisting  of  three  members,  whose  term  of  office  shall  be 
three  years,  and  one  of  whom  shall  be  elected  each  year. 

8 


170  TH£  GROUNDStVELL. 

Sec.  5.  The  officers  of  the  respective  Granges  shall  be  addressed  as 
"  Worthy." 

ARTICLE  II.— Meetings. — Section  1.  Subordinate  Granges  shall 
meet  once  each  month,  and  may  hold  intermediate  meetings  as  may 
be  deemed  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  Order.  All  business  meet 
ings  are  confined  to  the  fourth  degree. 

Sec.  2.  State  Granges  shall  meet  annually,  at  such  time  and  place 
as  the  Grange  shall  from  year  to  year  determine. 

Sec.  3.  The  National  Grange  shall  meet  annually,  on  the  first 
Wednesday  in  February,  at  such  place  as  the  Grange  may  from  year 
to  year  determine.  Should  the  National  Grange  adjourn  without 
selecting  the  place  of  meeting,  the  Executive  Committee  shall  ap 
point  the  place,  and  notify  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Grange 
and  the  Masters  of  State  Granges,  at  least  thirty  days  before  the 
day  appointed. 

ARTICLE  III. — Laws.— The  National  Grange,  at  its  annual  session, 
shall  frame,  amend,  or  repeal  such  laws  as  the  good  of  the  Order  may 
require.  All  laws  of  State  and  Subordinate  Granges  must  conform 
to  this  Constitution  and  the  laws  adopted  by  the  National  Grange. 

ARTICLE  IV.  —  Ritual.  —  The  Ritual  adopted  by  the  National 
Grange  shall  be  used  in  all  Subordinate  Granges,  and  any  desired 
alteration  in  the  same  must  be  submitted  to,  and  receive  the  sanction 
of,  the  National  Grange. 

ARTICLE  V.— Membership.— Any  person  interested  in  agricultural 
pursuits,  of  the  age  of  sixteen  years  (female),  and  eighteen  years 
(male),  duly  proposed,  elected,  and  complying  with  the  rules  and 
regulations  of  the  Order,  is  entitled  to  membership  and  the  benefit 
of  the  degrees  taken.  Every  application  must  be  accompanied  by 
the  fee  of  membership.  If  rejected,  the  money  will  be  refunded. 
Applications  must  be  certified  by  members,  and  balloted  for  at  a 
subsequent  meeting.  It  shall  require  three  negative  votes  to  reject 
an  applicant. 

ARTICLE  VL—J^ees  for  Membership. — The  minimum  fee  for  mem 
bership  in  a  Subordinate  Grange  shall  be,  for  men  five  dollars,  and 
for  women  two  dollars,  for  the  four  degrees,  except  charter  members, 
who  shall  pay — men  three  dollars  and  women  fifty  cents. 

ARTICLE  VII. — Dues. — Section  1.  The  minimum  of  regular  monthly 
dues  shall  be  ten  cents  from  each  member,  and  each  Grange  may 
otherwise, regulate  its  own  dues. 

Sec.  2.  The  Secretary  of  each  Subordinate  Grange  shall  report 
quarterly  to  the  Secretary  of  the  State  Grange  the  names  of  all  per 
sons  initiated  or  passed  to  higher  degrees. 

Sec.  3.  The  Treasurer  of  each  Subordinate  Grange  shall  report 
quarterly,  and  pay  to  the  Treasurer  of  his  State  Grange,  the  sum  of 


CONSTITUTION.  171 

one  dollar  for  each  man,  and  fifty  cents  for  each  woman,  initiated 
during  that  quarter;  also,  a  quarterly  due  of  six  cents  for  each 
member. 

Sec.  4.  The  Secretary  of  each  State  Grange  shall  report  quarterly 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Grange  the  membership  in  his 
State,  and  the  degrees  conferred  during  the  quarter. 

Sec.  5.  The  Treasurer  of  each  State  Grange  shall  deposit,  to  the 
credit  of  the  National  Grange  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  with  some 
banking  or  trust  company  in  New  York  (to  be  selected  by  the  Exec 
utive  Committee),  in  quarterly  installments,  the  annual  due  of  ten 
cents  for  each  member  of  his  State,  and  forward  the  receipts  for  the 
same  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  National  Grange. 

Sec.  6.  All  moneys  deposited  with  said  company  shall  be  paid  out 
only  upon  the  drafts  of.  the  Treasurer,  signed  by  the  Master  and 
countersigned  by  the  Secretary. 

Sec.  7.  No  State  Grange  shall  be  entitled  to  representation  in  the 
National  Grange  whose  dues  are  unpaid  for  more  than  one  quarter. 

ARTICLE  VIII. — Requirements. — Section  1.  Reports  from  Subordi 
nate  Granges  relative  to  crops,  implements,  stock,  or  any  other  mat 
ters  called  for  by  the  National  Grange,  must  be  certified  to  by  the 
Master  and  Secretary,  and  under  seal  of  the  Grange  giving  the 
same. 

Sec.  2.  All  printed  matter,  on  whatever  subject,  and  all  informa 
tion  issued  by  the  National  or  State  to  Subordinate  Granges,  shall  be 
made  known  to  the  members  without  unnecessary  delay. 

Sec.  3.  If  any  brothers  or  sisters  of  the  Order  are  sick,  it  shall  be 
the  duty  of  the  Patrons  to  visit  them,  and  see  that  they  are  well 
provided  with  all  things  needful. 

Sec.  4.  Any  member  found  guilty  of  wanton  cruelty  to  animals 
shall  be  expelled  from  the  Order. 

Sec.  5.  The  officers  of  Subordinate  Granges  shall  be  on  the  alert  in 
devising  means  by  which  the  interests  of  the  whole  Order  may  be 
advanced ;  but  no  plan  of  work  shall  be  adopted  by  State  or  Subor 
dinate  Granges  without  first  submitting  it  to,  and  receiving  the  sanc 
tion  of,  the  National  Grange. 

ARTICLE  IX. — Charters  and  Dispensations. — Section  1.  All  charters 
and  dispensations  issue  directly  from  the  National  Grange. 

Sec.  2.  Nine  men  and  four  women,  having  received  the  four  subor 
dinate  degrees,  may  receive  a  dispensation  to  organize  a  Subordinate 
Grange. 

Sec.  3.  Applications  for  dispensations  shall  be  made  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  National  Grange,  and  be  signed  by  the  persons  applying 
for  the  same,  and  be  accompanied  by  a  fee  of  fifteen  dollars. 

Sec.  4.  Charter  members  are  those  persons  only  whose  names  are 
upon  the  application,  and  whose  fees  were  paid  at  the  time  of  organ 
ization.  Their  number  shall  not  be  less  than  nine  men  and  four 
women,  nor  more  then  twenty  men  and  ten  women. 


172  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

Sec.  5.  Fifteen  Subordinate  Granges,  working  in  a  State,  can  apply 
for  authority  to  organize  a  State  Grange. 

Sec.  6.  When  State  Granges  are  organized,  dispensations  will  be 
replaced  by  charters,  issued  without  further  fee. 

Sec.  7.  All  charters  must  pass  through  the  State  Granges  for  re 
cord,  and  receive  the  seal  and  official  signatures  of  the  same. 

Sec.  8.  No  Grange  shall  confer  more  than  one  degree  (either  First, 
Second,  Third,  or  Fourth)  at  the  same  meeting. 

Sec.  9.  After  a  State  Grange  is  organized,  all  applications  for  char 
ters  must  pass  through  the  same,  and  be  approved  by  the  Master  and 
Secretary. 

ARTICLE  X. — Duties  of  Offers.— The  duties  of  the  officers  of  the 
National,  State,  and  Subordinate  Granges  shall  be  prescribed  by  laws 
of  the  same. 

ARTICLE  XI. —  Treasurers. — Section  1.  The  Treasurers  of  the  Na 
tional,  State,  and  Subordinate  Granges  shall  give  bonds,  to  be  ap 
proved  by  the  respective  Granges. 

Sec.  2.  In  all  Granges,  bills  must  be  approved  by  the  Master  and 
countersigned  by  the  Secretary,  before  the  Treasurer  can  pay  the 
same. 

ARTICLE  XII. — Restrictions. — Religious  or  political  questions  will 
not  be  tolerated  as  subjects  of  discussion  in  the  work  of  the  Order, 
and  no  political  or  religious  tests  for  membership  shall  be  applied. 

ARTICLE  XIII. — Amendments.—  This  Constitution  can  be  altered 
or  amended  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  National  Grange  at  any  an 
nual  meeting,  and  when  such  alteration  or  amendment  shall  have 
been  ratified  by  three-fourths  of  the  State  Granges,  and  the  same 
reported  to  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Grange,  it  shall  be  of  full 
force. 


BY-LAWS. 

ARTICLE  1.  The  fourth  day  of  December,  the  birthday  of  the 
Patrons  of  Husbandry,  shall  be  celebrated  as  the  anniversary  of  the 
Order. 

ART.  2.  Not  less  than  the  representation  of  ten  States,  present  at 
any  meeting  of  the  National  Grange,  shall  constitute  a  quorum  for 
the  transaction  of  business. 

ART.  3.  At  the  annual  meeting  of  each  State  Grange,  it  may  elect 
a  proxy  to  represent  the  State  Grange  in  the  National  Grange,  in 
case  of  the  inability  of  the  Master  to  attend,  but  such  proxy  shall 
not  thereby  be  entitled  to  the  Sixth  degree. 

ART.  4.  Questions  of  administration  and  jurisprudence,  arising  iu 


BY-LAWS.  173 

and  between  State  Granges,  and  appeals  from  the  action  and  decision 
thereof,  shall  be  referred  to  the  Master  and  Executive  Committee  of 
the  National  Grange,  whose  decision  shall  be  respected  and  obeyed 
until  overruled  by  action  of  the  National  Grange. 


ART.  5.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Master  to  preside  at  meet- 


and  the  usages  of  the  Order,  are  observed  and  obeyed ;  to  sie;n  all 
drafts  drawn  upon  the  treasury,  and,  generally,  to  perform  all  duties 
pertaining  to  such  office. 

ART.  6.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  to  keep  a  record  of 
all  proceedings  of  the  National  Grange ;  to  keep  a  just  and  true 
account  of  all  moneys  received  and  paid  out  by  him;  to  countersign 
all  drafts  upon  the  treasury;  to  conduct  the  correspondence  of  the 
National  Grange,  and,  generally,  to  act  as  the  administrative  officer 
of  the  National  Grange,  under  the  direction  of  the  Master  and  the 
Executive  Committee. 

It  shall  be  his  duty,  at  least  once  each  month,  to  deposit  with  the 
Fiscal  Agency  holding  the  funds  of  the  National  Grange,  all  moneys 
that  may  have  come  into  his  hands,  and  forward  a  duplicate  receipt 
therefor  to  the  Treasurer,  and  to  make  a  full  report  of  all  transac 
tions  to  the  National  Grange  at  each  annual  session. 

It  shall  be  his  further  duty  to  procure  a  monthly  report  from  the 
Fiscal  Agency  with  whom  the  funds  of  the  National  Grange  are 
deposited,  of  all  moneys  received  and  paid  out  by  them  during  each 
month,  and  send  a  copy  of  such  report  to  the  Executive  Committee 
and  the  Master  of  the  National  Grange. 

ART.  7.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Treasurer  to  issue  all  drafts 
upon  the  Fiscal  Agency  of  the  Order,  said  drafts  having  been  pre 
viously  signed  by  the  Master  and  countersigned  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  National  Grange. 

He  shall  report  monthly  to  the  Master  of  the  National  Grange, 
through  the  office  of  the  Secretary,  a  statement  of  all  receipts  of  de 
posits  made  by  him,  and  of  all  drafts  or  checks  signed  by  him  during 
the  previous  month. 

He  shall  report  to  the  National  Grange,  at  each  annual  session,  a 
statement  of  all  receipts  of  deposits  made  by  him,  and  of  all  drafts 
or  checks  signed  by  him  since  his  last  annual  report. 

ART.  8.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Lecturer  to  visit,  for  the  good 
of  the  Order,  such  portions  of  the  United  States  as  the  Executive 
Committee  may  direct,  for  which  services  he  shall  receive  compen 
sation. 

ART.  9.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Executive  Committee  to  ex 
ercise  a  general  supervision  of  the  affairs  of  the  Order  during  the 


174  THE   GEOUNDSWELL. 

recess  of  the  National  Grange ;  to  instruct  the  Secretary  in  regard 
to  printing  and  disbursements,  and  to  place  in  his  hands  a  contin 
gent  fund ;  to  decide  all  questions  and  appeals  referred  to  them  by 
the  officers  and  members  of  State  Granges ;  and  to  lay  before  the 
National  Grange,  at  each  session,  a  report  of  all  such  questions  and 
appeals,  and  their  decisions  thereon. 

ART.  10.  Such  compensation  for  time  and  service  shall  be  given 
the  Master,  Lecturer,  Secretary,  Treasurer,  and  Executive  Commit 
tee,  as  the  National  Grange  may,  from  time  to  time,  determine. 

Whenever  General  Deputies  are  appointed  by  the  Master  of  the 
National  Grange,  said  Deputies  sliall  receive  such  compensation  for 
time  and  services  as  may  be  determined  by  the  Executive  Commit 
tee":  Provided,  In  no  case  shall  pay  from  the  National  Grange  be 
given  General  Deputies  in  any  State  after  the  formation  of  its  State 
Grange. 

ART.  11.  The  financial  existence  of  Subordinate  Granges  shall 
date  from  the  first  day  of  January,  first  day  of  April,  first  day  of 
July,  and  the  first  day  of  October  subsequent  to  the  day  of  their  or 
ganization,  from  which  date  their  first  quarter  shall  commence. 

State  Granges  shall  date  their  financial  existence  three  months 
after  the  first  day  of  January,  first  of  April,  first  of  July,  and  first 
of  October,  immediately  following  their  organization. 

ART.  12.  Each  State  Grange  shall  be  entitled  to  send  one  repre 
sentative,  who  shall  be  the  Master  thereof,  or  his  proxy,  to  all  meet 
ings  of  the  National  Grange.  Ho  shall  receive  mileage,  at  the  rate 
of  five  cents  per  mile,  both  ways,  computed  by  the  nearest  practicable 
route,  to  be  paid  as  follows :  The  Master  and  Secretary  of  the  Na 
tional  Grange  shall  give  such  Representative  an  order  for  the  amount 
on  the  Treasurer  of  the  State  Grange  which  he  represents,  and  this 
order  shall  be  receivable  by  the  National  Grange  in  payment  of 
State  dues. 

ART.  13.  Special  meetings  of  the  National  Grange  shall  be  called 
by  the  Master  upon  the  application  of  the  Masters  of  ten  State 
Granges,  one  month's  notice  of  such  meeting  being  given  to  all  mem 
bers  of  the  National  Grange.  No  alterations  or  amendments  to  the 
By-Laws  or  Ritual  shall  be  made  at  any  special  meeting. 

ART.  11.  These  By-Laws  may  be  altered  or  amended  at  any  annual 
meeting  of  the  National  Grange,  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  mem 
bers  present. 

The  Manual  containing  the  Constitution  of  the  National 
Grange  has  the  following  pertinent  remarks,  relating  to  the 
work  of  subordinate  Granges,  and  their  legitimate  sphere 
of  action  : 

First,  we  organize  the  Granges,  and  study  to  become  familiar  with 
the  work  of  the  Lodge  room.  We  study  to  take  in  the  essence  and 


Shall  we  do  with  Him?"    The  "Granger's"  Advent  among 
the  Politicians.  (175) 


176  THE  GROUNDS  WELL. 

spirit  of  our  beautiful  and  elevating  Ritual.  We  also  get  acquainted 
with  each  other.  As  a  people,  we  pay  too  little  regard  to  the  so 
cial  and  fraternal  element  in  society.  There  are,  perhaps,  reasons 
why  this  is  so,  growing  out  of  our  earnest  practical  life  in  develop 
ing  a  new  country,  but  it  is  none  the  less  true  that  our  happiness 
and  well-being  would  be  better  promoted  by  cultivating  more  fully 
our  social  natures. 

After  the  organizing  period  has  passed,  we  come  to  the  business 
or  material  phase  of  our  work.  Here  we  need  to  be  governed  by  a 
large  and  enlightened  wisdom.  We  are  suffering  from  the  oppression 
of  corporations.  Manufacturers  combine  against  us,  and,  owing  to 
circumstances  by  which  we  are  surrounded,  we,  perhaps,  do  not  un 
derstand,  at  present,  just  the  best  and  most  business-like  method  of 
remedying  the  evil.  We  need,  then,  to  carefully  study  and  mature 
our  plans  before  we  begin  to  act.  We  talk  over  among  ourselves 
what  we  desire  to  do,  and  compare  opinions  as  to  the  best  methods 
of  arriving  at  results.  Having  perfected  our  plans,  we  should  be 
more  than  careful  that  we  carry  out  in  good  faith,  and  in  a  business 
like  way,  all  agreements  and  contracts. 


State  Seal  of  Missouri. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  STATE  GRANGES. 

The  following  is  stated,  by  authority,  to  be  among  the 
most  perfect  of  the  Constitutions  of  the  State  Granges, 
especially  those  articles  (III  and  XXIII)  entitled  "Leg 
islative  "  and  "  Councils  :  " 

CONSTITUTION   OF   THE   STATE   GRANGE   OF   MISSOURI. 
ARTICLE  I.— This  Grange  shall  be  known  as  the  Missouri  State 
Grange  of  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry. 

ARTICLE  II.— Members.— The  members  of  the  State  Grange  shall 
be  composed  of  Masters  of  Subordinate  Granges  and  their  wives, 
who  are  Matrons.  Past  Masters  and  their  wives,  who  are  Matrons, 
are  honorary  members,  and  shall  be  eligible  to  hold  office,  but  not 
entitled  to  vote. 


THE   STATE  GRANGE  OP    MISSOURI.  177 

ARTICLE  III.— Legislative. — The  legislative  and  all  other  powers, 
of  this  Grange  shall  be  vested  in  certain  of  its  members,  to  be 
selected  as  follows :  All  members  of  the  State  Grange,  resident  in 
each  county,  shall  meet  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  February,  at  such 
place  as  they  may  from  time  to  time  designate,  and  elect  one  of  their 
members  for  the  county  at  large,  and  one  additional  member  for 
each  eight  Granges,  or  fraction  equal  to  five.  Providing,  nothing  in 
this  act  shall  be  construed  to  prevent  Masters  and  Past  Masters  and 
their  wives,  who  are  Matrons,  from  attending  the  meetings  of  the 
State  Grange,  and  receiving  the  Fifth  degree. 

ARTICLE  IV. — Meetinyif. — This  Grange  shall  hold  regular  annual 
meetings  on  the  third  Wednesday  in  February,  at  such  place  as  the 
Grange  may,  from  time  to  time,  determine.  Special  meetings  may 
be  called  by  the  Master  and  Secretary,  upon  the  written  request  of 
the  Executive  Committee ;  written  notices  of  such  meeting  being 
given  to  each  Subordinate  Grange  thirty  days  preceding,  or  by  a 
vote  of  the  Grange  at  a  regular  meeting. 

ARTICLE  V. — Duties  of  Officers.— Fifty  members  shall  constitute  a 
quorum  for  the  transaction  of  business,  but  a  less  number  may 
adjourn  from  day  to  day. 

ARTICLE  VI.— It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Master  to  open  and  pro- 
side  at  all  meetings  of  the  Grange,  and,  in  conjunction  with  the  Serf" 
retary,  call  special  meetings  of  the  Grange. 

ARTICLE  VII. — The  duties  of  the  Lecturer  shall  be  such  as  usually 
devolve  upon  that  officer  in  a  Subordinate  Grange. 

ARTICLE  VIII. — It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Overseer  to  assist  the 
Master  in  preserving  order,  and  he  shall  preside  over  the  Grange  in 
the  absence  of  the  Master.  In  case  of  a  vacancy  in  the  office  of 
Master,  he  shall  fill  the  same  until  the  next  annual  meeting. 

ARTICLE  IX. — It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Steward  to  have  charge 
of  the  Inner  Gate. 

ARTICLE  X. — The  Assistant  Steward  shall  assist  the  Steward  in 
the  performance  of  his  duties. 

ARTICLE  XI.— Section  1.  The  Secretary  shall  keep  an  accurate 
record  of  all  proceedings  of  the  Grange,  make  out  all  necessary  re 
turns  to  the  >i  utional  Grange,  keep  the  accounts  of  the  Subordinate 
Granges  with  the  State  Grange,  and  pay  over  quarterly  to  the  Treas 
urer  all  moneys  coining  into  his  hands,  and  take  a  receipt  for  the 
same.  He  shall  also  keep  a  complete  register  of  the  number  and 
names  of  all  Subordinate  Granges,  and  the  name  and  address  of  the 
Master  and  Secretary. 

Sec.  '2.    The  Secretary  shall  receive  as  compensation  for  his  serv- 


178  THE  GEOUNDSWELL. 

ices,  a  sum  of  money,  not  exceeding  One  Thousand  Dollars  per  annum, 
to  be  paid  quarterly. 

Sec.  3.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  Secretaries  of  Subordinate  Granges 
to  report  quarterly  to  the  Secretary  of  the  State  Grange  statistical 
information  in  regard  to  the  condition  of  crops,  stock,  prices,  and 
other  information  that  may  be  for  the  good  of  the  Order— under  Seal 
of  his  Grange. 

The  Secretaries  of  Subordinate  Granges  shall  report  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  this  Grange,  all  rejections  or  expulsions  from  their  respective 
Granges,  and  the  Secretary  of  this  Grange  shall  report  the  same  to 
all  Subordinate  Granges  in  the  State. 

ARTICLE  XII.— It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  State 
Grange  to  receive  all  moneys,  giving  his  receipt  for  the  same ;  to 
keep  an  accurate  account  thereof,  and  pay  them  out  on  the  order  of 
the  Master  of  the  State  Grange,  countersigned  by  the  Secretary ;  he 
shall  render  a  full  account  of  his  office  at  each  annual  meeting,  and 
deliver  to  his  successor  in  office  all  moneys,  books,  and  papers  per 
taining  to  his  office,  and  he  shall  give  bonds  in  a  sufficient  amount 
to  secure  the  money  that  may  be  placed  in  his  hands  ;  said  bond  to 
be  approved  by  the  Executive  Committee.  The  Treasurer  of  each 
Subordinate  Grange  shall  report  quarterly,  and  pay  to  the  Treasurer 
of  the  State  Grange  the  sum  of  one  dollar  for  each  man,  and  fifty 
cents  for  each  woman  initiated  during  that  quarter ;  also  a  quarterly 
due  of  six  cents  for  each  member. 

The  Treasurer  of  the  State  Grange  shall  send  a  receipt  for  the 
same  to  the  Treasurer,  and  a  duplicate  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Sub 
ordinate  Grange,  who 'shall  forward  his  duplicate  copy  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  State  Grange  in  his  quarterly  report. 

ARTICLE  XIII.— It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Gate-keeper  to  see  that 
the  gates  are  properly  guarded. 

ARTICLE  XIV. — The  duties  of  the  Chaplain  and  the  Lady  Officers 
shall  be  such  as  are  denned  by  the  Constitution  of  the  National 
Grange,  and  in  the  Manual  adopted  for  our  use. 

ARTICLE  XV.— Elections.  All  elections  shall  be  by  ballot,  and  a 
majority  vote  elects. 

ARTICLE  XVI.— Committees.  All  committees,  unless  otherwise 
ordered,  shall  consist  of  five  members,  and  shall  be  appointed  as  fol 
lows  :  three  members  by  the  Master,  and  two  by  the  Overseer. 

ARTICLE  XVII.— At  the  regular  annual  meeting  a  Committee  of 
Finance  shall  be  appointed,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  audit  all  ac 
counts  previous  to  their  being  paid.  To  them  shall  be  referred  the 
reports  of  the  Secretary  and  Treasurer  for  examination. 

ARTICLE  XVIII.— The  Executive  Committee  shall  consist  of  six 
members,  to  be  elected  by  ballot,  three  for  one  year  and  three  for  two 


THE   STATE   GRANGE   OF  MISSOURI.  179 

years,  and  at  each  annual  meeting  hereafter  three  members  shall  be 
elected,  to  hold  their  office  for  two  years.  The  members  of  this 
committee  shall  select  one  of  their  number  for  Chairman,  who  shall 
not  have  a  vote,  except  in  case  of  a  tie.  They  shall  have  authority 
to  act  in  all  matters  of  interest  to  the  Order  when  the  State  Grange 
is  not  in  session ;  shall  provide  for  the  welfare  of  the  Order  in  busi 
ness  matters,  and  shall  fill  all  vacancies  in  office  occurring  in  the 
State  Grange,  unless  otherwise  provided  for.  They  shall  be  allowed 
pay  for  all  their  necessary  expenses  incurred  in  the  transaction  of 
business  for  the  Order,  and  shall  report  their  acts  in  detail  to  the 
State  Grange  on  the  first  day  of  the  annual  meeting. 

ARTICLE  XIX. — Official  and  Fiscal  Year.  The  official  year  of  Sub 
ordinate  Granges  shall  commence  on  the  first  Saturday  in  July,  and 
the  fiscal  year  shall  commence  on  the  first  days  of  January,  April, 
July,  and  October  succeeding  their  organization.  The  fiscal  year  of 
this  Grange  shall  commence  on  the  first  day  of  October. 

ARTICLE  XX. — Quarterly  Dues.  The  Secretary  shall  see  that  the 
quarterly  clues  of  Subordinate  Granges  are  promptly  paid,  and  in  case 
the  dues  remain  delinquent  two  quarters,  the  delinquent  Grange  shall 
be  reported  to  the  Master  of  the  State  Grange.  On  receiving  such 
notice,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Master  to  warn  the  delinquent 
Grange,  and  if  the  dues  are  not  forwarded  in  thirty  days  it  shall  be 
the  duty  of  the  Master  to  advise  the  Master  of  the  National  Grange 
of  suoh  delinquency,  and  recommend  the  revocal  of  the  charter  of 
the  delinquent  Grange ;  and  any  Grange  whose  charter  has  been 
thus  revoked,  may  petition  the  State  Grange  for  reinstatement. 

ARTICLE  XXI. — Applications. — Section  1.  Persons  making  appli 
cation  for  membership  in  our  Order  shall  apply  to  the  Subordinate 
Grange  nearest  to  them,  unless  good,  sufficient  reasons  exists  for  doing 
otherwise,  which  reasons  must  be  submitted  in  writing.  In  such  case 
the  Grange  shall  judge  the  reasons,  and,  if  thought  best,  it  shall 
consult  the  Grange  nearest  the  applicant. 

Sec.  2.  Any  person,  whose  application  for  membership  shall  have 
been  rejected,  may  renew  such  application  at  the  expiration  of  six 
months  thereafter. 

Sec.  3.  No  application  for  membership  in  this  Order  shall  be 
entertained,  unless  it  shall  be  known  that  the  agricultural  interests 
of  the  applicant  predominates  over  all  other  interests,  financially. 

ARTICLE  XXII.— D".puties.~ Section  1.  There  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Master  of  the  State  Grange  at  least  one  Deputy  in  each 
county,  where  a  proper  person  can  be  found,  who  shall  be  nominated 
by  a  majority  of  the  Masters  present  from  said  county.  In  case  of 
vacancy  or  non-representation  in  any  county,  then  the  Master  may 
appoint  a  Deputy  for  such  county  or  counties. 

Sec.  2.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Deputies  so  appointed  to  organize 
new  Granges,  on  application  having  been  made  to  them  by  those 


180  IKE  SROUNDSWELL. 

desiring  such  an  organization ;  to  install  officers  of  Granges  when  the 
same  have  been  elected ;  and  they  shall  be  vigilant  that  no  disorder 
shall  obtain  in  the  Granges  under  their  jurisdiction,  and  shall  promptly 
report  any  such  disorder  to  the  Master.  Deputies  shall  receive,  for 
organizing  new  Granges,  their  necessary  traveling  expenses.  The 
Deputies  shall  be  appointed  for  one  year,  but  shall  be  subject  to  re 
moval,  for  cause,  by  the  Master.  No  other  Granges  shall  hereafter 
be  recognized  excep't  those  organized  by  Deputies  appointed  as  herein 
specified,  excepting  only  those  organized  by  the  Master  of  the  State 
Grange. 

Sec.  3.  In  counties  where  there  is  no  organization,  the  Deputies 
appointed  by  the  Master  shall  receive  as  compensation  for  their  serv 
ices  ten  dollars  for  each  Grange  organized,  said  compensation  and 
expenses  to  be  taken  from  the  fees  paid  by  the  charter  members 
organized  by  said  Deputies. 

ARTICLE  XXIIL— Councils.— It  shall  be  lawful  for  Subordinate 
Granges  to  form  themselves  into  associations  to  be  called  Councils, 
for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  the  transaction  of  business,  of  buying, 
selling,  and  shipping,  and  for  such  other  purposes  as  may  seem  for 
the  good  of  the  Order. 

They  shall  be  governed,  and  the  membership  decided,  by  such 
laws,  as  the  Council  may  from  time  to  time  make,  not  in  conflict 
with  the  constitution  of  the  National  and  State  Granges. 

They  may  elect  a  business  agent  to  act  in  concert  with  the  Execu 
tive  Committee,  and  it  shall  be  their  duty  to  inform  the  Master  of 
the  State  Grange  of  any  irregularities  practiced  by  Deputies  within 
their  jurisdiction. 

ARTICLE  XXIV.— Amendments.—  This  Constitution  may  be  amended 
or  revised  at  any  regular  meeting  of  the  Grange,  by  a  vote  of  two- 
thirds  of  the  members  present. 


BY-LAWS   OF  THE   STATE   GRANGE   OF   MISSOURI. 

ARTICLE  I.— Order  of  Business.— Section  1.  Opening  the  Grange. 

Sec.  2.  Calling  of  Roll  by  counties  and  presentation  of  credentials. 

Sec.  3.  Conferring  the  fifth  degree. 

Sec.  4.  Reports  of  Standing  Committees. 

Sec.  5.  Reports  of  Special  Committees. 

Sec.  6.  Unfinished  Business. 

Sec.  7.  Election  of  Officers. 

Sec.  8.  Appointment  of  Committees. 

Sec.  9.  New  Business. 

Sec.  10.  Suggestions  for  the  good  of  the  Order. 

ARTICLE  II.— Rules  of   Order.— Section   1.     When   the   presiding 
officer  takes  the  chair,  the  officers  and  members  shall  take  their  re- 


THE  STATE   GRANGE   OF   MISSOURI.  181 

spective  stations,  and  at  the  sound  of  the  gavel  there  shall  be  a 
general  silence.  The  Grange  shall  then  proceed  to  open  in  regular 
form. 

Sec.  2.  No  question  shall  be  stated  unless  moved  by  two  members, 
or  be  open  for  consideration  unless  stated  by  the  Master.  And  when 
a  question  is  before  the  Grange,  no  motion  shall  be  received,  unless 
to  close  ;  to  lay  on  table  ;  the  previous  question  ;  to  postpone  ;  to 
refer;  or  to  amend.  They  shall  have  precedence  in  the  order  in 
which  they  are  arranged,  the  first  three  of  which  shall  be  decided 
without  debate. 

Sec.  3.  Any  member  may  call  for  a  division  of  a  question  when  the 
sense  of  it  will  permit. 

Sec.  4.  The  yeas  and  nays  may  be  ordered  by  the  Master,  on  the 
call  of  any  member,  duly  seconded. 

Sec.  5.  After  any  question  (except  one  of  indefinite  postponement) 
has  been  decided,  any  member  who  voted  in  the  majority  may,  at 
the  same  or  next  meeting,  move  for  a  reconsideration  therof ;  but  no 
discussion  of  the  main  question  shall  be  allowed  unless  reconsidered. 

Sec.  6.  No  member  shall  speak  more  than  once  on  the  same  subject, 
nor  occupy  more  than  five  minutes,  except  by  the  consent  of  a  major 
ity  of  the  members.  And  no  member,  while  speaking,  shall  name 
another  by  his  or  her  proper  name,  but  shall  use  the  appropriate 
designation  belonging  to  his  or  her  standing  in  the  Grange. 

Sec.  7.  The  Master  or  any  member  may  call  a  brother  or  sister  to 
order  while  speaking ;  when  the  debate  is  suspended,  and  the  brother 
or  sister  shall  not  speak  until  the  point  of  order  be  determined,  unless 
to  appeal  from  the  chair,  when  he  or  she  may  use  the  words  follow 
ing,  and  no  others :  "  Master,  I  respectfully  appeal  from  the  decision 
of  the  chair  to  the  Grange."  Whereupon  the  Grange  shall  proceed 
to  vote  on  the  question :  "  Will  the  Grange  sustain  the  decision  of 
the  chair?" 

Sec.  8.  When  a  brother  or  sister  intends  to  speak  on  a  question, 
he  or  she  shall  rise  in  his  or  her  place  and  respectfully  address  his  or 
her  remarks  to  the  Worthy  Master,  confining  him  or  herself  to  the 
question,  and  avoid  personality.  Should  more  than  one  member  rise 
to  speak  at  the  same  time,  the  Worthy  Master  shall  determine  who  is 
entitled  to  the  floor. 

'  Sec.  9.  When  a  brother  or  sister  has  been  called  to  order  by  the 
Worthy  Master  for  the  manifestation  of  temper  or  improper  feelings, 
he  or  she  shall  not  be  allowed  to  speak  again  on  the  subject  under 
discussion  in  the  Grange,  at  that  meeting,  except  to  apologize. 

Sec.  1 0.  On  the  call  of  five  members,  a  majority  of  the  Grange 
may  demand  that  the  previous  question  shall  be  put,  which  shall  al 
ways  be  in  this  form:  "  Shall  the  main  question  now  be  put?"  And 
until  it  is  decided,  shall  preclude  all  amendments  to  the  main  ques 
tion  and  all  further  debate. 

Sec.  11.  All  motions  or  resolutions  offered  in  the  Grange  shall  be 
reduced  to  writing,  if  required. 

Sec.  12.  When  standing  or  special  committees  are  appointed,  the 


182  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

individual  first  named  is  considered  as  the  chairman,  although  each 
has  a  right  to  elect  its  own  chairman.  Committees  are  required  to 
meet  and  attend  to  the  matters  assigned  them  with  system  and 
regularity,  and  not  by  separate  consultation,  or  in  a  loose  or  indefinite 
manner. 

Sec.  13.  The  Worthy  Master,  by  virtue  of  his  office,  may  attend  all 
meetings  of  committees,  take  part  in  their  deliberations  (without 
voting,  however),  and  urge  them  to  action.  In  the  appointment  of 
committees,  the  Worthy  Master,  who  should  ever  preserve  a  courte 
ous  and  conciliatory  deportment  to  all,  not  overlooking  the  humblest 
member,  has  many  opportunities  of  bringing  humble  merit  into  no 
tice,  and  of  testing  and  making  available  the  capabilities  of  those 
around  him.  He  should  carefully  avoid  both  petulancy  and  favor 
itism,  and  act  with  strict  impartiality. 

ARTICLE  III. — Deputies. — Deputies  appointed  to  organize  Granges 
by  the  Master  of  the  State  Grange,  shall  be  examined  by  the  Master 
or  Lecturer  of  the  State  Grange  (applying  to  the  one  nearest  to  his 
residence)  as  to  his  qualifications,  and,  if  found  competent,  a  com 
mission  shall  be  given  him,  certified  by  the  Secretary  of  the  State 
Grange,  under  seal  of  the  Grange. 

ARTICLE  IV. — Lecturer. — It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Lecturer  to 
visit  Granges  by  order  of  the  Executive  Committee,  to  see  that  the 
work  is  properly  done,  and  to  instruct  the  members,  for  which  he 
shall  receive  such  compensation  as  said  committee  may  determine. 
He  may  also  be  appointed  a  Deputy  by  the  Master  of  the  State 
Grange,  to  organize  Granges  in  counties  where  there  are  none,  for 
which  he  shall  receive  such  compensation  as  is  provided  for  in  Art. 
XXII  of  the  Constitution. 

ARTICLE  V. — In  organizing  new  Granges,  Deputies  must  not  allow 
them  to  be  located  so  near  together  as  to  prevent  their  having  from 
fifty  to  one  hundred  members. 

ARTICLE  VI. — County  Meetings. — It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Sec 
retaries  of  the  County  Meetings,  called  in  accordance  with  Art.  Ill 
of  the  Constitution,  to  immediately  inform  the  Secretary  of  the  State 
Grange  of  such  meeting,  and  the  officers  of  the  same;  also,  to  furnish 
the  Secretary  of  the  State  Grange  the  names  of  the  representatives 
chosen,  and  to  furnish  to  each  representative  a  Avritten  certificate 
of  such  election,  under  Seal  of  some  Grange  in  the  county. 

ARTICLE  VII. — Minutes. — The  minutes  of  the  State  Grange  shall 
be  approved  each  morning  while  in  session,  and  before  final  adjourn 
ment  shall  be  read  by  the  Secretary  and  approved  as  a  whole. 

ARTICLE  VIII. — Mileage. — Sec.  1.  That  each  member  in  attend 
ance  upon  this  meeting  of  the  State  Grange  be  required  to  report, 
under  the  seal  of  his  Grange,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  State  Grange, 
the  number  of  miles  traveled  by  him  to  reach  the  place  of  meeting 
of  State  Grange. 

Sec.  2.  That  the  Secretary  of  this  Grange  be  required  to  exchange 


COUNTY   COUNCILS,  CONSTITUTIONS,  ETC.  183 

for  this  an  order  upon  the  Treasury  of  the  respective  Subordinate 
Granges  equal  in  amount  to  a  mileage  of  five  cents  going  and  re 
turning  from  place  of  meeting  of  State  Grange,  and  $2.00  per  day 
during  time  of  attendance,  and  going  to  and  returning  from  the 
same. 

Sec.  3.  That  these  orders  shall  be  cashed  by  the  Treasurers  of 
Subordinate  Granges,  and  received  from  them  by  the  Treasurer  of 
the  State  Grange  in  lieu  of  cash  in  their  quarterly  reports. 

ARTICLE  IX. — Miscellaneous. — Smoking  within  the  hall  is  forbid 
den  while  the  Grange  is  in  session. 


COUNTY  COUNCILS— CONSTITUTION,  ETC. 

In  some  of  the  States  where  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Hus 
bandry  has  become  strong,  it  has  been  found  advisable  to 
organize  County  Councils.  In  Iowa  and  Missouri,  as  well 
as  in  some  other  States,  the  By-laws  of  the  organization 
provide  for  such.  One  of  the  principal  objects  of  the  Granges 
is  the  more  perfect  transaction  of  business,  especially  buying 
and  selling. 

It  is  lawful  for  these  Subordinate  Granges  to  form  them 
selves  into  associations,  to  be  called  Councils,  for  the  purpose 
of  facilitating  the  transaction  of  business — of  buying,  selling, 
and  shipping,  and  for  such  purposes  as  may  seem  for  the 
good  of  the  Order.  They  are  governed,  and  the  member 
ship  decided,  by  such  laws  as  the  Council  may  from  time  to 
time  make,  not  in  conflict  with  the  Constitution  of  the  Na 
tional  and  State  Granges.  They  elect  business  agents  to  act 
in  concert  with  the  Executive  Committee,  a  part  of  whose 
duty  it  is  to  inform  the  Master  of  the  State  Grange  of  any 
irregularities  practiced  by  Deputies  within  their  jurisdic 
tion.  Subjoined  are  the  Constitution  and  By-laws  of  the 
Scotland  County,  Missouri,  Council  of  Patrons  of  Hus 
bandry,  which  are  the  most  comprehensive  that  have  come 
under  my  notice. 


184  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 


PREAMBLE. 

Whereas,  Other  classes  and  professions  of  men  have  formed  combi 
nations  to  protect  their  own  interests  ;  arid, 

Whereas,  Many  of  these  combinations  are  working  indirectly 
against  the  best  interests  of  the  farmer ;  therefore,  in  order  to  form 
a  more  perfect  union,  secure  our  rights,  and  protect  our  interests 
against  the  encroachments  of  such  combinations,  we  the  representa 
tives  of  Subordinate  Granges  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  in  

County,  acting  under  the  State  Grange  of ,  do  hereby  form  our 
selves  into  a  mutual  operative  association,  and  adopt  the  following 
articles  of  confederation : 


CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE  I. — Name. — This  association  shall  be  called  the  

CouHty  Central  Association  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry. 

ARTICLE  II. — Objects. — The  objects  of  this  association  shall  be  the 
promotion  and  attainment  of  the  united  and  uniform  action  of  the 
Granges  of  which  it  is  composed,  in  all  matters  affecting  their  inter 
est  and  welfare;  in  bringing  the  producers  and  consumers  of  agricul 
tural  implements  and  products  closer  together  by  buying  and  selling 
through  this  association,  or  through  such  parties  as  may  make  ar 
rangements  with  it  to  buy  or  sell  such  articles  or  implements  as  we 
may  need,  and  to  transact  such  other  business  as  may  be  necessary  to 
secure  these  ends. 

ARTICLE  III. — Membership. — Section  1.  This  association  shall  be 
composed  of  Subordinate  Granges  in  regular  working  order,  who  have 
complied  with  the  rules  and  regulations  of  this  association. 

Sec.  2.  All  Granges  in  regular  working  order  may  become  members 
of  this  association  oy  the  payment  of  five  dollars  to  the  Secretary, 
and  may  retain  such  membership  by  the  payment  of  annual  dues  in 
a  sum  equal  to  five  cents  for  each  of  its  members. 

ARTICLE  IV.— Representation.— Section  I.  Each  Grange  belonging 
to  the  association  shall  be  entitled  to  representation  as  follows :  One 
delegate  at  large,  and  one  delegate  to  every  fifty  members  or  moiety 
thereof.  And  all  members  of  Subordinate  Granges  belonging  to  this 
association,  in  good  and  regular  standing  in  their  respective  Granges, 
shall  be  members  of  this  association,  and  entitled  to  all  its  rights 
and  privileges  except  voting. 

Sec.  2.  Individual  members  of  Granges  not  belonging  to  this  as 
sociation,  may  become  members  of  the  same  by  the  payment  of  fifty 
cents  each,  and  any  number  of  such  members  on  the  payment  of  five 
dollars  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  a  Grange, 
but  no  Grange  shall  be  entitled  to  more  than  one  representative  at 
large. 


BY-LAWS.  185 

ARTICLE  V.— Officers.— Section  1.  The  officers  of  this  association 
shall  be  a  President,  Vice-President,  Secretary,  Treasurer,  Door 
keeper,  and  three  Trustees,  whose  powers  and  duties  shall  be  fully 
defined  in  the  By-laws  of  this  association. 

Sec.  2.  There  shall  be  an  Executive  Committee  of  five,  consisting 
of  President,  Secretary,  and  three  Trustees. 

Sec.  3.  These  officers  shall  be  elected  annually  by  ballot  at  the  first 
regular  meeting  in  each  year,  to  be  held  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  Sep 
tember.  A  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast  shall  be  necessary  to  a 
choice. 

ARTICLE  VI. — Laws.— Section  1.  This  association  shall  have  power 
to  make  all  laws  necessary  for  its  government ;  also,  to  alter,  repeal, 
or  modify  such  laws  as  may  be  found  objectionable  or  inoperative, 
and  to  alter  and  amend  this  Constitution,  whenever  it  shall  be  deemed 
necessary,  by  a  two-thirds  majority  of  its  delegates;  proposed  amend 
ments,  alterations  or  modification  to  be  presented  in  writing  and  lay 
over  three  months. 

ARTICLE  VII. — Meetings. — Section  1.  The  regular  meetings  of  this 
association  shall  be  as  follows:  An  annual  meeting  and  three  quar 
terly  meetings,  to  be  held  at  such  places  as  may  be  designated  by  the 
association  and  its  trustees — the  annual  meeting  on  the  first  Tuesday 
in  September,  at  10  o'clock  A.  M.,  and  the  quarterly  meetings  to  be 
held  on  the  first  Tuesday  of  December,  March,  and  June  in  each 
year,  at  10  o'clock  A.  M. 

Sec.  2.  Special  meetings  may  be  called  by  the  President  and  Secre 
tary  whenever  it  is  deemed  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  association, 
and  the  Secretary  shall  give  each  Grange  at  least  ten  days  notice  of 
such  special  meeting. 


-BY-LAWS. 

ARTICLE!. — Duties  of  officers. — Section  1.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of 
the  President  to  preside  at  all  meetings  of  the  association,  sign  all  or 
ders  drawn  on  the  Treasurer,  and  perform  other  duties  ordinarily 
required  of  such  presiding  officer. 

Sec.  2.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Vice-President  to  perform  the 
duties  of  the  President  in  his  absence,  or  whenever  required  to  do  so. 

Sec.  3.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  to  keep  an  accurate 
record  of  the  proceedings  of  this  association,  conduct  its  correspond 
ence,  receive  and  pay  over  all  moneys  to  the  Treasurer,  taking  his 
receipt  for  the  same,  draw  and  countersign  all  orders  on  the  Treas 
urer,  make  a  full  report  of  the  condition  of  the  association  and  do 
ings  of  the  Executive  Committee  at  the  annual  and  each  quarterly 
meeting,  and  have  his  books  ready  for  inspection  by  the  Trustees  at 
any  time, 


186  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

Sec.  4.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Treasurer  to  receive  from  the 
Secretary  all  moneys  belonging  to  the  association,  giving  his  receipt 
for  the  same;  to  keep  accurate  account  of  all  such  moneys  received; 
to  pay  all  orders  drawn  on  him  by  the  President  and  countersigned 
by  the  Secretary;  to  make  a  report  of  all  moneys  received  and  paid 
out  by  him  at  the  annual  and  each  quarterly  meeting,  and  to  deliver 
to  his  successor  all  moneys  and  other  property  belonging  to  the  as 
sociation. 

Sec.  5.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Door-keeper  to  examine  the 
members  before  opening  meeting,  and  perform  such  other  duties  as 
may  be  required  by  the  President  or  association. 

Sec.  6.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  Trustees  to  examine  all  bills  and 
accounts  of  the  officers  and' members  of  this  association;  also,  the 
books  and  papers  of  the  Secretary  and  Treasurer  when  required  to 
do  so  by  the  association,  and  report  on  all  matters  they  may  have  on 
hand  at  the  annual  and  each  quarterly  meeting,  or  whenever  required 
to  do  so. 

Sec.  7.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Executive  Committee  to  see  that 
all  the  laws  and  resolutions  of  the  association  are  enforced  in  all  its 
business  transactions,  when  it  is  not  in  session. 

ARTICLE  II.—  Vacancies.— Vacancies  in  any  of  the  offices  of  this 
association  may  be  filled  by  the  Executive  Committee  until  the  next 
regular  meeting,  when  an  election  shall  be  had  to  fill  the  rest  of  said 
vacancies. 

ARTICLE  III.— Compensation—  Section  1.  The  Executive  Commit 
tee  shall  be  allowed  two  dollars  per  day  for  time  actually  spent  in  the 
services  of  the  association,  except  at  meetings  of  the  association. 

Sec.  2.  All  bills  and  accounts  against  the  association  shall  be  pre 
sented  in  writing,  and  shall  specify  the  articles  or  services  charged 
for. 

ARTICLE  IV.— The  Secretary  and  Treasurer  shall  each  be  required 
to  give  such  bond  for  faithful  performance  of  duty  and  safe  keeping 
of  funds  as  shall  be  required  and  approved  by  the  Trustees. 

ARTICLE  V.—  Order  of  bu«inc#*.—l.  President  calls  to  order. 

2.  Door-keeper  examines  members. 

3.  Secretary  calls  the  roll  of  Granges. 

4.  President  appoints  Committee  on  Credentials. 

5.  Reading  minutes  of  last  meeting. 

6.  Reports  of  Committees,  Special  and  Standing. 

7.  Bills  and  accounts. 

8.  Unfinished  business. 

9.  New'  business. 

10.  Reports  of  delegates  as  to  progress,  work,  and  news. 

11.  Suggestions  for  the  good  of  the  association. 


CONSTITUTION    OF    SUBORDINATE    GRANGE.  187 

CONSTITUTION  OF  SUBORDINATE  GRANGES. 

The  Constitutions  of  Subordinate  Granges  are  founded 
upon  those  of  the  State  Granges,  mutatis  mutandis. 

The  following  form  was  prepared  by  Secretary  W.  H. 
Baxter,  of  the  Slate  Grange  of  California,  and  Master  cf 
Napa  Grange,  No.  2;  and  we  give  it,  to  make  our  series 
complete. 

CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE  I.— Section  1.  This  Grange  .shall  be  known  and  distin- 

tinguished  as Grange,  No.  — ,  Patrons  of  Husbandry  of  the  State 

of  California. 

Officers. — Sec.  2.  The  officers  shall  consist  of  and  rank  as  follows: 
Master,  Overseer,  Lecturer,  Steward,  Assistant  Steward,  Chaplain, 
Treasurer,  Secretary,  Gate-Keeper,  Ceres,  Pomona,  Flora,  and  Lady 
Assistant  Steward.  It  is  their  duty  to  see  that  the  laws  of  the  OrdeV 
are  carried  out. 

Sec.  3.  The  officers  of  this  Grange  shall  be  chosen  annually,  and 
elected  by  ballot.  Vacancies  by  death,  resignation,  or  otherwise,  to 
be  filled  at  a  special  election  at  the  next  regular  meeting  thereof. 
Officers  so  chosen  to  serve  until  the  annual  meeting. 

Sec.  4.  There  shall  be  an  Executive  Committee"  of  this  Grange, 
consisting  of  three  members,  whose  term  of  office  shall  be  three 
years,  one  of  whom  shall  be  elected  each  year. 

Sec.  5.  The  officers  of  the  respective  Granges  shall  be  addressed  as 
"  Worthy." 

Sec.  6.  Nominations  for  officers  shall  be  made  only  at  the  two  meet 
ings  immediately  preceding  that  of  the  regular  election,  except  when 
the  nominees  for  an  office  all  decline.  Election  of  officers  shall  take 
place  at  the  last  regular  meeting  of  the  term,  who  shall  be  installed 
at  the  first  regular  meeting  in  the  new  term,  provided  the  installing 
officer  be  present ;  if  absent,  it  must  be  postponed  until  the  proper 
officer  can  attend. 

Sec.  7.  Any  officer  absenting  himself  from  the  meetings  of  the 
Grange  three  successive  times,  except  in  case  of  sickness,  or  absence 
from  home  on  business,  or  for  misconduct  as  an  officer,  may  be  re 
moved  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  the  members  voting,  at  the  next 
meeting  after  a  resolution  therefor  has  been  offered  in  the  Grange. 

Sec.  8.  No  person  shall  be  eligible  to,  or  hold,  office  in  this  Grange 
who  if>  not  clear  of  all  pecuniary  charges  on  the  books,  or  charges 
of  any  and  every  kind  whatsoever,  and  shall  not  have  attained  the 
Fourth  Degree  of  the  Order. 

ARTICLE  II. — Meetings. — Section  1.  This  Grange  shall  meet  once  in 
each  month,  and  may  hold  such  intermediate  meetings  as  may  be 
deemed  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  Order, 


188  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

Sec.  2.  All  business  meetings  are  confined  to  the  Fourth  Degree. 

ARTICLE  III.— Laws.— This  Constitution,  and  the  By-Laws  formed 
under  it  for  the  guidance  of  this  Grange,  must  conform  with  the 
Constitution  and  the  Laws  adopted  by  the  National  Grange. 

ARTICLE  IV. — Ritual. — The  Eitual  adopted  by  the  National 
Grange  shall  be  used  in  this  Grange,  and  any  desired  alteration  in 
the  same  must  be  submitted  to,  and  receive  the  sanction  of,  the  Na 
tional  Grange. 

ARTICLE  V '.—Membership. — Any  person  interested  in  agricultural 
pursuits,  of  the  age  of  sixteen  years  (female),  and  eighteen  years 
(male),  duly  proposed,  elected,  and  complying  with  the  rules  and 
regulations  of  the  Order,  is  entitled  to  membership  and  the  benefit 
of  degrees  taken.  Every  application  must  be  accompanied  by  the 
fee  of  membership.  If  rejected,  the  money  will  be  refunded.  Ap 
plications  must  be  certified  by  members,  and  balloted  for  at  a  subse 
quent  meeting.  It  shall  require  three  negative  votes  to  reject  an  ap 
plicant. 

Sec.  2.  A.11  candidates  for  membership  must  be  of  good  moral  char 
acter  and  industrious  habits,  and  whose  interest  in  agriculture  is 
paramount  to  all  other  interests,  and  believe  in  the  existence  of  a 
Supreme  Being,  the  Creator  and  Preserver  of  the  universe,  and  be 
proposed  in  the  Grange  nearest  his  residence,  unless  good  and  suf 
ficient  reasons  appear  for  his  being  proposed  in  this  Grange. 

ARTICLE  VI. — Application  for  Membership.— Section  1.  The  name 
of  a  person  offered  for  membership,  with  his  age,  residence,  and  oc 
cupation,  and,  in  conformity  with  the  form  prescribed  by  the  Na 
tional  Grange,  shall  forthwith  be  referred  to  a  committee  of  three 
members  for  investigation,  who  shall  report  at  the  next  regular  meet 
ing  (unless  circumstances  prevent),  when  the  candidate  may  be  bal 
loted  for  with  ball  ballots;  and  if  any,  or  less  than  three,  cubes  shall 
appear,  further  balloting  or  announcement  shall  be  deferred  until  the 
next  regular  meeting.  During  this  interval  the  member  casting  the 
cube  may  (and  it  is  his  duty  to)  inform  the  Worthy  Master  of  the 
cause  thereof,  and  the  Maste/shall,  at  the  next  regular  meeting,  state 
the  reason,  if  any  is  given,  to  the  Grange,  without  exposing  the 
name  of  the  person  ;  and  if  the  person  who  shall  have  cast  the  cube 
fail  to  inform  the  Master  of  the  reason  thereof,  the  Master  shall,  at 
the  next  regular  meeting,  if  no  other  objection  be  made,  declare  the 
applicant  duly  elected  ;  but  if  reasons  are  given,  or  other  objections 
be  made,  then"  the  ballot  shall  again  be  held,  and  if  no  more  than  two 
cubes  appear,  the  candidate  shall  be  declared  elected. 

Sec.  2.  No  reconsideration  of  an  unfavorable  ballot  can  be  had 
unless  all  the  persons  who  shall  have  cast  cubes  against  an  applicant 
voluntarily  make  a  motion  for  a  reconsideration  of  the  ballot,  when 
a  vote  on  the  reconsideration  shall  be  taken  by  ballot,  and  if  all  the 
ballots  cast  be  in  favor,  the  reconsideration  shall  be  had ;  the  applica 
tion  shall  then  lie  over  till  the  succeeding  meeting,  when  another 


CONSTITUTION   otf   SUBORDINATE   GRANGE.  189 

ballot  shall  be  had,  and  if  the  same  be  unanimously  in  favor  of  the 
applicant,  he  shall  be  elected ;  but  if  one  or  more  cubes  appear,  the 
applicant  shall  be  rejected.  A  favorable  balloting  can  be  reconsid 
ered  at  any  meeting  prior  to  the  admission  of  a  candidate,  provided 
a  majority  of  the  members  present  agree  thereto. 

Sec.  3.  When  a  candidate  has  been  rejected,  notice  thereof  shall  be 
sent  by  the  Secretary  of  this  Grange  to  all  the  Granges  in  this 
county  and  district. 

Sec.  4.  A  proposition  may  be  withdrawn  at  any  time  before  the 
candidate  shall  have  been  balloted  for,  with  consent  of  a  majority  of 
members  present  voting  in  favor  the  same. 

Sec.  5.  If  any  person  shall  gain  admittance  to  this  Grange  upon  a 
petition  containing  any  false  representation,  such  person  shall  be  ex 
pelled. 

ARTICLE  VII. — Fees  and  Dues. — Section  1.  The  minimum  fee  for 
membership  in  a  Subordinate  Grange  shall  be,  for  men  five  dollars, 
and  for  women  two  dollars ;  for  the  four  degrees,  except  charter 
members,  who  shall  pay,  men  three  dollars,  and  women  fifty  cents. 

Sec.  2.  The  dues  in  this  Grange  shall  be  in  conformity  with  "  Ar 
ticle  VII"  of  the  Constitution  of  the  National  Grange  regulating 
the  same,  and  the  By-Laws  of  this  Grange. 

ARTICLE  VIII. — Requirements. — All  requirements  applicable  to 
Subordinate  Granges  by  the  Constitution  of  the  National  Grange  in 
Articles  VIII  and  IX  are  hereby  made  part  of  the  Constitution  of 
this  Grange. 

ARTICTE  IK.— Duties  of  Officers.— The  duties  of  the  officers  of  this 
Grange  shall  be  prescribed  by  the  By-Laws  of  the  same. 

ARTICLE  X.— Section  1.  The  Treasurer  shall  give  bonds  to  be  ap 
proved  by  the  Executive  Committee  of  this  Grange. 

Sec.  2.  All  bills  must  be  audited  by  the  Finance  Committee  and 
approved  by  the  Master  and  countersigned  by  the  Secretary  be 
fore  the  Treasurer  can  pay  the  same. 

ARTICLE  XI. — Restriction. — Religious  or  political  questions  shall 
not  be  tolerated  as  subjects  of  discussion  in  the  work  of  the  Order, 
and  no  political  or  religious  tests  for  membership  shall  be  applied. 

ARTICLE  XII. — Penalties  and  Suspension. — Section  1.  Clause  1.  Any 
member  neglecting  to  pay  the  dues  required  by  the  By-Laws  of  this 
Grange  for  the  space  of  twelve  months,  shall  be  notified  by  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Grange  in  writing,  and  if,  after  receiving  such  notifica 
tion,  such  member  still  neglect  to  pay  said  dues  for  the  space  of  one 
month,  shall,  upon  vote  of  the  majority  of  members  present  voting, 
be  suspended  from  membership.  Provided,  that  no  person  shall  be 
suspended  until  after  the  fact  of  said  dues  being  in  arrears  and  un 
paid  for  six  months  shall  have  been  announced  in  open  Grange  at 
two  regular  meetings  prior  to  such  suspension. 


190  THE  .GROtJKfcSWELL, 

Clause  2.  Any  member  suspended  as  above  may  be  reinstated  on 
payment  of  the  dues  \vhich  caused  suspension,  and  all  accruing  dues 
intervening,  on  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  members  of  the  Grange  pres 
ent  voting  in  favor  of  said  reinstatement.  Provided,  that  no  member 
so  suspended  shall  be  entitled  to  any  of  the  benefits  or  privileges  of 
the  Order  during  said  suspension ;  nor  shall  a  dismissal  card  ^  be 
granted  until  all  delinquencies  are  liquidated,  and  all  charges  with 
drawn,  should  there  be  any;  and  then,  upon  a  vote  of  the  Grange  and 
payment  for  withdrawal  card,  such  dismissal  may  be  granted. 

feec.  2.  Any  member  who  shall  violate  any  of  the  principles  of  the 
Order,  or  offend  against  the  Constitution,  By-Laws,  or  Kules  of  Order 
of  this  Grange,  shall  be  fined,  reprimanded,  suspended,  or  expelled, 
as  the  By-Laws  may  direct,  or  the  Grange  determine. 

Sec.  3.*  Every  member  shall  be  entitled  to  a  fair  trial,  and  no  mem 
ber  shall  be  put  on  trial,  unless  charges,  duly  specifying  the  offense, 
shall  be  submitted  to  the  Grange  in  writing,  and  signed  by  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Grange,  and  a  copy,  under  seal  of  the  Grange,  be  served 
upon  the  member  accused. 

Sec.  4.  Such  charges  shall  be  referred  to  a  committee  of  Jive  mem 
bers,  peers  of  the  accused,  who  shall  summon  the  parties  and  try  the 
case.  They  shall  keep  full  minutes  of  the  proceedings  and  report 
the  same  to  the  Grange  with  their  verdict;  the  witnesses  shall  give 
their  testimony  on  oath  or  affirmation,  and  no  testimony  shall  be 
taken  without  an  opportunity  for  cross-examination  by  the  accused. 
Upon  judgment  being  rendered,  an  appeal  may  be  taken,  at  any  time. 
within  one  month,  to  the  State  Grange,  in  the  persons  of  its  Execu 
tive  Committee,  whose  decree  shall  be  final.  If  no  appeal  be  taken, 
the  verdict,  being  ratified  by  the  Grange,  shall  be  final.  If  excep 
tions  to  the  report  of  the  Committee  be  filed,  the  Grange  may  deter 
mine  upon  their  merits,  and  either  sustain  the  report  or  refer  the 
same  back,  or  to  another  Committee,  or  grant  a  new  trial.  If  the 
Grange  deem  the  exceptions  ill-founded,  it  shall  proceed  to  pro 
nounce  its  judgment  and  affix  the  penalty. 

Sec.  5.  If  the  accused  refuse  or  neglect  to  stand  trial  when  duly 
summoned,  the  committee  shall  report  such  refusal  or  neglect  as  con 
tempt  of  the  Grange,  which  report  shall  be  conclusive,  and  the  pun 
ishment  shall  be  expulsion. 

ARTICLE  XIII.— The  funds  and  property  of  this  Grange  shall  be 
held  exclusively  as  a  trust  fund,  to  be  devoted  to  the  uses  of  the 
Grange,  as  may  be  required,  from  time  to  time,  under  and  by  the  di 
rection  of  such  action  as  may  be  taken  in  the  Grange,  by  its  mem 
bers,  at  any  regular  meeting. 

ARTICLE  XIV.— The  officers  for  the  term  about  expiring  shall  pre 
pare  and  deliver  to  their  successors  in  office  all  books,  papers,  funds, 
and  other  Grange  property  on  their  retiring  from  office,  taking  a  re 
ceipt  for  the  same,  being  careful  to  have  all  the  business  of  the 
Grange  recorded  and  finished  so  far  as  it  may  have  progressed. 


FORM   OF   BY-LAWS   FOU  SUBORDINATE   GRANGES.       191 

ARTICLE  XV. — Withdrawal  and  dismissal  cards  may  be  granted 
to  members  who  are  clear  of  the  books,  by  a  majority  vote,  in  con 
formity  with  Article  XII. 

ARTICLE  XVI. — The  masculine  pronoun  shall  be  constructed  to 
include  both  sexes,  and  any  question  in  regard  to  the  meaning  of 
any  part  of  these  Articles  shall  be  determined  by  the  Master  of  the 
State  Grange. 

ARTICLE  XVII. — Section  1.  This  Grange  may  make,  alter,  or  re 
scind  such  By-Laws,  Rules,  and  Resolutions,  from  time  to  time,  a^ 
may  be  deemed  expedient,  provided  they  do  not  in  any  wise  contra 
vene  the  Constitution  and  By-Laws  of  the  National  Grange  or  the 
State  Grange  of  California. 

Sec.  2.  The  By-Laws  of  this  Grange  are  in  force  from  the  time  of 
their  adoption. 

Sec.  3.  This  Constitution  may  be  amended  or  revised  at  any  regu 
lar  meeting  of  the  Grange,  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  the  members 
present,  upon  notification  having  been  given  in  open  Grange  at  four 
regular  meetings  preceding  such  proposed  change. 


FORM  OF  BY-LAWS  FOR  SUBORDINATE  GRANGES. 

The  following  are  the  By-Laws  proposed  for  the  Su-bor- 
dinate  Grange  in  the  State  of  Iowa.  They  are  not  obliga 
tory,  however,  but  may  be  adopted  or  modified,  as  the 
Grange  may  see  fit : 

ARTICLE  I. — Section  1.  This  Grange  shall  be  known  and  distin 
guished  as Grange,  No.  — ,  of  the  State  of  Iowa. 

Sec.  2.  The  regular  meetings  of  this  Grange  shall  be  held . 

Sec.  3.  The  time  of  meeting  from  the  first  of  October  to  the  first 

of  April  shall  be  ,  and  from  the  first  of  April  to  the  first  of 

October  shall  be  .  Special  meetings  may  be  called  by  the 

Grange  or  the  Master  of  the  Grange,  or,  in  his  absence,  by  the  Over 
seer,  when  deemed  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  Grange. 

Sec.  4.  members  shall  constitute  a  quorum  for  the  transac 
tion  of  business. 

Sec.  5.  The  Grange  shall  be  opened  at  the  above  appointed  time, 
in  the  Fourth  Degree,  if  a  sufficient  number  of  members  be  present. 

ARTICLE  II. — Membership. — The  members  of  this  Grange  are  all 
who  have  been  or  may  be  initiated  in,  or  affiliated  therewith,  who 
have  subscribed  to  the  roll-books,  and  who  have  not  withdrawn,  or 
been  excluded  for  unworthy  conduct  or  non-payment  of  dues. 

ARTICLE  III, — Officers. — The  officers  of  this  Grange  shall  be  ranked 


192  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

and  titled  as  follows :  Master,  Overseer,  Lecturer,  Steward,  Assistant 
Steward,  Chaplain,  Treasurer,  Secretary,  Gate-Keeper,  Ceres,  Flora, 
Pomona,  and  Lady  Assistant  Steward.  It  is  their  duty  to  see  that 
the  laws  of  the  Order  are  carried  out. 

How  Chosen.— Hie  officers  of  this  Grange  shall  be  chosen  annually 
at  the  last  regular  meeting  in  December,  and  installed  at  the  first 
meeting  in  January. 

All  elections  shall  be  by  ballot. 

ARTICLE  IV.— Duties  of  Oncers.— Section  1.— Master.— It  shall  be 
the  duty  of  the  Master  to  preside  at  all  meetings  of  the  Grange  ;  to 
see  that  all  officers  and  members  of  committees  perform  their  re 
spective  duties,  as  enjoined  by  the  several  charges  and  these  By-laws  ; 
to  inspect  and  announce  the  result  of  all  balloting  and  other  votes 
of  the  Grange  ;  see  that  all  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  Order  are  duly 
understood  and  obeyed  ;  to  sign  all  orders  drawn  on  the  Treasurer, 
with  the  consent  and  approbation  of  the  Grange;  and  perform  such 
other  duties  as  may  be  required  by  the  Ritual  or  Grange,  properly 
devolving  upon  that  office. 

Sec.  2.— Overseer.— It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Overseer  to  assist 
the  Master  in  preserving  order  and  decorum  in  the  Grange,  preside 
in  the  absence  of  the  Master,  and  perform  all  other  duties  devolving 
upon  that  office. 

Sec.  3.— Lecturer.—  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Lecturer  to  always 
be  prepared  with  some  useful  information  to  read,  or  cause  to  be 
read,  when  no  regular  business  is  before  the  meeting,  and  see  partic 
ularly  that  all  addresses,  lectures,  and  other  information  provided 
for  the  good  of  the  Order  and  members  of  this  Grange  are  distrib 
uted  to  them. 

Sec.  4 — Steward.— It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Steward  to  preside 
in  the  absence  of  the  Master,  Overseer,  or  Past  Master ;  to  have 
charge  of  the  Inner  Gate ;  to  see  that  the  iield  is  properly  arranged 
for  labor ;  the  working  tools  in  their  places ;  to  conduct  the  ballot ; 
and  to  provide  for  the  introduction  and  accommodation  of  candidates. 
Sec.  5.— Assistant  Steward.— It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Assistant 
Steward  to  have  charge  of  the  candidates  during  initiation,  and  to 
see  that  the  regalias  are  properly  distributed  and  cared  for ;  also,  to 
give  all  due  assistance  to  the  Steward. 

ft  gec>  Q.~  Treasurer.— It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Treasurer  to  re 
ceive  all  moneys,  giving  his  receipt  for  the  same ;  to  keep  an  accu 
rate  account  of  said  moneys,  and  pay  them  out  on  the  order  ot  the 
Master,  with  the  consent  of  the  Grange;  to  transmit  all  moneys  due 
the  State  Grange  to  the  Treasurer  thereof,  at  the  request  of  the  Sec 
retary ;  to  render  his  books  and  a  statement  of  his  accounts  with  the 
Grange  to  the  Finance  Committee,  when  called  upon  to  do  so ;  and 
to  deliver  to  his  successor  all  moneys,  books,  vouchers,  etc.,  having 
reference  to  the  finance  of  the  Grange. 

Sec.  1.- Secretary.— It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  to  record 
accurately  all  the  proceedings  of  the  Grange  ;  to  make  out  all  necea- 


FOEM   OF   BY-LAWS   OF  SUBORDINATE   GRANGES.      193 

sary  returns  for  the  State  and  National  Granges ;  to  report  to  the 
Treasurer  at  the  end  of  each  quarter  the  amount  due  the  State 
Grange ;  to  keep  accounts  of  members  with  the  Grange ;  to  receive 
and  pay  over  to  the  Treasurer  all  moneys,  taking  his  receipt  there 
for  ;  to  draw  and  countersign  all  orders  voted  by  the  Grange,  and  to 
perform  such  other  duties  as  may  devolve  upon  that  office. 

Sec.  8.— Gate  Keeper.— It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Gate-Keeper  to 
see  that  the  Gates  are  properly  guarded,  and  to  perform  such  other 
duties  as  may  be  required. 

ARTICLE  V. — Applications  for  Membership. — Applications  for  mem 
bership  must  be  made  in  the  form  prescribed  by  the  National  Grange, 
and  when  made  shall  be  announced  in  open  Grange,  and  referred  to 
a  Committee  of  Investigation,  consisting  of  three  brothers  or  sisters, 
two  appointed  by  the  Master  and  one  by  the  Overseer,  which  shall 
take  the  application  in  charge,  and  report  at  the  next  regular  meet 
ing. 

ARTICLE  VI. — Fees  and  Dues. — Section- 1.  The  fees  for  conferring 
four  degrees,  for  males,  in  this  Grange  shall  be  two  dollars  for  the 
First  degree,  and  one  dollar  for  each  subsequent  degree,  which  shall 
accompany  the  petition. 

The  fees  for  conferring  the  four  degrees  on  women  shall  be  fifty 
cents  for  each  degree,  the  money  to  accompany  the  petition  in  all 
cases. 

Sec.  2.  The  regular  dues  of  this  Grange  shall  be  ten  (10)  cents  per 
month  for  each  member. 

ARTICLE  VII. — Committees. — Section  1.  All  special  committees, 
unless  otherwise  ordered,  shall  consist  of  three  members  each. 

Sec.  2.  The  Master,  on  the  night  of  his  installation,  shall  appoint 
a  standing  Committee  on  Finance,  to  consist  of  three  members. 

Sec.  3.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Committee  on  Finance  to  audit 
all  bills  and  accounts  previous  to  their  being  passed  upon  by  the 
Grange,  and  they  shall  be  authorized  to  examine  the  books  and  ac 
counts  of  any  officer,  or  member  of  any  committee  of  the  Grange, 
whenever  they  think  proper,  and  shall  report,  as  speedily  as  possible, 
on  all  matters  they  may  have  on  hand. 

Sec.  4.  At  the  first  regular  meeting  in  each  year  there  shall  be 
elected  by  ballot  three  Trustees,  who  shall  have  charge  of  all  prop 
erty  of  the  Grange,  as  well  as  all  business  in  which  the  Grange  shall 
have  an  interest. 

ARTICLE  VIII. — Charges. — Section  I.  If  at  any  time  it  shall  ap 
pear  that  a  member,  by  his  or  her  general  conduct,  either  morally 
or  otherwise,  shall  be  working  against  the  best  interests  of  the  Order, 
charges  may  be  preferred  against  the  offending  member,  in  accord 
ance  with  the  provisions  of  the  following  article,  and  they  may  be 
expelled,  or  subjected  to  such  penalties  as  a  majority  of  the  Grange 
may  direct. 

9 


194  THE  GROUtfDSWELL. 

Sec.  2.  In  no  case  shall  members  of  a  Grange  enter  into  litigation 
with  each  other,  until  they  shall  have  presented  a  plain  statement 
of  their  differences  to  the  Trustees  of  their  Grange,  and  shall  have 
allowed  them  an  opportunity  to  adjust  them,  if  possible. 

ARTICLE IX. — Suspensions,  Withdrawals,  etc. — Section  1.  No  brother 
or  sister  of  this  Grange  shall  be  suspended  or  expelled  from  member 
ship  unless  charges  be  preferred  in  writing,  duly  specifying  the  offense, 
presented  by  a  brother  or  sister  in  good  standing,  and  the  accused 
being  allowed  full  opportunity  to  make  his  or  her  defense. 

Sec.  2.  Any  member  desirous  of  withdrawing  from  this  Grange 
must  pay  all  indebtedness  thereto,  and  obtain  the  consent  of  the 
Grange. 

ARTICLE  X. — Amendments. — All  propositions  for  amending  or  re 
pealing  these  By-Laws,  or  any  part  of  them,  shall  be  presented  in 
writing  at  a  regular  meeting,  and  shall  lie  over  until  the  next  regu 
lar  meeting,  when  it  may  be  acted  upon,  if  agreed  to  by  two-thirds 
of  all  the  members  present. 


RULES  OF   ORDER. 

1.  When  the  presiding  officer  takes  the  chair,   the  officers  and 
members  shall  take  their  respective  stations,  and  at  the  sound  of  the 
gavel  there  shall  be  a  general  silence.     The  Grange  shall  then  pro 
ceed  to  open  in  regular  form. 

2.  No  question  shall  be  stated  unless  moved  by  two  members,  or 
be  open  for  consideration  unless  stated  by  the  Master.     And  when 
a  question  is  before  the  Grange,  no  motion  shall  be  received,  unless 
to  close,  to  lay  on  the  table,  the  previous  question,  to  postpone,  to 
refer,  or  to  amend.     They  shall  have  precedence  in  the  order  in 
in  which  they  are  arranged,  the  first  three  of  which  shall  be  decided 
without  debate. 

3.  Any  member  may  pall  for  a  division   of  a  question  when  the 
sense  of  it  will  permit. 

4.  The  yeas  and  nays  may  be  ordered  by  the  Master,  on  the  call 
of  any  member,  duly  seconded. 

5.  After  any  question  (except  one  of  indefinite  postponement)  has 
been  decided,'  any  member  who  voted  in  the  majority,  may,  at  the 
same  or  next  meeting,  move  for  a  reconsideration  thereof;  but  no 
discussion  of  the  main  question  shall  be  allowed  unless  reconsidered. 

6.  No  member  shall   speak  more  than  once  on  the  same  subject, 
until  all  the  members  wishing  to  speak  have  had  an  opportunity  to 
do  so,  nor  more  than  twice  without  permission  from  the  chair.     And 
no  member,  while  speaking,  shall  name  another  member  by  his  or 
her  proper  name,  but  shall  use  the  appropriate  designation  belonging 
to  his  or  her  standing  in  the  Grange. 


RULES   OF   ORDER.  195 

7.  The  Master  or  any  member  may  call  a  brother  or  sister  to  order 
while  speaking  ;  when  the  debate  shall  be  suspended,  and  the  brother 
or  sister  shall    not  speak  until   the  point  of  order  be  determined, 
unless  to  appeal  from  the  Chair,  when  he  or  she  may  use  the  words 
following,  and  no  others :  "  Master,  I  respectfully  appeal  from  the 
decision  of  the  Chair  to  the  Grange."     Whereupon  the  Grange  shall 
proceed  to  vote  on  the  question  :    "  Will  the  Grange  sustain   the 
decision  of  the  Chair?" 

8.  When  a  brother  or  sister  intends  to  speak  on  a  question,  he  or 
she  shall  rise  in  his  or  her  place  and  respectfully  address  his  or  her 
remarks  to  the  Worthy  Master,  confining  him  or  herself  to  the  ques 
tion,  and  avoid  personality.     Should  more  than  one  member  rise  to 
speak  at  the  same  time,  the  Worthy  Master  shall  determine  who  is 
entitled  to  the  floor. 

9.  When    a  brother   or    sister  has  been  called   to  order  by  the 
Worthy  Master  for  the  manifestation  of  temper  or  improper  feelings, 
he  or  she  shall  riot  be  allowed  to  speak  again  on  the  subject  under 
discussion  in  the  Grange,  at  that  meeting,  except  to  apologize. 

10.  On  the  call  of  five  members,  a  majority  of  the  Grange  may  de 
mand  that  the  previous  question  shall  be  put,  which  shall  always  be 
in  this  form  :  "Shall  the  main  question  now  be  put?"     And 'until 
it  is  decided,  shall  preclude  all  amendments  to  the  main  question 
and  all  further  debate. 

11.  All  motions  or  resolutions  offered  in  the  Grange  shall  be  re 
duced  to  writing,  if  required. 

12.  When  standing  or  special  committees  are  appointed,  the  indi 
vidual  first  named  is  considered  as  the  chairman,  although  each  has 
a  right  to  elect  its  own  chairman.     Committees  are  required  to  meet 
and  attend  to  the  matters  assigned  them  with  system  and  regularity, 
and  not  by  separate  consultation,  or  in  a  loose  and  indefinite  man 
ner. 

13.  The  Worthy  Master,  by  virtue  of  his  office,  may  attend  all 
meetings  of  committees,  take  part  in  their  deliberations  (without 
voting,  however),  and  urge  them  to  action.     In  the  appointment  of 
committees,  the  Worthy  Master,  who  should  ever  preserve  a  courte 
ous  and  conciliatory  deportment  to  all,  not  overlooking  the  hum 
blest  member,  has  many  opportunities  for  bringing  humble  merit 
into  notice,  and  of  testing  and  making  available  the  capabilities  of 
those  around  him.     He  should  carefully  avoid  both  petulancy  and 
favoritism,  and  act  with  strict  impartiality. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 


THE  MOVEMENT  TOWARD  CO-OPERATION. 


WHAT  ARE  THE  FARMERS'  GRIEVANCES? 

The  question  has  often  been  asked,  What  are  the  farmers' 
grievances  ?  These  have  never,  at  the  conventions,  been 
fully  defined ;  but  they  may  be  summed  up  in  a  few  words: 
The  agricultural  classes  suffer,  and  always  have  suffered, 
from  the  rapacity  of  capital,  aggregated  and  centralized. 

There  are  two  principal  ways  in  which  capital  is  employed 
to  overreach  them.  The  first  is  through  the  combination  of 
those  who  buy  their  produce,  thereby  creating  a  protected 
monopoly,  limited,  it  is  true,  but,  nevertheless,  uniformly 
successful.  In  this  class  I  do  not  mean  to  include  the  ordi 
nary  country  merchant,  who  buys  produce,  or  trades  and 
barters  for  it,  but  those  rings,  great  and  small,  which  are 
formed  to  gamble  in  the  necessaries  of  life  in  our  cities. 
Their  ramifications  sometimes  extend  to  the  regular  dealers 
in  the  principal  railroad  towns,  and  Sometimes  even  to  the 
leading  railroad  officials  themselves,  but  oftener  are  confined 
to  a  few  of  the  great  distributing  centers,  as  New  York, 
Buffalo,  Cincinnati,  Chicago,  St.  Louis,  etc.  The  minor  com 
binations  in  the  ordinary  railroad  towns  are  merely  local  and 
•of  short  duration,  so  that  the  intelligent  man  may  hold  his 
produce,  and  thus  assist  in  breaking  them.  If  farmers  were 
(196) 


OPERATIONS   OF   RAILROAD   RINGS.  W7 

even  partially  organized,  these  lesser  combinations  would  b$ 
impossible. 

FARMERS'  TROUBLES  OF  MODERN  GROWTH. 

Up  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  these  grievances  were 
principally  confined  to  the  exactions  of  local  dealers,  and  the 
commission  men  at  the  distributing  point,  or,  as  they  were 
called,  middle  men.  During  the  war,  and,  more  especially 
since  then,  a  variety  of  schemes  to  centralize  capital  for  the 
purpose  of  fictitiously  lowering  or  increasing  values,  has  led 
to  gigantic  combinations,  which  have  always  tended  to  enrich 
the  wealthy  and  impoverish  the  poor.  While  these  combi 
nations  have  operated  against  all  classes,  the  farmers  have 
been  the  greatest  sufferers,  and  especially  those  of  the  West, 
since,  from  the  nature  of  the  situation,  and  the  limited 
amount  of  manufactures,  they  have  been  compelled  to  sell  their 
produce  in  foreign  markets. 

Lands  were  granted  by  the  government,  in  the  most 
wholesale  manner,  toward  the  building  of  railroads  in  every 
direction.  Combinations  and  consolidations  were  formed, 
stocks  were  watered,  the  Credit  Mobilier  was  put  in  opera 
tion.  At  last,  the  fact  was  painfully  unearthed  that  even 
some  of  our  most  eminent  statesmen  (without  respect  to 
party,  and  men  who  had  been  heretofore  regarded  as  of  the 
strictest  integrity)  had  become  implicated.  As  to  the  rank 
and  file  of  mere  politicians,  that  class  was  always  rotten  to 
the  core  ;  they  always  lived  on  corruption,  and  they  expected 
always  to  do  so. 

OPERATIONS  OF  RAILROAD  RINGS. 

(Railroad   combinations   and  consolidations   were  formed, 
operated  by  a  few  individuals  in  Wall  Street,  who  virtually 


198  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

controlled  the  railroad  system  of  the  United  States.  Van- 
derbilt,  Tom  Scott,  Daniel  Drew,  and  Jay  Gould,  were  tHe 
potentates  to  whom  all  must  bow  the  knee.  A  handful  of 
such  men  have  sought  to  control  the  inland  navigation  of 
the  country,  that  of  the  great  lakes  being  the  first  objective 
base,  from  which  they  hoped,  apparently,  to  extend  their 
supremacy  to  the  rivers.^ 

For  years,  their  scheme  seemed  to  prosper,  and  "  all  went 
merry  as  a  marriage  bell."  The  farmer  saw  his  profits 
growing  less  and  less,  with  each  successive  season.  Still  he 
managed  to  live  and  pay  his  taxes,  and  if  he  complained  at 
all,  it  was  but  in  a  whisper.  At  last,  the  three  great  corn 
seasons  in  the  West  filled  the  great  granary  of  the  world  to 
overflowing.  The  price  of  their  grand  staple  went  down, 
down,  down,  and  did  not  rally ;  eight  cents  per  bushel  was  all 
that  the  farmer  received  in  some  localities.  The  farmer 
began  to  ask  himself  the  reason,  why,  when  it  cost  only  a  cer 
tain  moderate  sum  to  transport  a  car-load  from  Chicago  to 
New  York,  nearly  a  thousand  miles,  it  should  cost  nearly 
one-half  the  amount  to  transport  the  same  car  from  his 
market  town  to  Chicago,  or  St.  Louis,  distant  perhaps  less 
than  one  hundred  miles. 

In  expostulating  against  this  wrong,  he  naturally  blamed 
the  management  of  these  local  roads,  forgetting  that  many 
of  the  leading  lines  in  the  West  were  really  operated  by  in 
dividuals  in  the  great  seaboard  cities,  who  either  owned  or 
controlled  the  greater  part  of  the  stock,  and  who  were,  by 
the  unjust  discriminations  on  local  traffic,  eking  out  dividends 
on  watered  stock,  or  assisting  to  swell  the  lesser  profits  of 
the  great  through  transportation  lines  between  Chicago,  St. 
Louis,  and  Cincinnati,  at  the  West,  and  Boston,  New  York, 
and  Philadelphia,  at  the  East.  This  was  but  another  means 
of  assisting  the  merchants  and  forwarders  (the  middle  men) 


WHERE   THE   BLAME   ORIGINALLY   LIES.  199 

of  our  great  cities,  and  for  what  ?  Simply  to  keep  them  still. 
The  great  "  operators  "  could  not  fleece  both  classes,  and  so  the 
farmer  must  pay  for  all. 

The  great  mistake  made  by  the  railroad  magnates,  East 
and  West,  was  in  not  heeding  the  smaller  tidal  waves  that 
were  as  mere  ripples  to  the  great  September  groundswell 
that  convulsed  the  country.  The  question  may  well  be 
seriously  asked,  Will  it  require  a  still  greater  explosion 
of  long-suppressed  fires,  a  more  terrible  disorganization  of 
business  than  that  through  which  we  have  just  passed,  to 
show  this  class  of  men  that  henceforward  their  power  for 
evil  is  circumscribed,  and  that  they  must  conform  to  the 
requirements  of  justice?  We  believe  it  most  certainly  will, 
unless  the  Government  itself  can  be  purified  of  the  class  of 
politicians,  who  pander  to  the  great  money  lords  of  the  East. 
The  signs  of  the  times  persistently  misread  or  unheeded, 
there  may  come  a  wide-spread  financial  ruin,  such  as  no 
civilized  people  ever  suffered.  What  a  humiliation  to  a 
nation  of  boasted  freemen,  who  have  allowed  their  law-makers 
to  become  utterly  corrupt,  and  their  laws  vicious  and  one 
sided,  through  the  buying  and  selling  of  human  consciences  ! 

WHERE  THE  BLAME  ORIGINALLY  LIES. 

Much  of  the  evil  we  have  mentioned  arises  from  the 
want  of  a  business  education  among  the  masses  of  the  farm 
ers  themselves.  For  this,  however,  they  are  not  entirely  to 
blame;  their  isolation  one  from  another  has,  in  a  measure, 
prevented  it.  Congress,  while  yet  it  was  pure,  endowed 
schools  for  the  instruction  of  the  masses  to  the  industries. 
Let  them  allow  mere  scholiasts  to  fritter  this  endowment 
away,  and  they  will  be  utterly  lost. 

Looking  at  the  grievances  entailed  since  the  settlement  of 


200  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

the  country,  by  the  common  methods  of  barter  and  sale,  it 
will  become  obvious  to  the  most  casual  observer  that  their 
lack  of  education  has  made  the  masses,  constantly,  the  prey 
of  sharpers.  It  is  not  the  reading  and  thinking  portion  of 
the  agricultural  world  who  are  readily  victimized.  And  I 
would  that  these  words,  uttered  in  all  singleness  of  purpose, 
might  be  taken  home  by  each  individual  reader.  Let  him 
ask  if  he  really  has  done  himself  and  his  children  justice,  in 
using  all  the  means  for  education  that  were  available.  If  so, 
the  words  do  not  apply  to  him. 

I  repeat,  that  American  farmers,  as  a  class,  have  been  con 
tent  to  exist  from  year  to  year,  and  decade  to  decade,  in  this 
dull,  unprogressive  manner.  They  have  been  seeking  to 
disenthrall  themselves  for  generations,  but  have  failed  from 
the  fact  that,  until  within  the  last  twenty  years  they  have 
not  r.een  a  reading,  thinking  class.  They  have  received  educa 
tion  sufficient  to  enable  them  to  read  intelligently  their 
Bible,  hymn-book,  and,  at  long  intervals,  perhaps,  a  news 
paper — the  last,  in  too  many  cases,  borrowed  from  some 
more  enterprising  neighbor;  but  the  fact  itself  is  patent 
and  incontrovertible  that  they  have  been  much  behind  other 
classes  in  their  practical  information  concerning  the  ordinary, 
every-day  affairs  of  the  business  world.  Hence,  not  know 
ing  the  true  values  of  what  they  had  to  sell,  they  were  con 
tinually  overreached  by  the  buyer,  who  had  made  it  his 
especial  business  to  inform  himself  on  this  point. 

THE  VILLAGE  MERCHANT  AS  AN  EXTORTIONER. 

The  farmer  saw  the  merchant,  whom  for  want  of  a  better 
name  he  began  to  call  a  middle  man,  accumulating  wealth 
from  year  to  year,  and  living  in  apparent  comfort  from  the 
profits  of  bargain  and  sale,  while  he  himself  had  a  hard  pull 


THE  GROWTH  OF  GRIEVANCES.  201 

to  get  along,  and  pay  the  interest  on  the  mortgage,  large  or 
small,  as  the  case  might  be,  on  his  farm.  If  he  had  any 
thing  to  sell,  say  a  load  of  wheat,  it  was  taken  to  market. 
The  merchant  was  asked,  "What  are  you  paying  for 
wheat  ?  "  He  might  think  the  price  offered  too  small, 
but  the  next  dealer  was  asked,  and  the  next,  and  the.  next, 
and  the  price  was  always  the  same.  Here  was  a  combination — 
a  monopoly,  if  you  choose  to  call  it  so — by  which,  two,  three 
or  a  dozen  country  merchants  ruled  the  price  of  produce  in 
the  town.  The  farmer  might  sell  or  not,  he  was  not  ob 
liged,  there  was  no  coercion ;  for  could  he  not  haul  it  back  to 
his  granary?  But  if  he  did,  what  then?  Haul  it  back 
once  more,  and  take  the  price  offered,  at  last. 

Here  and  there,  scattered  far  or  near,  were  individual 
farmers,  who  had  educated  themselves  to  business  habits, 
had  regularly  read  the  journals  devoted  to  their  interests, 
and  had  kept  a  close  account  of  the  profit  and  loss  of  the 
farm.  This  exceptional  class,  when  prices  were  low,  held 
their  grain,  and,  when  the  market  was  right,  sold  in  bulk, 
buying,  perhaps,  of  their  neighbors  to  make  good  the  quan 
tity  contracted  for.  Here,  again,  was  another  monopoly, 
and  a  legitimate  one,  which  simply  illustrates  the  advantages 
of  educating  one's  self  to  his  business  in  life.  The  enterpris 
ing  farmer  was  coerced  into  this  course,  from  the  fact  that 
no  means  seemed  available  to  enable  him  to  co-operate  with 
his  fellows  for  a  more  general  good. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  GRIEVANCES. 

By  and  by,  a  few  individuals  in  a  neighborhood  would 
form  a  Club  or  Society,  to  discuss  their  real  or  supposed 
grievances,  and  systems  of  cultivation ;  gradually,  newspapers 

would  find  their  way  into  the  homes  of  the  members ;  and, 
9 


202  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

as  knowledge  begets  a  thirst  for  more,  the  number  of  these 
would  increase ;  and  so,  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  not 
only  a  more  intelligent  system  of  agriculture,  but  also  a 
more  correct  idea  of  doing  business  would  be  introduced. 

In  the  development  of  all  new  countries,  the  first  settlers 
act  in  the  capacity  of  merchants  in  selling  their  crops  to 
those  who  come  later.  These,  again,  join  them  in  selling  to 
others,  until,  at  last,  the  country  becoming  overstocked  with 
the  raw  material,  a  village  springs  up,  and  the  farmers  sell 
to  the  merchants,  who  make  an  exclusive  business  of  buying 
produce,  or  bartering  needed  wares  therefor.  Up  to  this 
point,  there  has  been  no  trouble.  The  new  comers  needed 
all  that  was  produced  for  purposes  of  sale.  The  population 
was  a  community  to  themselves;  their  tastes  and  lives  were 
simple,  and  they  cared  but  little  how  the  great  outside  world 
was  going  on.  It  is  only  with  the  advent  of  high  civiliza 
tion  that  oppressive  monopolies  can  exist. 

The  exact  time  when  transportation  charges  begin  to  pinch 
the  farmer,  it  is  evident,  is  when  a  country  begins  to  produce 
more  than  it  can  consume.  When  all  that  he  can  raise,  or 
even  more,  is  wanted,  the  farmer  fixes  his  price;  when  a 
surplus  is  produced,  it  must  be  exported  to  be  turned  into 
cash.  The  merchant,  or  middle  man,  steps  in  and  buys  in 
'  hopes  of  reaping  a  profit.  Another  merchant  comes  in,  and 
a  healthy  competition  is  created;  they  combine  together 
and  form  a  monopoly.  To  counteract  this  evil,  the  farmers, 
too,  must  combine,  and  face  it  boldly. 

THE  BUILDING  OF  RAILROADS  AND  ITS  EFFECTS. 

(  Dating  from  about  the  year  1848,  there  was  a  general 
feeling  among  the  farmers  throughout  tHinois,  that  they 
were  not  receiving  the  just  reward  of  their  labor.  The 


THE  BUILDING  OF  BAILKOADS  AND  ITS  EFFECTS.       203 

country  was  settling  up,  and  the  cost  of  transporting  pro 
duce  to  St.  Louis  and  Chicago,  the  principal  distributing 
points,  over  the  common  roads  was  so  great  that  it  left  the 
farmer  little  or  nothing  to  carry  back  to  his  family.  The 
country  villages  were  few  and  far  between.  Kailroads  had 
not  been  built,  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that 
the  farmer  could  gather  enough  money  to  pay  his  taxes. 
The  construction  of  railroads  began,  but  before  these  were 
in  operation  a  feeling  of  awakening  had  so  grown  upon  the 
popular  mind  that  Farmers'  Clubs  began  organizing,  though, 
at  first,  more  to  discuss  matters  of  cultivation  than  any 
thing  else. 

In  1852,  the  exactions  of  the  country  merchants,  or  mid 
dle  men,  as  they  were  even  then  called,  came  in  for  a  great 
share  of  the  blame,  and  justly,  beyond  a  doubt.  They  were 
the  protected  monopolists,  who,  by  the  force  of  their  cohe 
sion,  controlled  prices,  and,  while  they  grew  rich  themselves, 
oppressed  the  farmers  J  I  do  not  stop  here  to  ask,  Would 
not,  and  does  not,  the  farmer  seek  to  do  the  same,  if  oppor 
tunity  or  circumstances  favor  ?  I  am  now  simply  writing 
history. 

In  the  year  just  named/the  Michigan  Southern  Railroad 
was  completed  to  Chicago.  The  Galena  Union,  now  North 
western,  was  stretching  westward,  and  the  Illinois  Central 
was  nearly  completed.  The  opening  of  these  lines  gave 
partial  relief,  and  caused  towns  and  villages  to  spring  up  as 
if  by  magic  along  their  routes.  Heretofore,  the  only  com 
modity  that  brought  the  farmer  any  returns  in  cash  was  the 
live  stock  which  he  fattened  and  sold  to  the  drover,  to  be 
driven  on  foot  to  the  nearest  point  where  it  could  be  packed 
and  distributed.  ) 

^Agriculture,  which  before  had  been  languishing,  suddenly 
became  remunerative.     With  the  advent  of  the  towns  along 


204  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

the  road  came  increased  immigration.  The  farmer  again 
had  a  home  maket ;  he  could  again,  in  great  measure,  deal 
without  the  intervention  of  a  middle  man.  Other  towns 
sprang  up,  and  other  immigration  followed.  Other  rings 
were  formed,  and  the  farmer  again  found  himself  on  rela 
tively-losing  ground,  although  not  so  badly  off  as  before.") 

THE  CENTKALIA,  ILLS.,  CONVENTION. 

The  feeling  that  relief  must  be  had  finally  gained  such 
strength  that  a  general  convention  or  congress  was  called, 
and  held  at  Centralia,  on  the  fifteenth  of  September,  1858. 
The  discussions  of  this  body  were  earnest  in  tone  and  com 
prehensive  in  scope.  They  resulted  in  the  following  plat 
form,  declaration  of  principles,  and  plan  of  operations : 


FARMER'S  PLATFORM  OF  1858. 

"  We  believe  that  the  time  has  come  when  the  producing  classes 
should  assert,  not  only  their  independence,  but  their  supremacy ; 
that  non-producers  can  not  be  relied  upon  as  guarantees  of  fairneas ; 
and  that  laws  enacted  and  administered  by  lawyers  are  not  a  true 
standard  of  popular  sentiment. 

"  We  believe  that  a  general  application  to  commerce  of  the  prin 
ciple  that  the  majority  should  rule,  would  increase  the  income  and 
diminish  the  outlay  of  producers,  and,  at  the  same  time,  elevate  the 
standard  of  mercantile  morality. 

"  We  believe  that  the  producer  of  a  commodity  and  the  purchaser 
of  it  should,  together,  have  more  voice  in  fixing  its  price  than  he 
who  simply  carries  it  from  one  to  the  other. 

"  We  believe  that  the  true  method  of  guarding  against  commer 
cial  revulsions  is  to  bring  the  producer  and  consumer  as  near  to 
gether  as  possible,  thus  diminishing  the  alarming  number  and  the 
more  alarming  power  of  non-producers. 


THE  CENTRALIA,    ILLS.,    CONVENTION.  205 

"  We  believe  that  in  union  there  is  strength,  and  that  in  union 
alone  can  the  necessarily  isolated  condition  of  farmers  be  so  strength 
ened  as  ,to  enable  them  to  cope,  on  equal  terms,  with  men  whose 
callings  are,  in  their  very  nature,  a  permanent  and  self-created  com 
bination  of  interests. 

"  We  believe  that  system  of  commerce  to  be  the  best  which  transactg 
the  most  business,  with  the  least  tax  on  production,  and  which,  instead 
of  being  a  master,  is  merely  a  servant. 


Union  there  is  Strength. 


"  We  believe  that  good  prices  are  as  necessary  to  the  prosperity  of 
farmers  as  good  crops,  and,  in  order  to  create  such  a  power  as  to 
insure  as  much  uniformity  in  prices  as  in  products,  farmers  must 
keep  out  of  debt ;  and  that,  in  order  to  keep  out  of  debt,  they  must  pay 
for  what  they  buy  and  exact  the  same  from  others." 

DECLARATION   OF    PRINCIPLES. 

"  These  truths  we  hold  to  be  self-evident,  that,  as  production  both 
precedes  barter  and  employs  more  labor  and  capital,  it  is  more  worthy 
the  care  and  attention  of  governments  and  of  individuals;  that  in  the 
honorable  transaction  of  a  legitimate  business  there  is  no  necessity 
for  secret  cost-marks;  that,  in  all  well-regulated  communities,  there 
should  be  the  smallest  possible  number  of  non-producers  that  is 
necessary  to  the  welfare  of  the  human  race ;  that  labor  and  capital 
employed  in  agriculture  should  receive  as  much  reward  as  labor  and 
capital  employed  in  any  other  pursuit ;  that,  as  the  exchanger  is 
merely  an  agent  between  the  producer  and  consumer,  he  should  not 


206  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

have  a  chief  voice  in  the  establishment  of  prices ;  that  the  interests 
of  agriculture  and  of  commerce  can  only  be  considered  as  identical 
when  each  has  an  equal  share  in  regulating  barter ;  and  that  the  princi 
pal  road  to  honor  and  distinction,  in  this  country,  should  lead 
through  productive  industry." 


PLAN   OF  OPERATIONS.  . 

"First.  The  formation  of  Farmers'  Clubs  wherever  practical,  the 
object  of  which  shall  be  to  produce  concert  of  action  on  all  matters 
connected  with  their  interests. 

"Second.  The  establishment,  as  far  as  possible,  of  the  ready  pay 
system  in  all  pecuniary  transactions. 

"  Third.  The  formation  of  wholesale  purchasing  and  selling  agen 
cies  in  the  great  centers  of  commerce,  so  that  producers  may,  in  a 
great  measure,  have  it  in  their  power  to  save  the  profits  of  retailers. 

"Fourth.  The  organization  of  such  a  power  as  to  insure  the  crea 
tion  of  a  national  agricultural  bureau,  the  main  object  of  which 
shall  be  an  annual  or  semi-annual  census  of  all  our  national  products, 
and  the  collection  and  dissemination  of  valuable  seeds,  plants,  and 
facts. 

"Fifth.  The  election  of  producers  to  all  places  of  public  trust  and 
honor  the  general  rule,  and  the  election  of  non-producers  the  excep 
tion." 


CHAPTER   XVII. 


THE  NATIONAL  AGRICULTURAL  CONGRESS  OF 

1872. 


REVIVAL  OF  CLUBS  AT  THE  SOUTH. 

Soon  after  the  close  of  the  late  war,  the  more  far-seeing 
citizens  of  the  South  began  to  consider  seriously  the  im 
portance  of  organizing  for  the  promotion  of  agriculture  in 
that  fertile  section.  They  recognized  the  fact  that  the  pro 
duce  of  the  land  is  the  basis  of  all  national  wealth,  and 
they  felt  this  to  be  especially  true  of  their  portion  of  the 
country,  for  the  reason  that  it  had  always  been  essentially 
an  agricultural  region;  and  they  noted  with  sadness  that, 
during  the  war,  its  agriculture  had  languished,  and  its 
manufactures  had  been  entirely  broken  up. 

Societies  for  the  advancement  of  agriculture  and  its  kin 
dred  interests  consequently  sprang  up  and  flourished,  and 
eventually  a  general  association  was  formed,  which  assumed 
the  name  of  the  "  Agricultural  Congress."  At  the  second 
session  of  this  body,  held  at  Selma,  Alabama,  in  December, 
1871,  the  importance  of  the  undertaking  was  generally  rec 
ognized.  It  was  essentially  a  Southern  institution,  and 
composed  of  Southern  men.  Its  officers  were  as  follows : 
President,  Dr.  R.  J.  Spurr,  of  Kentucky :  Vice-Presidents— 
Hon.  Reuben  Gentry,  of  the  same  State ;  General  William 
J.  Hardee,  of  Alabama ;  Major  R.  R.  Hurt,  of  Tennessee  ; 

(207) 


208  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

Hon.  W.  H.  Foote,  of  Mississippi ;  W.  M.  Lawton,  Esq.,  of 
South  Carolina;  Hon.  B.  Compton,  of  Maryland;  Hon. 
Mark  A.  Cooper,  of  Georgia ;  Hon.  D.  F.  Kenney,  of  Louisi 
ana  ;  Hon.  Asa  Hodges,  of  Arkansas ;  Hon.  Lee  E.  Shry- 
ock,  of  Missouri ;  Hon.  F.  Watts,  of  the  District  of  Colum 
bia;  and  General  C.  H.  Dupont,  of  Florida:  Secretary  and 
Treasurer,  Charles  W.  Greene,  of  Tennessee. 


A  Virginia  Tobacco  Barn. 

President  Spurr,  in  his  circular  address,  stated  the  object 
of  the  association  to  be  to  hold  consultations  upon  Agricul 
ture  and  kindred  interests,  ignoring  all  partisan  politics  ;  to 
represent,  in  a  general  head,  the  local  organizations ;  and  to 
co-operate  with  these  in  promoting  the  general  welfare.  The 
Association  recognized  the  fundamental  principle  that  agri 
culture  being  the  foundation-stone  of  -our  prosperity  as  a 
people,  the  farmers  of  the  country  should  have  proper  rep 
resentation  in  the  councils  of  the  State  and  Nation ;  and  it 


THE  TENNESSEE  ASSOCIATION.  209 

was  held  to  be  within  the  province  of  the  Congress  to  assist 
in  securing  such  representation.  The  intention  of  this  or 
ganization  was  to  unite  every  Agricultural  Society  through 
out  the  land,  but  especially  those  of  the  Southern  and  West 
ern  States,  into  one  body,  in  which  there  should  be  a  delega 
tion  from  each  of  these  societies,  the  basis  of  representation 
being  one  delegate  to  each  fifty  members  or  fraction  thereof, 
and  to  include  representatives  from  any  society,  whether 
State,  County,  District,  or  Township  Association. 

THE  TENNESSEE  ASSOCIATION. 

Another  organization,  the  Tennessee  Agricultural  and 
Mechanics'  Association,  was  also  in  existence  at  this  time, 
embracing  among  its  members  gentlemen  from  all  sections 
of  the  country,  but  principally  from  the  Southern  States. 
Its  President  was  F.  J.  LeMoyne,  of  Pennsylvania;  Secre 
tary,  J.  B.  Killebrew,  of  Tennessee;  Treasurer,  F.  H. 
French,  of  the  same  State. 

In  October,  1871,  at  the  instance  of  this  association,  there 
was  held  at  Nashville,  Tennessee,  an  Agricultural  Congress, 
consisting  of  delegates  from  eleven  States,  and  representing 
more  than  forty  different  Agricultural  Societies  and  associa 
tions.  The  same  body,  by  agreement  with  this  Congress, 
appointed  a  session  to  be  held  at  St.  Louis  for  the  pur 
pose  of  consolidating,  and  making  the  organization  truly 
national. 

At  the  Nashville  meeting,  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
prepare  and  publish  an  address  to  the  people,  setting  forth 
the  aims  of  the  Congress,  and  calling  for  a  general  partici 
pation  therein  by  agriculturists  of  all  the  States  and  Terri 
tories,  who  were  invited  to  send  in  delegates  from  their  va 
rious  associations, 


210  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  AGRICULTURAL  CONGRESS. 

Accordingly,  on  the  27th  day  of  May,  1872,  the  two  socie 
ties,  numbering  about  three  hundred  delegates,  met  at  Ma 
sonic  Hall,  St.  Louis,  in  convention.  Colonel  Arthur  B. 
Barrett,  President  of  the  St.  Louis  Agricultural  and  Me 
chanical  Association,  called  the  assembly  to  order,  where 
upon  the  Eev.  Dr.  Means,  of  Georgia,  in  a  prayer  strongly 
marked  for  its  fervid  eloquence,  invoked  the  blessing  of  the 
Almighty  upon  the  deliberations  of  the  assembly,  praying 
that  the  work  accomplished  might  inaugurate  a  unity  of 
action  that  should  redound  to  the  welfare  of  the  struggling 
industries  of  the  nation,  of  which  agriculture  was  the  true 
corner-stone. 

Colonel  Barrett,  in  his  address  of  welcome,  alluding  to 
the  unity  of  interests  which  had  called  the  convention  to 
gether,  said  he  felt  that  the  common  cause  demanded  a  uni 
ted  action  on  the  part  of  every  farmer  ;  every  one  who  would 
advance  the  pursuits  of  agriculture  through  our  broad  land, 
should  unite  in  that  common  purpose  of  advancing  such  in 
terest.  It  was  one  ramifying  the  whole  country,  represent 
ing  three-fourths  of  the  brain  and  muscle  of  the  land,  and 
when  associated  for  good  can  accomplish  every  thing.  No 
Congress  could  stand  before  its  will.  It  could  dictate  the 
policy  of  the  country ;  it  could  open  national  highways  to 
the  sea;  and  all  that  was  necessary  would  be  to  unite  in  one 
common,  earnest  desire  to  promote  that  end. 

General  William  H.  Jackson,  of  Tennessee,  proposed  a 
general  vote  of  thanks  of  the  two  bodies  to  the  St.  Louis 
Agricultural  and  Mechanical  Association,  for  the  cordial 
welcome  that  has  been  extended  to  them.  This  was  heartily 
and  unanimously  concurred  in. 


THE   FIKST   NATIONAL   AGRICULTURAL  CONGRESS.       21.1 

Each  organization  retired  to  a  separate  apartment  where, 
after  deliberation,  it  elected  a  committee  to  act  with  that  of 
the  other  as  a  joint  committee.  On  the  part  of  the  Congress 
the  following  gentlemen  were  appointed :  Major  K.  B.  Hurt, 
Jackson,  Tennessee ;  D.  E.  Beatty,  Illinois ;  T.  W.  Wood 
ward,  South  Carolina;  Suel  Foster,  Iowa;  Governor  H.  W. 
Foote,  Mississippi ;  0.  P.  Whitcomb,  Minnesota ;  Professor 
W.  H.  Jamison,  Alabama;  James  B.  Clark,  Kentucky;  E. 
B.  Whitman,  Georgia;  Lee  K  Shryock,  Missouri;  John  W. 
Foote,  North  Carolina. 

For  the  Agricultural  Association  the  names  of  the  com 
mittee  were  as  follows:  H.  M.  McAllister,  Pennsylvania; 
E.  W.  West,  Illinois;  K.  M.  Patton,  Alabama;  0.  H.  Jones, 
Georgia ;  John  Scott,  Iowa ;  Gen.  W.  H.  Jackson,  Tennessee ; 
A.  B.  Barrett,  Missouri;  H.  Rawlings,  Indiana;  John  Saul, 
District  of  Columbia ;  Commodore  M.  F.  Maury,  Virginia 
and  North  Carolina;  F.  McArdle,  Montana,  and  M.  W. 
Wood,  Kentucky. 

Secretary  Greene,  of  the  Congress,  being  engaged  in  the 
main  hall,  Jonathan  Periam,  of  Chicago,  was  requested  to 
act  with  Secretary  Killebrew,  of  Tennessee,  for  the  joint 
committee.  The  association  then  adjourned  until  the  next 
clay  for  the  purpose  of  allowing  the  committee  to  deliberate. 
Upon  reassembling,  the  committee  reported  that  they  had 
agreed  upon  a  consolidation  of  the  two  organizations,  under 
the  name  of  the  National  Agricultural  Congress,  and  had 
also  agreed  upon  the  basis  of  a  constitution,  which  an 
nouncement  was  received  with  hearty  and  reiterated  ap 
plause. 

On  motion  of  Major  Lee  R.  Shryock,  it  was  resolved  that 
a  committee  of  one  from  each  State  be  appointed  to  report 
permanent  officers  to  the  National  Congress.  The  dele 
gates  from  each  State  then  conferred  with  each  other,  and 


212  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

appointed  the  following  committee  to  name  their  permanent 
officers : 

Virginia,  Commodore  M.  F.  Maury  ;  South  Carolina,  Major 
Thomas  W.  Woodward ;  Georgia,  E.  B.  Whitman  ;  Alabama, 
Governor  E.  M.  Patton ;  Mississippi,  J.  L.  Power ;  Tennes 
see,  Colonel  E.  J.  Chester ;  Kentucky,  Colonel  J.  B.  Clarke ; 
Pennsylvania,  H.  N.  McAllister;  Ohio,  Dr.  John  A.  War 
der;  Indiana,  Hon.  John  Sutherland;  Illinois,  Professor  J. 
B.  Turner ;  Missouri,  Colonel  John  H.  Harris ;  Iowa,  J.  H. 
Bacon;  Kansas,  Major  J.  E.  Hudson;  District  of  Columbia, 
John  Saul. 

On  motion,  there  were  added  Dr.  E.  J.  Spurr  and  Dr.  F. 
J.  LeMoyne,  the  ex-presidents  of  the  original  societies. 

The  committee  retired,  and  upon  returning  to  the  hall, 
Commodore  Maury  said  that  he  was  instructed  by  the  nom 
inating  committee  to  report  the  following  names,  which  they 
unanimously  recommend  for  adoption  :  For  President,  Hon. 
John  P.  Eeynolds,  of  Illinois.  [Cheers.]  For  Secretary, 
Charles  W.  Greene,  of  Tennessee.  [Cheers.]  For  Treas 
urer,  Major  L.  E.  Shryock,  of  St.  Louis,  Mo.  [Cheers.] 

Mr.  Starr  moved  that  the  report  be  received,  and  that  the 
present  chairman  cast  the  vote  of  the  association  for  the  of 
ficers  reported. 

General  Jackson  moved  that  they  be  declared  chosen  by 
acclamation. 

The  motion  was  carried,  and  the  President  said  that,  in 
obedience  to  the  power  conferred  upon  him,  he  voted  for  the 
names  presented  by  the  committee  as  presiding  officer,  Sec 
retary  and  Treasurer  of  this  Congress. 

A  committee,  consisting  of  General  Jackson  and  Governor 
Patton,  were  appointed  to  escort  the  President-elect  to  the 
chair. 

General  Jackson,  in  introducing  Mr,  Eeynolds,  made  one 


THE   FIRST  NATIONAL  AGRICULTURAL  CONGRESS.       213 

of  his  characteristic  and  pleasant  speeches,  and,  in  conclu 
sion,  said :  "  It  is  with  feelings  of  peculiar  pleasure  I  present 
the  Hon.  J.  P.  Keynolds,  of  Illinois,  a  gentleman  so  well 
and  favorably  known  to  the  agriculturists  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  who  has  devoted  so  much 
of  his  time  and  resources  to  this  great  work;  who  is  now/ 
to  use  a  farmer's  phrase,  in  harness,  and  who  is  one  of  the 
most  active  workers  in  the  cause.  I  say  it  affords  me  pe 
culiar  pleasure.  The  committees  have  shown  themselves 
wise  in  selecting  such  a  one  to  conduct  this  enterprise,  as  it 
will  be  conducted  under  his  leadership  to  a  successful  issue. 
I  am  gratified  to  present  to  you  the  eminent  gentleman  from 
Illinois." 

President  Reynolds,  in  returning  thanks,  tersely  reviewed 
the  objects  and  aims  of  the  Congress,  and  referred  briefly  to 
its  future  scope  and  power.  He  thought  the  association,  in 
its  aims  and  in  its  character,  and  in  all  other  respects,  was 
certainly  one  to  which  the  American  people  might  look  with 
some  sort  of  hope,  and  aid  in  the  grand  interests  for  which 
all  were  working.  He  said  it  would  be  a  waste  of  words  to 
now  make  any  suggestion  to  the  assembly ;  indeed,  at  this  late 
stage  it  would  be  a  waste  of  time.  He,  therefore,  asked  to 
be  excused  from  making  any  extended  remarks,  and  tendered 
his  thanks  for  the  honor  conferred  on  him. 

The  President  appointed  the  following  committee  on  re 
vision  of  the  Constitution:  Dr.  LeMoyne,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Dr.  Spurr,  of  Kentucky ;  General  Jackson,  of  Tennessee  ; 
Mr.  McArdle,  of  Montana  Territory ;  John  Scott,  of  Iowa  ; 
John  A.  Warder,  of  Ohio,  and  General  Marmaduke,  of  Mis 
souri. 

Mr.  French  moved  that  the  delegates  make  nominations 
for  Vice-Presidents  in  the  various  States.  Carried ;  where 
upon  the  following  Vice-Presidents  were  chosen :  Alabama, 


214  THE  GHOUNDSWELL. 

C.  C.  Langdon,  Mobile;  District  of  Columbia,  John  Saul, 
Washington;  Georgia,  0.  H.  Jones,  Atlanta;  Illinois,  Hon. 
A.  M.  Garland,  Springfield;  Indiana,  F.  C.  Johnson,  New 
Albany ;  Iowa,  Dr.  J.  M.  Shaffer,  Fairfield ;  Kansas,  George 
F.  Anthony,  Leavenworth ;  Kentucky,  Dr.  James  H.  Moore, 
Harrisburg ;  Minnesota,  J.  H.  Stevens,  Minneapolis ;  Mis 
sissippi,  Dr.  J.  0.  Wharton,  Terry;  Missouri,  Arthur  B. 
Barrett,  St.  Louis;  North  Carolina,  William  F.  Kornigny, 
Goldsboro;  Ohio,  Norton  S.  Townsend,  Avon;  Pennsylvania, 
A.  Boyd  Hamilton,  Harrisburg ;  Tennessee,  General  W.  H. 
Jackson,  Nashville;  Virginia,  Commodore  M.  F.  Maury, 
Lexington ;  South  Carolina,  William  M.  Law  ton,  Charles 
ton  ;  Maryland,  Henry  A.  Parr,  Baltimore. 

Mr.  J.  B.  Killebrew  offered  the  following  in  relation  to 
Farmers'  Clubs : 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  do  earnestly  recommend  to 
farmers  in  various  districts  and  townships  through  the  Uni 
ted  States  to  organize  themselves  into  Clubs,  and  have 
monthly  meetings,  and  with  this  organization  disseminate 
through  the  newspapers  the  facts  they  may  gather  in  the 
interest  of  practical  agriculture.  Adopted. 

On  motion  of  Dr.  Spurr,  amended  by  Dr.  Spalding,  it  was 
resolved  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  whom  any  resolu 
tions  might  be  referred.  The  chair  appointed  Dr.  Spurr, 
Mr.  G.  B.  Whitman,  Dr.  J.  A.  Warder,  and  Gen.  Jackson. 

As  showing  the  wide  scope  taken  in  the  deliberations  of 
this  Congress,  on  motion  and  after  considerable  discussion, 
the  President,  assisted  by  the  members,  selected  the  follow 
ing  committees :  On  Meteorology — Com.  Maury,  Professor 
Turner,  Rev.  A.  Means.  On  Forest  Culture— E.  S.  Elliot, 
Dr.  Warder,  W.  C.  Flagg.  On  Experimental  Agriculture— 
l)r.  Spalding,  Gen.  W.  H.  Jackson,  Chas.  V.  Eiley.  On  Agri 
cultural  Education — Col.  E.  E.  Withers,  H.  M.  McAllister, 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  AGRICULTURAL  CONGRESS.       215 

T.  K.  Hudson.  On  Grasses— L.  D.  Morse,  M.  Williams,  0. 
H.  P.  Lear.  On  Transportation  and  Commerce — Gen. 
Marmaduke,  W.  D.  Williams,  R  M.  Patton.  On  Fertiliz 
ers — Prof.  Jamison,  M.  F.  Fontain,  J.  C.  Burroughs.  On 
Labor  and  Emigration — W.  M.  Lawton,  Geo.  Edmunds,  E. 
B.  Whitman,  Wm.  M.  Wielandy.  On  Live  Stock— Dr.  Spurr, 
D.  B.  Gilham,  D.  H.  Jones.  On  Horticulture— Dr.  E.  S.  Hull, 
F.  H.  French,  J.  L.  Ratliff. 

The  reading  of  an  essay  on  immigration,  by  Mr.  Lawton, 
of  South  Carolina,  which  was  politically  violent  and  inflam 
matory  in  its  nature,  gave  rise  to  the  following  resolution, 
by  Mr.  Flagg,  of  Illinois : 

Resolved,  That,  inasmuch  as  topics  supposed  to  have  a 
remote  political  bearing  have  been  regarded  as  not  proper 
subjects  for  discussion  by  this  convention,  therefore,  all 
speakers  and  essayists  be  requested  to  avoid  such  allusions 
to  the  "late  unpleasantness"  as  may  be  denunciatory  of  per 
sons  differing  in  political  opinions,  and  calculated  to  disturb 
the  harmony  of  the  meeting. 

Mr.  Anthony,  of  Kansas,  begged  leave  to  inquire  if  the 
resolution  was  retroactive.  He  could  wish  that  it  were,  for 
Mr.  Lawton's  essay  on  immigration  was  one  purely  political 
in  character,  and  one  eminently  qualified  to  revive  the  old 
feeling  of  difference  between  the  North  and  South.  He 
would  not  be  willing  to  give  even  a  tacit  support  to  such  a 
paper.  He  did  not  wish  to  discuss  the  question,  but  moved 
an  amendment  that  the  essay  mentioned  be  not  spread 
upon  the  records. 

Mr.  Withers  said  the  question  was  out  of  order,  and  could 
not  come  up  unless  a  motion  to  print  was  before  the  house. 
Mr.  Anthony  said  he  understood  that  all  essays  read  became 
a  part  of  official  proceedings,  and,  if  so,  he  wished  the  essay 
on  immigration  eliminated. 


216  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

The  chair  explained  that  but  one  essay  read  had  thus  far 
been  ordered  printed.  A  special  order  would  be  necessary. 
The  resolution  of  Mr.  Flagg  was  then  read,  and  passed  unani 
mously. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  this  discussion  was  conducted 
in  the  most  friendly  spirit,  both  North  and  South,  all  parties 
holding  alike  that  it  was  in  bad  taste,  and  that  hereafter  all 
subjects  having  a  political  bearing  ought,  properly,  to  be 
ruled  out  of  order. 

Mr.  Scott,  of  Illinois,  offered  the  following  resolution,  re 
lating  to  the  preservation  of  timber  : 

WHEREAS,  The  destruction  of  our  forests  will  ultimately 
bring  about  drouths  injurious  to  the  agricultural  interests  of 
the  country ;  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  preservation  of  our  forests,  and  the  ar 
tificial  planting  of  forest  trees  on  our  vast  prairies,  are  sub 
jects  of  most  vital  importance  to  the  agriculturist,  as  well  as 
the  people  of  the  United  States. 

This  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  forest  trees. 

Mr.  F.  C.  Johnson,  of  Indiana,  offered  a  resolution  instruct 
ing  all  agricultural  and  horticultural  societies  to  offer  pre 
miums  for  the  best  agricultural  and  horticultural  papers,  and 
to  do  all  in  their  power  to  contribute  to  the  extension  of 
their  circulation.  Adopted. 

Mr,  H.  J.  Schulte  offered  the  following : 

Resolved,  That  a  memorial  be  forwarded  from  this  body  to 
the  next  United  States  Congress,  urging  it  to  reserve  at  least 
six  sections  of  timber  in  each  of  the  congressional  townships 
of  the  present  government  land  covered  with  forest,  in  order 
to  avoid  the  extremes  of  drouth  resulting  from  the  want  of 
timber  or  trees.  Referred  to  committee  on  forests. 

Mr.  J.  B.  Killebrew  offered  the  following  important  reso 
lution,  which  was  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  the  farmers  in  every  district  and  township 
in  the  United  States  organize  themselves  into  Clubs  for 


.       THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  AGRICULTURAL  CONGRESS.       217 

monthly  meetings,  to  collect  and  disseminate  the  facts  that 
they  may  gather  in  the  interest  and  practice  of  Agriculture. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Whitman,  a  committee  of  five  was  ap 
pointed,  to  whom  all  resolutions  might,  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
Congress,  be  referred  without  debate. 

The  convention  then  proceeded  to  discuss  the  different 
sections  of  the  Constitution.  Several  minor  amendments 
were  adopted.  The  title  of  the  association  was  changed  to 
that  of  the  National  Agricultural  Society,  but  a  reconsidera 
tion  was  voted,  and  the  old  title  of  the  National  Agricultural 
Congress  was  finally  retained. 

Com.  Maury's  paper  on  Meteorology  was  the  most  im 
portant  paper  read  before  the  Congress.  It  related  to  the 
influence  of  rain  storms,  winds,  dews,  etc.,  their  volume  and 
distribution,  and  the  influence  exercised  by  the  planting  of 
timber.  It  comprehended,  in  its  scope,  the  continuous  meteor 
ological  observations  throughout  the  world,  by  the  combined 
governments  of  every  land.  "By  this  means,"  said  the 
eminent  lecturer,  "  we  may  eventually  foretell  the  seasons 
with  a  great  degree  of  certainty."  The  address  also  com 
prehended  the  regular  publishing  of  reliable  crop  reports, 
through  which  the  farmer  might  keep  himself  informed  in  rela 
tion  to  the  future  of  prices,  from  the  appearance  of  the  crops 
throughout  the  world. 

Gov.  Patton,  of  Alabama,  from  the  Committee  on  Trans 
portation,  submitted  the  following  resolutions : 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  appoint  a  special  committee 
of  three  to  consider  the  subject  in  all  its  bearings,  and  to 
report  at  the  next  meeting  of  this  body  such  information 
acquired  as  may  seem  to  be  necessary. 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  invite  such  correspondence 
from  all  parts  of  the  country,  to  be  addressed  to  the  chair- 
10 


218  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

man  of  said  committee,  furnishing  full  and  complete  data 
upon  which  to  base  a  report. 

The  report  of  the  committee  was  received  and  the  resolu 
tions  adopted. 

Mr.  Fontaine,  of  Georgia,  submitted  a  preamble  and 
resolution  on  the  subject  of  fertilizing.  The  preamble  re 
cited  that  the  annual  outlay  for  fertilizing  is  $25,000,000. 
It  was,  therefore,  recommended  that  each  county  society 
represented  in  this  Congress,  or  hereafter  to  be  admitted, 
should,  through  its  secretary,  forward  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Congress  approximate  statements  giving  the  amount  of  fertil 
izers  used,  their  money  value,  kinds  used,  and  cost  of 
transportation,  with  the  distance  transported. 

The  following  resolution  was  offered  and  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  which 
has  heretofore  so  liberally  protected  the  manufacturing 
interests  of  the  country,  be  memorialized  to  aid  the  Agri 
culture  of  the  United  States  by  admitting,  free  of  duty,  the 
following  chemicals  which  we  think  contain  all  the  great 
essentials  of  plant  food,  to  the  end  that  the  manufacture  of 
fertilizers  be  cheapened  and  agricultural  interest  proportion- 
ably  benefited  :  nitrate  of  potash,  nitrate  of  soda,  salt,  gypsum, 
sulphate  of  ammonia,  German  salts  of  potash,  or  potash  in 
any  form,  and  sulphuric  acid. 

'Gen.  Jackson  read  a  series  of  resolutions,  reported  from 
the  committee  to  whom  Com.  Maury's  address  was  referred. 
The  resolutions  appealed  to  every  agricultural  or  mechanical 
society,  club,  and  association,  in  behalf  of  the  movement, 
soliciting  their  co-operation  by  memorials  to  Congress,  and 
otherwise.  Further,  they  looked  to  the  raising  of  a  com 
mittee  of  one  from  each  State  of  the  Union  to  exert  itself 
in  favor  of  Com.  Maury's  plan.  They  requested  all  journals 
to  note  the  proceedings  and  give  them  their  sanction.  The 
resolutions  were  adopted. 


THE  FIUST  NATIONAL  AGKICULTURAL  CONGRESS.       219 

Mr.  R.  S.  Elliott,  of  Kansas,  read  the  report  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Forest  Culture. 

To  carry  out  the  views  embodied  in  the  report  the  com 
mittee  submitted  the  following  resolutions: 

1.  That  we  recommend   farmers  throughout  the  United 
States  to  plant  their  hilly  or  otherwise  waste  lands,  and  at 
least  ten  per  cent,  of  their  farms,  with  trees,  in  such  manner 
as  to  provide  shelter  belts  or  clumps  of  rapid  growing  and 
useful  timber. 

2.  That  we  solicit  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  to 
pass  laws  providing  bounties  for  planting  trees,  encouraging 
the  planting  of  the  highways,  and  for  the  provision  of  State 
nurseries  of  young  timber  trees,  and  also  the  appointment  of 
an  " arbor  day"  for  the  annual  planting  of  trees,  as  has  al 
ready  been  done  in  the  State  of  Nebraska. 

3.  That  we  ask  the   Congress   of  the    United    States  to 
require,  so  far  as  practicable,  that  railroad  companies  and 
settlers  hereafter  receiving  the  benefit  of  the  homestead  and 
other  acts  donating  lands,  shall  plant  with  timber  trees  one- 
tenth  of  the  land  so  donated. 

The  importance  of  this  subject  was  thoroughly  discussed, 
and  the  resolutions  were  adopted. 

Professer  Turner,  of  Jacksonville,  111.,  read  an  able  and 
characteristic  essay  on  the  education  of  farmers.  The  sub 
ject  was  treated  eloquently,  and  the  essay  was  marked  by 
the  originality  and  profound  thought  for  which  the  professor 
is  noted.  The  lecturer  showed  that  common  school  education 
throughout  the  United  States,  as  it  was  now  administered, 
was  exerting  its  whole  force  to  drive  men  away  from  the 
farm  and  from  industrial  pursuits ;  that  farmers  and  indus 
trial  men  were  the  only  class  of  men  in  the  United  States 
that  could  rectify  the  matter.  Teachers  can  not  do  it.  In 
the  elucidation  of  his  subject,  he  pointed  out  what,  he  con 
ceived  to  be  radical  errors  in  our  common  school  system, 
and  showed  how  the  common  school  discipline  was  calculated 


220  THE  GROtTNDSWELL. 

to  unfit  boys  for  the  active  duties  of  life.  On  motion  of 
General  Jackson,  a  vote  of  thanks  was  tendered  Professor 
Turner.  Some  discussion  occurred  on  a  proposition  to  adopt 
the  speaker's  positions  and  print  the  address,  but  no  action 
was  taken. 

After  assembling  in  the  afternoon,  the  preliminary  business 
being  "finished,  an  address  on  practical  entomology  was  de 
livered  by  Professor  C.  V.  Riley,  State  Entomologist  of 
Missouri.  A  vote  of  thanks  was  tendered  the  eminent 
speaker. 

The  committee  to  whom  was  referred  a  resolution  memori 
alizing  Congress  to  make  additional  land  grants  for  Agricul 
tural  College  purposes,  reported  that  in  their  judgment  the 
proposition  for  further  national  aid  for  Agricultural  Colleges 
was  one  of  pre-eminent  merit,  provided  such  guards  and, 
guarantees  could  be  thrown  around  it  as  to  secure  the  end 
sought.  The  lands  already  donated  had  generally  been 
frittered  away.  The  committee  conclude  by  an  expression 
of  their  belief  that  it  was  the  duty  of  Congress  to  pass  a, 
declaratory  act  so  clear  as  to  settle  all  controversy,  and  to 
withhold  all  further  aid  until  such  time  that  it  was  found 
that  the  true  ends  of  the  original  appropriation  were  being 
reached  by  these  institutions. 

Several  essays  which  were  prepared,  but  not  read  for  want 
of  time,  were  referred  to  appropriate  committees. 

After  the  usual  votes  of  thanks,  the  Congress  adjourned  to 
meet  at  Indianapolis,  at  ten  o'clock  A.  M.,  on  the  fourth 
Wednesday  of  May,  1873. 

Thus  ended  one  of  the  most  important  conventions  ever 
held  by  the  farmers  of  America ;  important  as  showing  their 
earnestness  of  purpose,  and  the  uniform  good  feeling  per- 
vailing  between  different  sections  of  the  country.  It  was 
not  expected  that  the  way  would  prove  free  of  all  difficulties. 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  AGRICULTURAL  CONGRESS.       221 

It  was  especially  felt  that  to  be  successful  the  Congress  must 
be  sustained  by  the  agricultural  masses  throughout  the 
nation,  and  especially  by  the  Industrial  Societies,  Farmers' 
Clubs,  and  other  organizations  relating  to  agriculture,  over 
the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land.  The  door  was  opened, 
however,  and  the  way  made  clear. 


3HAPTEB  XVIII. 


THE   FIRST    BLOOMINGTON,   ILLS.,   CONVENTION. 


EFFECT  OF  THE  WAR  ON  AGRICULTURE. 

From  1858  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  the  subject  of 
the  various  taxes  which  all  products  paid  before  they 
reached  the  consumer,  were  earnestly  and 
frequently  discussed.  But  soon  there 
were  mutterings  of  another  kind,  and 
when  the  dogs  of  war  were  at  length  let 
loose,  convulsing  the  country  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  from  the  great 
lakes  to  the  Gulf,  all  questions  were 
dropped  other  than  which  related  to  the 
salvation  of  our  national  unity.  Produc 
tion  was  stimulated,  trade  flourished, 
prices  were  more  and  more  inflated, 
money  was  plenty,  and  farmers  prospered, 
and  readily  sold  their  surplus  at  remu 
nerative  prices. 

The  war,  however,  brought  into  exist 
ence  a  horde  of  speculators,  who  exercised 
their  enterprise  and  craft,  not  only  in  the 
processes  of  moving,  maintaining,  and 


All  forgotten, 
save      the      Na 


tion's  Unity. 

(222) 


operating  large  armies,  but  in  other  mat- 


THE   END  OF   ENDURANCE.  223 

ters  as  well.  Speculation  became  rife  in  our  cities  in  every 
possible  direction,  but  especially  in  money  and  in  stocks,  the 
latter  either  real  or  fictitious,  made  to  represent  money. 
Thus  was  built  up  that  system  of  hollow  unreality  in  mone 
tary  affairs,  coupled  almost  constantly  with  fraud  and  cor 
ruption,  that  has  lately  culminated  in  *  the  failure  of  Jay 
Cooke  &  Co.,  and  a  general  collapse  of  stocks  of  every  kind, 
showing  at  once  the  entire  rottenness  of  the  whole  system  of 
building  apparently  colossal  but  really  fictitious  fortunes 
upon  the  bulling  and  bearing  of  stocks. 

THE  END  OF  ENDURANCE. 

\The  encroachments  and  vexatious  discriminations  of  the 
transportation  companies,  and  the  exactions  of  agents  and 
middle  men,  had  all  been  increasing,  the  farmers  meanwhile 
steadily  growing  poorer  and  poorer.  On  all  sides  were 
heard  the  mutterings  of  discontent,  like  the  scattering,  des 
ultory  fire  of  skirmishers,  preliminary  to  a  general  engage 
ment. 

The  enemy  laughed  at  the  wri things  of  their  captives. 
bound,  as  they  had  them,  with  iron  bands.  "  Pay  us  three, 
or  four,  or  five  bushels  of  corn,  and  we  will  take  one  to 
New  York  for  you  !  You  object  ?  Then  keep  your  corn  ! 
Burn  it,  or  let  it  rot !  Ingrates  !  After  all  that  we  have  done 
for  you!") 

Again,  it  was  the  middle  men  who  spoke :  "  You  want  a 
plow,  a  reaper,  a  thresher?  Pay  us,  then,  three  or  four 
times  its  cost,  or  you  must  do  without.  You  will  buy  it 
direct?  No,  you  will  not  buy  it  direct  from  the  maker! 
We  have  stopped  that  little  game !  You  have  it  from  us, 
or  not  at  all." 

The  wealthy  farmer  found  that  farming  did  not  pay ;  the 


224  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

well-to-do  saw  his  capital  disappearing ;  while  the  one  with 
small  means  sold  out  and  went  West  to  seek  that  market 
which  a  new,  rapidly-developing  country  always  affords. 
Eailroad  companies  consolidated ;  they  grew  rich,  and  had 
to  water  their  stocks,  to  keep  clown  the  dividends  to  a  figure 
which  would  not  call  up  blushes  of  shame  to  the  manipula- 


The   Monopolists'  Mistake— NOT  the  type  of  the  Farmer. 

tors.  Meantime,  the  farmers'  needs  become  more  and  more 
pressing.  Money  they  must  have,  and  their  crops  were  sold 
at  a  loss.  Even  the  less  thoughtful  began  to  wonder  where 
the  robbery  was  going  to  cease.  "  Let  us  organize,"  became 
the  cry. 

Early  in  1869,  the  agitation  began  to  assume  definite 
shape.  Local  meetings  were  held  in  many  districts,  and 
plans  were  mooted  (though  all  but  despairingly,  in  some 
cases)  for  a  general  organization  similar  to  the  Trades' 
Unions,  which,  in  England,  and  to  a  smaller  degree  in  the 
United  States,  were  obtaining  great  power,  in  some  instances 


TRANSPORTATION  QUESTION. 

having  successfully  combatted  and  dictated  terms  to  over 
reaching  capital. 

THE  BUGLE-CALL. 

In  March,  1869,  the  Hon.  Henry  0.  Wheeler,  a  farmer 
of  Du  Page  County,  Illinois,  who  had  distinguished  hynself 
by  his  efforts  to  stir  up  his  fellow-workers  to  a  due  sense  of 
their  power,  issued  a  call  for  a  convention  of  farmers  of  the 
North-west,  to  be  held  at  Bloomington,  Illinois,  on  the  fol 
lowing  20th  of  April.  This  document  possesses  great  inter 
est,  as  a  forcible  statement  of  the  case  of  the  producers 
against  their  enemies,  and,  still  more,  as  leading  to  the  first 
clearly-defined  protest  of  an  organization  of  farmers  against 
the  extortions  of  the  monopolists,  who  were  eating  out  their 
substance.  Mr.  Wheeler's  manifesto  was  published  in  the 
principal  papers  of  the  North-west,  and  was  as  follows : 

THE  TKANSPOKTATION  QUESTION. 

THE  RELATION  OF  THE  CARRYING  TO  THE  PRODUCING  INTER 
EST  OF  THE  COUNTRY — CALL   FOR  A  CONVENTION. 

To  the  Farmers  of  the  North-west :  Will  you  permit  a  working 
farmer,  whose  entire  interest  is  identified  with  yours,  to  address  to 
you  a  word  of  warning  ? 

A  crisis  in  our  affairs  is  approaching,  and  dangers  threaten. 

You  are  aware  that  the  price  of  many  of  our  leading  staples  is  so 
low  that  they  can  not  be  transported  to  the  markets  of  Europe,  or 
even  to  our  own  seaboard,  and  leave  a  margin  for  profits,  by  reason 
of  the  excessive  rates  of  transportation. 

During  the  war  but  little  attention  was  given  to  the  great  increase 
in  the  price  of  freights,  as  the  price  of  produce  was  proportionately 
high;  but  we  look  in  vain  for  any  abatement,  now  that  we  are 
obliged  to  accept  less  than  half  the  former  prices  for  much  that  we 


226  THE  QROUNDSWELL. 

We  look  in  vain  for  any  diminution  in  the  carrying  rates,  to  cor 
respond  with  the  rapidly-declining  prices  of  the  means  of  living,  and 
of  materials  for  constructing  boats,  cars,  engines,  and  track ;  but,  on 
the  other  hand,  we  see  a  total  ignoring  of  that  rule  of  reciprocity 
between  the  carrying  and  producing  interests  which  prevails  in 
every  other  department  of  trade  and  commerce. 

Does  it  not  behoove  us,  then,  to  inquire  earnestly  how  long  we  can 
stand  this  descending  scale  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  ascending  on 
the  other,  and  which  party  must  inevitably  and  speedily  go  to  the 
wall  ? 

I  by  no  means  counsel  hostility  to  the  carrying  interest — it  is  one 
of  the  producer's  best  friends-;  but,  like  the  fire  that  cooks  our  food 
and  warms  our  dwelling,  it  may  also  become  the  hardest  of  masters. 
The  fire  fiend  laughs  as  he  escapes  from  our  control,  and  in  an  hour 
licks  up  and  sweeps  away  the  accumulations  of  years  of  toil. 

As  we  cherish  the  fire  fiend,  so  we  welcome  the  clangor  of  the  car 
rier  fiend  as  he  approaches  our  dwellings,  opening  up  communica 
tion  with  the  busy  marts  of  trade.  But  it  needs  no  great  stretch  of 
imagination  to  hear  also  the  each  !  each  !  cachinations  of  the  carrier 
fiend  as  he  speeds  beyond  our  reach,  and  leaving  no  alternative  but 
compliance  with  his  exorbitant  demands. 

Many  of  us  are  not  aware  of  the  gigantic  proportions  the  carrying 
interest  is  assuming.  Less  than  forty  ye:.rs  hince  the  £i>t  railroad 
fire  was  kindled  en  this  eonili.cr.t,  1  ut  v'  ich  i:<  w,  lil.e  a  ir.ighty 
conflagration,  io  crackling  an-1  ronrir.;!;  over  every  prairie  and  through 
every  mountain  gorge.  7!  o  first  jrear  produced  f.ftcen  miles;  the 
last,  5,000. 

On  the  same  i  hi          ;       •     >  il.o  work  or  organization  ar-a 

direction.     Y>\  tl.e  \.  o  <  f  ; ."..  ioi  t  unlimited  means,  it  enlists  i 
service  the  finest  Luoiuss  of  tl.e  kind  as  officers,  attorneys,  agents,  and 
lobbyists;  gives  free  pusses  and  splendid  entertainments  to  the  repre 
sentatives  of  the  people  ;  and  even  transports  whole  legislatures  i-  : 
exceeding  high  mountains,  showing  them  the  kingdoms  of  the  we. 
with  lavish  promises  of  reward  for  fealty  and  support:  witness  its 
land  grants  and  franchise  secured  from  the  powers  that  be,  sucli  as 
no  similar  interest  ever  acquired  even  in  the  Old  World. 

In  Europe  every  corporation  returns  its  franchises  to  the  Crown 
within  a  specified  time,  while  here  their  titles  are  more  secure  than 
the  farmers'  warranty  deeds. 


THE  TRANSPORTATION  QUESTION.  227 

Do  you  say  that  you  are  out  of  debt,  and  can  stop  producing  when 
it  does  not  pay  ? 

I  tell  you,  my  friends,  that  the  carrying  interest,  with  its  present 
momentum  unchecked,  will  soon  acquire  the  power  to  tax  your  un- 
incumbered  possessions  into  leaseholds,  and  you  and  me  into  tenants 
at  will. 

I  fancy  I  hear  the  response :  "  These  things  are  so,  but  what  can 
we  do?" 

Rather,  my  friends,  what  can  we  not  do  ?  What  power  can  with 
stand  the  combined  and  concentrated  force  of  the  producing  inter 
est  of  this  Republic?  But  what  avails  our  strength  if,  like  Polyphe 
mus  in  the  fable,  we  are  unable  to  use  it  for  want  of  eyesight ;  or, 
like  a  mighty  army  without  discipline,  every  man  fighting  on  his 
own  hook;  or,  worse,  reposing  in  fancied  security  while  Delilahs  of 
the  enemy  have  well  nigh  shorn  away  the  last  lock  of  strength  ?  In 
this  respect  we  constitute  a  solitary  exception,  every  other  interest 
having  long  since  protected  itself  by  union  and  organization. 

As  a  measure  calculated  to  bring  all  interested,  as  it  were,  within 
speaking  distance,  and  as  a  stepping  stone  to  an  efficient  organiza 
tion,  I  propose  that  the  farmers  of  the  great  North-west  concentrate 
their  efforts,  power,  and  means,  as  the  great  transportation  companies 
have  done  theirs,  and  accomplish  something,  instead  of  frittering  away 
their  efforts  in  doing  nothing. 

And,  to  this  end,  I  suggest  a  convention  of  those  opposed  to  the 
present  tendency  to  monopoly  and  extortionate  charges  by  our 
transportation  companies,  to  meet  at  Bloomington,  Illinois,  on  the 
20th  day  of  April  next,  for  the  purpose  of  discussion,  and  the  ap 
pointment  of  a  committee  to  raise  funds  to  be  expended  in  the  em 
ployment  of  the  highest  order  of  legal  talent,  to  put  in  form  of  re 
port  and  argument  an  exposition  of  the  rights,  wrongs,  interests,  and 
injuries  (with  their  remedies)  of  the  producing  masses  of  the  North 
west,  and  lay  it  before  the  authorities  of  each  State  and  of  the  gen 
eral  government.  Congress  is  now  in  session,  and  the  Constitu 
tional  Convention  of  this  State  will  then  again  be  convened.  Farm 
ers,  now  is  the  time  for  action  ! 

The  call  was  responded  to,  and,  accordingly,  on  the  day 
designated  a  large  number  of  the  leading  farmers  from  va 
rious  counties  of  Illinois,  met  at  Bloomington,  in  mass 


228  THE  GROUtfDSWELL. 

convention.  An  organization  was  effected  by  the  election  of 
officers,  as  follows  :  President,  Hon.  J.  H.  Bryant,  of  Bureau 
County.  Vice-Presidents,  Messrs.  William  Smith,  of  Mc 
Lean  ;  S.  H.  McCrea,  of  Cook ;  E.  S.  Topping,  of  White- 
side  ;  Lewis  Ellsworth,  of  Du  Page ;  John  Davis,  of  Macon ; 
W.  W.  Miller,  of  St.  Glair;  E.  S.  Hull,  of  Madison;  A.  M. 
Brown,  of  Pulaski;  G.  W.  Hered,  of  Marion;  W.  Selden- 
gale,  of  Knox ;  M.  L.  Dunlap,  of  Champaign ;  and  K.  K. 
Jones,  of  Adams. 

GOVERNOR  PALMERS  LETTER. 

The  Governer  of  Illinois,  Gen.  John  M.  Palmer,  in  a  letter  to 
the  Convention,  expressed  the  hope  that  tfie  first  work  at 
tempted  would  be  to. convince  the  people  of  the  State  that  they 
had  the  power  to  rid  themselves  of  the  burdens  of  which  they 
so  j  ustly  complained.  Upon  the  practice  of  corrupting  legisla 
tors  with  money,  he  said  :  "  Whether  public  men  now  in  office 
are  corrupt  or  not,  it  will  be  the  fault  of  the  people  them 
selves  if  those  hereafter  selected  are  so.  The  people,  reject 
ing  all  the  sophistry  by  which  the  real  questions  that  concern 
them  are  concealed  or  mystified,  must  hereafter  investigate 
for  themselves,  and  take  care  of  their  own  interests."  He 
hoped  the  Convention  would  assert,  and  prepare  to  maintain, 
that  there  is  no  interest  in  this  country  that  is  or  can  be  be 
yond  the  control  of  the  law. 

The  state  of  the  question  between  the  producing  interest 
of  the  State  and  the  transporting  interest,  he  held  to  be, 
"that  the  whole  subject  of  freights,  and  all  subjects  that  are 
dependent  on,  or  collateral  thereto,  are  absolutely  under  the 
control  of  the  owners  and  managers  of  railway  lines,  and 
that  practically  they  may  and  do  grasp,  and  appropriate  to 
their  own  use,  such  proportion  of  the  value  of  the  products 


GENERAL  BUSINESS  OF  THE  CONVENTION.  229 

of  the  farmers  and  workshops  of  the  country  as  they,  in 
the  exercise  of  their  uncontrolled  discretion,  may  determine. 
The  object  of  the  people  of  the  State  must  be  to  overthrow 
this  pretension,  and  to  establish  the  doctrine  that  freights, 
and  all  that  relates  to  the  transportation,  storage,  and  sale  of 
the  products  of  the  industry  of  the  country,  shall  be  relieved 
from  the  arbitrary  rule  of  monopolies,  and  be  subjected  to 
such  regulations  as  may  harmonize  with  reason  and  justice." 
He  hoped  the  work  of  the  convention  would  be  to  call  the 
attention  of  the  people  to  these  opposing  propositions,  and  to 
urge  them  to  support  that  which  is  most  reasonable  and  just, 
and  also  to  suggest  the  means  by  which  success  might  be 
secured  for  the  right. 

GENERAL  BUSINESS  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

The  various  phases  of  the  transportation  and  warehouse 
questions  were  earnestly  discussed  by  the  delegates,  and,  as 
a  rule,  in  an  impartial  spirit,  only  a  small  proportion  of  the 
speakers  indulging  in  appeals  to  the  passions  of  the  audience. 
Strong  resolutions  were  passed,  denouncing  the  wrongs 
under  which  the  producers  labored,  and  the  necessity  of 
prompt  and  consecutive  action  to  obviate  these  wrongs.  A 
motion  to  send  an  official  copy  of  the  resolution  to  the 
President  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  then  in  session, 
was  carried,  and  the  following  declaration  was  adopted : 

"  This  Convention  declares,  First :  That  the  present  rates  of  taxa 
tion  and  transportation  are  unreasonable  and  oppressive,  and  ought 
to  be  reduced. 

"Second :  That  our  legal  rights  to  transportation  and  market  ought 
to  be  clearly  set  forth  and  denned. 

"  Third :  That  if  there  be  any  legal  remedy  under  existing  laws  for 
the  wrongs  we  suffer,  such  remedy  ought  to  be  ascertained  and  en 
forced. 


230  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

"  Fourth :  That,  if  there  be  no  such  remedy,  measures  should  be 
taken  to  secure  one  by  appropriate  legislation. 

"  Fifth :  That  statistics  should  be  collected  and  published  to  show 
the  relation  of  North-western  products  to  those  of  the  rest  of  the 
country. 

"  Sixth :  That  nothing  can  be  accomplished  for  the  enforcement  of 
our  rights,  and  the  redress  of  our  wrongs,  without  an  efficient  organi 
zation  on  the  well-known  principles  that  give  the  great  corporations 
such  tremendous  power. 

"  Seventh :  That,  with  honest  pay  for  honest  labor,  and  compensation 
commensurate  with  great  service,  we  can  secure  the  assistance  and 
support  of  the  highest  order  of  learning,  ability,  and  skill. 

"  Eighth :  That  this  Convention  should  appoint  a  commissioner  of 
agricultural  and  carrying  statistics,  to  prepare  and  publish,  with  thq 
aid  of  eminent  counsel,  a  report  of  the  products  of  the  North-west, 
the  rights  to  market  and  transportation,  and  the  remedies  available 
for  existing  wrongs,  the  expenses  thereof  to  be  defrayed  by  subscrip 
tion  price  for  such  report." 

Hon.  H.  C.  Wheeler  was  promptly,  elected  Statistician, 
and  after  the  appointment  of  an  Executive  Committee,  the 
Convention  adjourned. 

ONLY  A  PARTIAL  SUCCESS,  AND  WHY. 

Great  results  were  expected  from  the  meeting  of  this  body. 
Nothing  practical,  however,  came  of  it,  except  that  it  was 
the  entering  wedge,  that  opened  the  way  to  further  work  in 
the  same  direction. 

It  was  obvious  to  all  thinking  men  that  the  Statistician 
could  not  work  without  money,  and  that  no  working  farmer 
could  stand  the  necessary  drain  upon  his  pocket  in  collecting 
statistics,  and  in  employing  legal  talent  to  sift  existing  laws. 
Thus,  so  far  as  remedying  abuses,  the  first  Bloomington  Con 
vention  was  a  failure.  Not  so,  however,  as  to  its  moral 
bearings.  It  was  the  plow  that  broke  into  the  stubborn  soil 
of  monopoly.  But  plowing  alone,  the  farmer  well  knows, 


ONLY   A   PARTIAL   SUCCESS,  AND   WHY?  23} 

avails  but  little,  without  the  further  aid  of  the  harrow  and, 
the  roller.  The  harrow  was  subsequently  applied  at  the 
Kewanee  and  other  Conventions.  It  now  looks  as  though 
the  iron  roller  of  the  farmer  must  be  set  in  motion  to  crush 
all  smooth,  and  render  the  stubborn  glebe  fit  for  good  seed. 
But  all  will  come  in  good  time.  How  shall  it  be  brought 
about  ?  Must  it  be  by  taking  pattern  of  the  railroad  engi 
neer  ?  He,  seeing  an  obstruction  before  him  which  he  can 
not  avoid,  drives  his  engine  at  its  highest  speed  full  upon  it. 
The  good  farmer,  in  laying  out  lands,  does  not  put  his 
hand  to  the  plow  and  look  back.  In  the  case  we  are  con 
sidering,  as  in  many  others,  there  were  crooked  furrows 
made,  for,  in  looking  about  to  see  where  the  money  was  to 
come  from,  the  team  pulled  awry. 


CHAPTEB  XIX. 
THE  KEWANEE  (ILLINOIS)  CONVENTION. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

In  the  spring  of  1872,  the  Farmers'  Club  of  Avon  sug 
gested  to  a  number  of  corresponding  Clubs  the  advisability 
of  holding  a  convention,  in  order  to  compare  notes,  discuss 
subjects  of  interest  to  the  fraternity,  inquire  into  the  causes 
of  the  depressed  condition  of  Agriculture  in  the  West,  and 
propose  remedies  therefor.     A  correspondence  ensued  among 
men  prominent  in  the  Clubs,  in  which  S.  M.  Smith,  of  Ke- 
wanee ;  Edward  Maynard,  of  St.  David ;  John  Me  Adams, 
of  Avon;  J.  Howard,  of  Smithfield;    A.   M.   Garland,  of 
Springfield,  Secretary  of  the  State  Board  of  Agriculture ; 
W.  T.  R.  Finnessy,  of  Kewanee ;  John  Prickett,  of  Lewis- 
town,  and  others,  participated.     Mr.  Finnessy  thought  that 
the  movement  would  place  farmers  in  a  "  higher  position." 
Mr.  Garland  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  "  idea  concern 
ing  a  unity  of  effort  among  Farmers'  Clubs,"  etc.,  was  "  in 
the  right  direction."     Mr.  Howard  deemed  something  of 
the  kind  "  very  necessary."     Mr.  McAdams  desired  greatly 
the  "more  thorough  organization  of  our  farmers."     It  was 
the  hope  of  Mr.  Maynard  that  those  having  the  matter  in 
charge  would  "act  promptly."     The  Club  of  which  Mr. 
Prickett  was   a  member  was  "  decidedly  in   favor  of   the 
(232) 


THE   DELEGATES  AND   THEIR  DIFFICULTIES.  233 

measure."  Many  others  added  pertinent  and  encouraging 
words. 

A  few  disapproved  of  the  proposition,  but  the  notes  of 
dissent  were  drowned  in  the  general  unanimity,  and  it  was 
eventually  decided  to  issue  a  formal  call  for  a  convention  of 
delegates,  to  meet  at  Kewanee,  on  the  16th  and  17th  of 
October,  1872. 

This  call  was  made  by  Mr.  S.  M.  Smith,  both  a  cul 
tured  and  working  farmer,  "  for  the  purpose  of  comparing 
views,  and  consulting  together  on  the  best  means  of  organiz 
ing  a  general  union  of  farmers,  for  their  mutual  benefit  and 
protection  against  the  monopolizing  tendencies  of  the  age." 
Delegates  were  invoked  to  attend  in  the  following  words : 
"  Come,  then,  farmers,  and  help  us  to  make  the  meeting  a 
success  in  numbers,  intelligence,  and  results." 

THE  DELEGATES  AND  THEIR  DIFFICULTIES. 

About  fifty  delegates  answered  the  call,  composed  of 
members  of  the  various  organizations  then  existing  in  Illi 
nois.  Nearly  all  were  strangers  to  each  other ;  they  had 
met  with  undefined  ideas  of  their  wrongs ;  opinions  as  to 
the  future  had  not  been  matured ;  and  no  plans  or  remedies 
for  future  action  had  been  devised.  They  had  come  to 
gether,  hoping  almost  against  hope,  that  they  might  find  a 
way  out  of  their  difficulties.  But  order  soon  came  out  of 
chaos.  The  delegates  were  eminent  as  farmers,  and  also 
as  thinkers ;  many  of  them  were  •  men  of  wealth,  and  some 
of  them  were  well  known  for  their  political  prominence. 

The  Convention  was  an  entire  success,  and  became  historic 
as  the  first  convention  of  farmers  who  had  really  succeeded 
in  making  their  power  felt. 

Among  those  present  were  the  Hon.  L.  D.  Whiting,  of 


234  THE  GEOUNDSWELL. 

Bureau  County,  State  .Senator ;  Henry  C.  Lawrence,  brother 
of  Judge  Lawrence ;  C.  C.  Buell,  formerly  a  prominent  edu 
cator,  but  now  a  farmer  of  Whiteside  County ;  Colonel  A. 
Woodford,  one  of  the  originators  of  the  Grange  in  Illinois ; 
James  Smith,  Jr.,.  a  farmer  of  Madison  County;  C.  A.  Bar 
ney,  of  Bureau  County,  well  known  by  his  contributions  to 
the  press;  D.  H.  Goran,  a  large  stock-raiser  of  Fulton 
County,  and  H.  D.  Carson,  an  extensive  stock-grower  of 
Weathersfield,  Henry  County.  The  county  last  named  was 
also  represented  by  C.  C.  Blish,  who  is  said  to  "  feed  more 
cattle  "  than  any  man  in  that  part  of  the  State ;  M.  B.  Pot 
ter,  a  large  farmer ;  C.  H.  Loomis,  who  "  farms  three  hun 
dred  acres,"  and  G.  1ST.  Paliner,  a"  noted  hedge-raiser. 

Character  was  also  given  to  the  meeting  by  the  presence 
of  such  men  as  Messrs.  King,  of  Madison ;  McElroy,  of 
Champaign;  Saddoris,  of  Bock  Island,  and  Prickett  and 
Campbell,  of  Fulton.  Many  other  gentlemen  of  equal  local 
prominence  were  in  attendance.  All  the  delegates  were 
farmers.  The  bone,  sinew,  and  brain  of  the  agricultural 
population  of  the  State  were  fairly  represented. 

Letters  were  read  from  General  Boss,  of  Avon,  A.  M. 
Garland,  of  Springfield,  Son.  M.  L.  Dunlap,  of  Champaign, 
and  others,  who  were  unable  to  be  present,  but  who  fully 
sympathized  with  the  ends  in  view. 

BUSINESS  OF  THE  MEETING. 

The  convention  organized  by  the  election  of  Hon.  L.  D. 
Whiting,  President ;  Colonel  A.  Woodford,  Vice-President ; 
and  S.  M.  Smith  and  L.  W.  Beer,  Secretaries. 

A  committee,  appointed  for  the  purpose,  recommended  as 
subjects  for  consideration :  "  How  can  farmers,  through 
their  Clubs  and  other  organizations,  accomplish  a  saving  to 


BUSINESS   OF   THE   MEETING. 


233 


their  members  in  purchasing,  selling,  and  in  transporta 
tion?" 

"  Benefits  and  results  attainable  through  Farmers'  Clubs 
and  kindred  organizations." 

The  discussion  on  these  subjects  was  animated  and  inter 
esting.  Several  delegates  from  different  Clubs  spoke  of  the 
benefits  that  had  accrued  to  the  members  from  their  organ 
ization,  enabling  them  to  make  a  large  saving  in  the  cost  of 
nearly  all  the  supplies  they  needed.  So  far  as  the  experi 
ence  of  those  associations  represented  was  concerned,  they 


Steamboat  and  Railway  Cars. 

had  all  worked  harmoniously,  and  much  to  the  advantage 
of  the  members  pecuniarily,  aside  from  their  refining  and 
instructive  social  features. 

The  subject  of  transportation  by  railroad  was  considered, 
and  thoroughly  shown  up.  It  was  stated  by  one  member 
that  eighteen  years  previously  a  car  load  of  cattle  could  be 
sent  from  Abingdon  to  Chicago  for  twenty  dollars,  and  that 
for  the  same  service  fifty  dollars  was  then  the  tariff.  The 
relative  prices  from  other  points  was  given,  showing  a  large 
advance  within  a  few  years  on  that  class  of  shipments. 

A  State  Central  Committee  was  appointed,  and  also  an 
Executive  Committee  of  three  to  fill  vacancies,  if  any  should 


236  THE   GROUNDSWE-LL. 

occur,  in  the  Central  Committee.  The  appointment  of  these 
committees  and  the  passage  of  a  series  of  stirring  resolu 
tions  constituted  the  important  business  of  the  Convention. 
The  resolutions  were  as  follows  : 

Resolved,  That  the  agricultural  interests  of  this  country  are  the 
primary  source  of  its  growth,  wealth,  and  prosperity ;  and  that  the 
protection  and  development  of  these  are  essential  to  the  prosperity 
of  every  related  industry,  and  also  of  every  other  vocation  or  busi 
ness. 

Resolved,  That  the  immediate  objects  and  purposes  of  the  Conven 
tion  should  be  to  devise  some  means,  or  system  of  means,  to  cheapen 
the  process  of  production,  and  lessen  the  expense  of  transportation. 

Resolved,  That  the  success  of  co-operative  effort,  as  illustrated  in 
the  accumulation  of  capital  for  the  carrying  forward  of  immense 
business  enterprises;  in  the  combination  of  workingmen  for  the  in 
crease  of  wages,  or  the  restriction  of  the  hours  of  labor ;  in  the  for 
mation  of  rings  for  controlling  the  price  of  agricultural  or  manufac 
tured  products,  and  for  "  bulling  "  or  "  bearing  "  the  markets  of  every 
kind ;  and  in  the  thorough  and  efficient  organization  of  political  parties 
for  partisan  ends,  should  teach  the  farmer  the  lesson,  both  of  its 
efficiency  and  its  adaptation  to  the  particular  needs,  if  applied  with 
intelligence  and  wisdom. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Farmers'  Clubs,  and  similar  organ 
izations,  to  put  forth  their  best  efforts  for  extending  and  multiplying 
these  organizations,  until  they  shall  compass  the  industrial  interest 
of  the  entire  West. 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  regards  with  favor  the  growth  and 
prosperity  of  the  organization  called  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  and  ac 
cept  the  evidences  of  its  benefits  and  efficiency  with  hopeful  expecta 
tions  of  its  future  usefulness. 

Resolved,  That  the  destruction  of  Canada  thistles  and  noxious 
weeds  is  a  matter  of  vital  importance  to  the  agricultural  interests 
of  the  West ;  and  this  Convention  would  commend  the  action  of 
the  Legislature  of  Illinois  in  its  efforts  to  accomplish  this  object. 

Resolved,  That  the  strength  or  weakness  of  the  Railroad  Law,  so- 
called,  should  be  determined  by  its  thorough  trial  and  enforcement ; 
and  this  Convention  would  demand  additional  legislation  on  the 
subject,  if  required, 


BUSINESS  OF  THE  MEETING. 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  appoint  a  State  Central  Committee 
of  one,  and  a  committee  of  one  from  each  county,  whose  duties 
shall  be  to  act  as  a  medium  of  communication  between  the  various 
farmers'  organizations. 

Resolved,  That  the  Convention  return  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  citi 
zens  of  Kewanee  and  the  Wethersfield  Farmers'  Club,  for  the  very 
generous  hospitality  extended  to  the  members  of  this  Convention ; 
and  that  especial  thanks  are  due  the  aforesaid  Club  for  inaugurating 
and  carrying  to  so  successful  an  issue  this  Convention. 

These  resolutions  have  sometimes  been  referred  to  as  the 
first  formal  protest  by  the  farmers  against  the  oppressions 
under  which  they  labored.  This,  however,  is  an  error.  The 
first  protest  was  made  at  Bloomington,  in  1869,  as  noticed 
in  the  last  chapter.  That  was  the  entering  wedge,  this  the 
maul  that  struck  it  home.  We  shall  soon  see  that  it  re 
quired  still  harder  pounding,  and  the  use  of  still  other 
wedges,  to  widen  the  rent  in  the  gnarled  log  of  monopoly, 
each  individual  splinter  of  which  will  hold  its  own  until 
severed  with  the  keen  edge  of  the  axe. 

A  motion  was  adopted  that  "  all  Farmers'  Clubs,  Protect 
ive  Associations,  and  Granges,  now  existing  in  this  State,  and 
not  represented  in  this  Convention,  or  which  may  hereafter 
be  organized,  be  requested  to  report  their  name,  officers,  and 
location  to  the  State  Central  Committee." 

The  Executive  Committee  above  referred  to  consisted  of 
L.  F.  Koss,  John  Prickett,  and  William  Beem. 

The  State  and  County  Committees  were  elected  as  follows  : 
For  State  Central  Committee,  Hon.  W.  C.  Flagg,  Moro,  Illi 
nois.  For  County  Committee,  H.  H.  Gibson,  Madison 
County ;  W.  F.  P.  Hennesy,  Fulton  County ;  0.  H.  Loomis, 
Henry  County;  L.  D.  Whiting,  Bureau  County;  Cyrus 
Humphrey,  Knox  County;  G.  W.  McElroy,  Champaign 
County;  Joseph  Wright,  Whiteside  County;  Henry  Sad- 


238  THE  GBOUNDSWELL. 

doris,    Hock    Island    County;    H.   C.    Lawrence,    Warren 
County. 

The  Executive  Committee  was  empowered  to  appoint  for 
other  counties  as  Clubs  might  report. 

SPEECHES  AND  POETRY. 

Various  stirring  addresses,  interspersed  with  songs  by  the 
Kewanee  Glee  Club,  were  delivered  toward  the  close  of  the 
Convention,  one,  upon  the  subject  of  education,  by  Mr.  C. 
C.  Buell,  being  exceedingly  well  delivered.  Mr.  S.  M. 
Smith,  since  widely  known  as  one  of  the  great  champions  of 
the  cause,  made  a  strong  speech,  in  which  he  called  atten 
tion  to  the  growing  taste  among  the  rural  population  for 
home  adornment,  and  recited  the  following  extract  from  the 
beautiful  poem  of  John  G.  Whittier,  "  Among  the  Hil> ;" 

I  look  across  the  lapse  of  half  a  century, 

And  call  to  mind  old  homesteads,  where  no  flower 

Told  that  the  spring  had  come,  but  evil  weeds, 

Nightshade  and  rough-leaved  burdock  in  the  place 

Of  the  sweet  doorway  greeting  of  the  rose 

And  honeysuckle ;  where  the  house  walls  seemed 

Blistering  in  sun,  without  a  tree  or  vine 

To  cast  the  tremulous  shadow  of  its  leaves 

Across  the  curtainless  windows,  from  whose  panes 

Fluttered  the  signal  rag  of  shiftlessness ; 

Within,  the  cluttered  kitchen-floor,  unwashed 

(Broom-clean,  I  think  they  called  it) ;  the  best  room 

Stifling  with  cellar  damp,  shut  from  the  air 

In  hot  midsummer,  bookless,  pictureless, 

Save  the  inevitable  sampler  hung 

Over  the  fire-place,  or  a  mourning-piece, 

A  green-haired  woman,  peony-cheeked,  beneath 

Impossible  windows;  the  wide-throated  hearth 

Bristling  with  faded  pine-boughs,  half  concealing 

The  piled-up  rubbish  at  the  chimney's  back ; 


SPEECHES  AND  POETRY.  239 

And,  in  sad  keeping  with  all  things  about  them, 
Shrill,  querulous  women,  sour  and  sullen  men, 
Untidy,  loveless,  old  before  their  time, 
With  scarce  a  human  interest,  save  their  own 
Monotonous  round  of  small  economies, 
Or  the  poor  scandal  of  the  neighborhood ; 
Blind  to  the  beauty  every- where  revealed, 
Treading  the  May-flowels  with  regardless  feet ; 


"  For  them  the  Bobolink  sang  not." 

For  them  the  song-sparrow  and  the  bobolink 

Sang  not,  nor  winds  made  music  in  the  leaves ; 

For  them  in  vain  October's  holocaust 

Burned  gold  and  crimson  over  all  the  hills, 

The  sacramental  mystery  of  the  woods. 

Church-goers,  fearful  of  the  unseen  Powers, 

But  grumbling  over  pulpit  tax  and  pew  rent, 

Saving,  as  shrewd  economists,  their  souls 

And  winter  pork  with  the  least  possible  outlay 

Of  salt  and  sanctity ;  in  daily  life 

Showing  as  little  actual  comprehension 

Of  Christian  charity,  and  love,  and  duty, 

As  if  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  had  been 

Outdated,  like  a  last  year's  almanac ; 

Rich  in  broad  woodlands  and  in  half-tilled  fields, 


240  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

And  yet  so  pinched,  and  bare,  and  comfortless, 
The  veriest  straggler  limping  on  his  rounds, 
The  sun  and  air  his  sole  inheritance, 
Laughed  at  a  poverty  that  paid  its  taxes, 
And  hugged  his  rags  in  self-complacency ! 
Not  such  should  be  the  homesteads  of  a  land 
Where  whoso  wisely  wills  and  acts  may  dwell 
As  king  and  lawgiver,  in  broad-acred  state, 
With  beauty,  art,  taste,  culture,  books,  to  make 
His  hour  of  leisure  richer  than  a  life 
Of  fourscore  to  the  barons  of  old  time. 
Our  yeoman  should  be  equal  to  his  home 
Set  in  the  fair,  green  valleys,  purple  walled — 
A  man  to  match  his  mountains,  not  to  creep 
Dwarfed  and  abased  below  them. 


RESULTS  OF  THE  DISCUSSION. 

One  of  the  most  important  features  of  the  Kewanee  Con 
vention  was,  that,  though  it  was  called  a  Convention  of 
Farmers'  Clubs,  it  was  attended  by  many  influential  mem 
bers  of  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry.  Up  to  this 
time  there  had  been,  or  was  supposed,  to  have  been,  a  degree 
of  jealousy  existing  between  the  two  forms  of  association. 
These  differences  had  been  fomented  and  magnified  by  de 
signing  persons  who  wished  to  see  the  associations  antagon 
istic,  in  the  hope  that  the  agitation  would  prove  a  failure. 
The  unanimity  which  marked  this  meeting  showed  that  no 
ill-feeling  existed  between  the  two  organizations. 

This  Convention,  upon  the  whole,  may  be  characterized  as 
the  most  important  meeting  held  up  to  that  time,  as  far  as 
Western  farmers  are  concerned.  An  immense  stride  was 
there  taken  toward  effecting  the  organizations  that  have 
since  developed  into  a  power  before  which  their  foes,  at  first 
derisive,  now  tremble.  Not  the  least  good  effected  was  that 


OP  TSE  DISCtTSSIOtf.  241 

eacli  delegate  carried  home  to  his  constituents  a  keener  per 
ception  of  the  importance  of  the  questions  at  issue,  of  the 
necessity  of  concerted  action,  and  of  the  possibility,  which 
was  before  doubted,  of  the  producing  classes  eventually  de 
feating  their  powerful  antagonists.  These  opinions  speedily 
spread  throughout  the  West,  and  public  opinion  became  ripe 
for  carrying  forward  the  grand  movement  for  securing  co 
operation  of  effort. 

Meantime,  meetings  were  being  held  throughout  the  West, 
and  Farmers'  Associations  were  forming  rapidly.  As  the  ag 
itation  developed,  and  grievances  were  ventilated,  it  became 
apparent  that  a  ball  was  set  in  motion  which  would  not  stop 
until  greater  questions  than  the  robberies  by  the  transporta 
tion  companies  and  middle  men  had  received  their  quietus. 
Attention  began  to  be  directed  to  the  iniquitous  working  of 
the  tariff  laws,  which  protect  monopolies  at  the  expense  of 
the  people,  and  absolutely  impede  the  establishment  of  those 
home  manufactures  which  they  ostentatiously  pretend  to 
protect. 

11 


CHAPTER   XX. 


THE  SECOND  BLOOMINGTON  (ILL.)  CONVENTION. 


THE  STORM  GATHERING. 

The  Executive  Committee  elected  at  the  Kewanee  Con 
vention,  set  immediately  to  work.  Meetings  were  held, 
speeches  made,  and,  from  a  variety  of  causes,  the  existing 
feeling  became  still  further  intensified.  Undoubtedly,  one 
of  the  principal  causes  was  the  extraordinarily  low  price 
of  corn. 

The  corn  crop  of  the  West,  in  1872,  was  the  largest  which 
had  ever  been  gathered,  aggregating,  for  the  United  States, 
1,092,000,000  bushels.  This,  succeeding  the  large  crops  of 
1871,  had  filled  every  crib  and  available  storehouse  to  over 
flowing.  There  was  not  sufficient  stock  in  the  country  to 
which  even  the  half  of  this  crop  might  be  fed,  and  in  con 
sequence  the  markets  were  glutted.  In  many  portions  of 
Illinois,  Iowa,  and  Kansas,  it  was  freely  burned  as  fuel, 
being  actually  cheaper,  at  existing  prices,  than  either  wood 
or  coal.  Ten  cents  per  bushel  was  the  ruling  price,  at  points 
remote  from  transportation,  and  in  many  places  it  could  not 
be  sold  at  all. 

Here  was  the  last  feather  that  broke  the  camel's  back. 
In  many  instances,  it  required  six  or  seven  bushels  of  torn 
to  get  one  other  bushel  to  the  eastern  markets.  First,  were 
(242) 


THE  CALL  FOR  THE  CONVENTION.         243 

heard  mutterings  in  Iowa  from  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry ; 
and  with  these  mingled  the  voices  of  fellow-sufferers  in 
Kansas.  Then  other  sources  of  still  greater  discontent 
aroused  indignation,  and  soon  it  became  evident  that  a  storm 
was  gathering,  compared  with  which  all  previous  demonstra 
tions  had  been  but  the  patterings  of  an  April  shower. 

THE  CALL  FOR  THE  CONVENTION. 

In  compliance  with  the  duty  assigned  them,  the  Executive 
Committee  appointed  at  Kewanee  issued  a  call  for  a  State 
Convention,  to  be  held  at  Bloomington,  on  the  15th  and  16th 
days  of  January  1873,  of  which  call  the  following  is  the 
more  essential  portion : 

FARMERS'  CONVENTION. 

"Equal  and  exact  justice  to  all;  special  privileges  to  none" 
The  undersigned,  the  Executive  Committee  appointed  by  the  Con 
vention  of  delegates  from  Farmers'  Clubs,  held  at  Kewanee,   Oct. 


The  Demand,  of  the  Industries. 

16th  and  17th,  1872,  in  pursuance  of  the  duties  assigned  them,  do 
hereb7  invite  each  Farmers'  Club,  Grange,  or  other  agricultural, 


244  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

horticultural,  or  industrial  association  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  to 
send  delegates  for  every  thirty-three  members,  and  fraction  in  excess 
of  that  number,  (Provided,  That  every  organization  shall  be  entitled  to 
at  least  one  delegate),  to  an  Illinois  Farmers'  State  Convention,  to  be 
held  in  the  City  of  Bloomigton,  Wednesday  and  Thursday,  Jan.  15 
and  16,  1873,  commencing  at  9  A.  M.  on  Wednesday,  with  three  ses 
sions  each  day— at  9  A.  M.,  2  P.  M.,  and  7  P.  M. 

The  purpose  of  said  Convention  is  to  perfect  the  organization  made 
at  Kewanee,  by  the  formation  of  a  State  Farmers'  Association  from 
said  delegates,  adoption  of  a  constitution,  and  for  securing  the  organ 
ization  and  representation  of  associations  in  every  county,  and,  if 
possible,  in  every  township,  of  the  State ;  to  discuss  and  insist  upon 
reform  in  railway  transportation,  the  sale  of  agricultural  implements, 
the  sale  of  farm  products  by  commission  merchants,  and  such  other 
abuses  as  have  grown  up  in  our  midst,  and  are  now  taxing  and  im 
poverishing  producers  and  consumers;  and  to  transact  such  other 
business  as  may  be  brought  before  the  Convention. 


OPENING  OF  BUSINESS. 

This  call  was  earnestly  responded  to,  and  the  assemblage 
of  delegates  was  a  large  one.  A  temporary  organization 
was  effected  by  the  election  of  Hon.  L.  D.  Whiting,  of 
Bureau  Co.,  as  chairman,  and  Mr.  S.  M.  Smith,  of  Henry 
Co.,  and  S.  P.  Tufts,  of  Marion  Co.,  as  secretaries.  Mr. 
Whiting  stated  the  grievances  of  the  people,  and  some  of 
the  propositions  for  a  remedy.  Coming  from  the  source 
whence  they  did,  his  remarks  are  worthy  of  recapitulation. 
He  alluded  to  the  fact  that,  in  response  to  the  Executive 
Committee,  he  had  left  his  public  duties  to  meet  the  associa 
tion,  again  to  testify  his  sympathy  with  the  purposes  of  the 
convention,  and  catch  inspiration  from  its  spirit.  He  said : 

"  This  is  an  age  and  an  era  of  organization.  We  behold  it,  and  feel 
its  effects  in  various  ways.  Nearly  every  profession,  calling,  and 
pursuit,  except  our  own,  associate,  organize,  and  combine,  to  promote 
their  interests.  The  agriculturists,  isolated  and  scattered,  away  from 


(245) 


246  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

the  post-office,  and  telegraph,  and  lecture-room,  is  the  last  to  move. 
If  he  felt  himself  pressed  and  overburdened  by  high  prices  for  all  he, 
bought,  and  low  prices  for  all  he  sold,  he  has  sought  to  cure  the  evil 
by  more  rigid  economy  and  longer  and  harder  hours  of  labor.  While 
most  other  pursuits  push  up  the  prices  of  their  commodities,  if 
need  be  by  shortening  their  hours  of  labor,  and  sometimes  by  wholly 
stopping  the  wheels,  we  have  met  this  by  more  desperate  struggles 
to  multiply  our  productions,  and  to  hurry  them  upon  the  market. 
Poverty,  if  not  actual  bankruptcy,  stares  the  farmer  in  the  face. 

"  There  are  remedies  for  all  evils,  so  there  must  be  somewhere  a  cure 
for  the  ills  that  threaten  the  fraternity.  For  some  months  past  the 
producers  in  various  and  widely-separated  places  have  been  almost 
spontaneously  coming  together  in  local  organization.  This  conven 
tion  of  the  farmers  of  Illinois  is  to  consider  the  matter  of  binding 
together  these  local  societies  by  a  State  organization. 

"  As  it  was  somewhat  new  for  our  people  to  attempt  any  general 
organization,  the  question  was  very  naturally  asked,  What  is  the 
purpose  ? 

"  No  one  is  authorized,  or  able,  especially  in  advance,  to  pronounce 
fully  for  any  movement.  He  would  answer  as  he  saw  it  from  his 
own  stand-point.  Farmers'  Associations  are  intended  for  mutual 
improvement  in  our  calling, — to  call  forth  new  thoughts,  and  diffuse 
useful  information  among  ourselves,  so  as  to  produce  better  results 
with  less  labor— for  social  enjoyment,  and  for  intellectual  and  moral 
improvement.  Such  associations  will  afford  the  opportunity  for 
neighborhood  co-operation  in  rural  improvemeut,  stock-breeding, 
dairying,  farmers'  insurance — perhaps  in  buying  and  selling,  to  some 
extent,  and  so,  generally,  to  effect  for  our  class  what  organization  has 
done  for  others. 

"But  we  desire,  also,  to  understand  more  fully  the  relation  between 
agriculture  and  the  government,  and,  especially,  to  see  that  justice 
is  done  on  matters  of  taxation.  As  cheap  transportation  is  vital  to 
our  prosperity,  we  mean,  in  some  manner,  to  solve  this  problem,  and 
it  is  to  this  matter  especially  I  shall  call  attention. 

"  The  West  must  long  remain  an  exporting  and  an  importing  coun 
try,  to  an  enormous  and  increasing  extent.  The  prices  of  our  products 
go  up  or  down,  as  transportation  varies  its  scale.  As  all  interests 
of  a  country  prosper  when  its  chief  staples  bring  a  good  price,  so 
the  West  generally— all  classes,  professions,  and  trades  are  nearly 
equally  interested  in  cheap  transportation," 


THE    RAILROAD   ABUSES.  247 


THE  RAILROAD  ABUSES. 

In  discussing  the  question  of  railroad  transportation,  Mr. 
Whiting  said  he  believed  railroads  to  be  in  perfect  harmony 
with  the  genius  of  the  age ;  remembered  their  feeble  begin 
nings  in  America;  had  watched  with  pride  and  hope  their 
marvelous  growth,  until  now  more  than  sixty  thousand 
miles  stretched  their  network  from  the  Great  Lakes  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  They 
are  nearly  as  vital  to  the  present  civilization  as  the  air  we 
breathe,  and  he  wanted  to  see  every  neighborhood  pene 
trated  with  them;  and  no  wise  man  would  desire  to  cripple 
them  by  injustice. 

It  had  been  confidently  believed  that  their  multiplication 
would  lead  to  competition,  "  which  is  the  most  natural  and 
best  regulator  of  business.  But  of  this  the  country  now 
despairs.  Eailroad  kings  have  learned  to  flank  competition 
by  combination." 

"  The  whole  railroad  system  is  being  consolidated  in  a  few  organi 
zations,  each  of  which  represents  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars. 
Already,  the  country  is  parceled  out  in  lots  and  vast  regions  to  the 
different  systems.  Like  hostile  invading  armies,  they  levy  contribu 
tions  limited  only  by  the  ability  of  their  victims  to  pay.  These  ex 
actions  are  again  aggravated  by  unjustly  discriminating  against 
persons  and  places.  If  competition  shows  itself  at  a  few  points, 
they  remorsely  double  up  on  others  within  their  grasp.  They  levy 
an  Internal  Kevenue  tax  by  their  own  fiat,  and  to  fill  their  own 
coffers.  If  this  blood-money  was  well  applied,  it  might  be  some 
compensation,  but  it  is  now  certain  that  in  many  cases,  instead  of 
going  to  the  stockholders,  it  is  gobbled  by  some  favorites  and  head- 
centers,  and  spent  in  gambling  and  riotous  living.  So  enormous  is 
the  robbery  that  ex-president  Gould,  a  few  weeks  ago,  to  compro 
mise  a  little  dispute  in  a  settlement,  without  much  ceremony  handed 

over   seven   or   eight   millions If  the   tidal-wave  now 

rising  does  not  win,  it  must  be  followed  by  such  a  succession  of 


248  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

others,  each  higher  and  stronger,  till  the  railroad  Pharaohs  are 
brought  to  judgment.  By  their  power  over  freights  they  may 
'bull'  or  'bear'  the  market  at  will.  They  may  make  real  for 
tunes  for  their  favorites,  as  easily  as  the  Frenchman  fancied  he  made 
a  thousand  dollars  before  breakfast  by  marking  up  his  goods.  .  . 
.  .  I  look  to  '  competition '  as  the  most  natural,  legitimate,  and 
effectual  cure.  As  this  competition  will  not  come  of  itself,  and  as 
individually  we  can  not  apply  it,  Government  must  be  invoked  in 
the  matter.  The  water  lines  already  have  done  much.  The  lakes 
and  the  Erie  Canal  save  us  millions  annually.  The  ocean  around 
by  Cape  Horn  is  a  regulator  to  some  extent  to  the  Pacific  Bail- 
road.  I  would  therefore  open  new  lines  of  water.  .  .  .  Although 
it  would  cost  money,  did  not,  does  not,  railroad  extortion  cost 
money?  Who  can  tell  how  much  ?  Which  is  better,  to  pay  some 
thing  for  permanent  relief  or  be  perpetually  robbed?  .  •  .  , 
I  have  suggested  these  as  means  for  bringing  competition.  I  do  not 
surrender  the  claim  that  Government  can  and  ought  to  regulate 
railroads  by  fixing  maximum  rates,  and  forbidding  unjust  discrim 
ination.  The  government  power  of  eminent  domain  was  invoked 
by  them  in  their  construction  on  the  ground  that  they  were  to  be 
public  institutions.  The  people  never  clothed  their  legislators  with 
power  to  contract  away,  for  all  time,  the  inherent  rights  of  the 
people.  In  our  advancing  civilization,  public  interest  and  public 
necessity  will  not  be  thwarted  by  old  and  musty  cob-web  prece 
dents.  '  Dartmouth  College '  may  have  been  well  enough  for  that 
day,  and  for  an  institution  of  learning  ;  but  it  can  not  much  longer 
be  made  a  standard  rule  and  hobby-horse  for  railroads.  These  vast 
corporations,  which  stretch  from  sea  to  sea,  and  cover  the  whole 
country  like  an  enveloping  atmosphere,  can  not  much  longer  shield 
their  extortions  by  quoting  a  law  decision  concerning  a  school. 
The  judge  or  lawyer  who  shall  narrow  his  visions  to  this  infinites 
imal  point  when  dealing  with  the  great  question,  will  be  laughed 
to  scorn." 

He  believed  the  "  Dartmouth  decision,"  which  Webster 
had  wrung  from  the  judges,  would  prove  that  a  little  learn 
ing  was  a  dangerous  thing;  held  that  the  railroads  of  Illi 
nois  were  in  open  rebellion  against  the  constitution  and 
laws  of  the  State,  which  commands  the  legislature  to  act, 


THE  FARMERS  IN  COUNCIL.  249 

but   which  law  they  were    only  seeking   "  mildly   to  en 
force." 

"  Let  us  institute  the  necessary  machinery  and  apply  the  proper 
force  to  execute  the  law.  If  we  can  not  name  the  specific  measures 
of  relief  on  some  great  matters,  there  are  yet  objects  enough  of  a 
lesser  kind,  and  clearly  within  our  reach,  to  induce  organization.  In 
the  meantime  the  great  question  will  be  studied,  and  when  the  true 
solution  shall  appear  we  shall  have  a  power  to  execute.  The  truth 
is,  there  are,  no  doubt,  many  ways  of  relief.  Just  now  none  of 
these  ways  are  practical  for  the  want  of  a  compact  organization. 
Difficulties  will  disappear  as  we  gather  in  strength.  As  the  stars  re 
duced  themselves  to  order,  when  the  great  Newton  proclaimed  true 
nature's  law,  so  will  wrong  and  monopolies  yield  up  their  grasp  when 
confronted  by  a  united  people." 


THE  FARMERS  IN  COUNCIL. 

While  the  Committee  on  Credentials  was  deliberating, 
there  was  an  informal  discussion  entered  into  upon  the 
grievances  of  the  farmers,  and  the  scope  of  work  to  be  per 
formed. 

Mr.  Creed,  of  Marion  County,  stated  that  there  were 
thirty  farmers'  organizations  in  his  county ;  that  they  were 
originally  organized  as  a  protection  against  horse  thieves. 
He  urged  the  thorough  organization  of  the  farmers  in  the 
State,  by  which  means  they  could  become  united  in  demand 
ing  a  voice  in  the  control  of  affairs  affecting  their  interests. 
Mr.  Ewing,  of  Macon,  thought  the  Convention  should  con 
fine  its  action  to  one  or  two  main  points  or  questions.  They 
should  limit  action  mainly  to  the  great  question  of  trans 
portation.  Mr.  Wiley  believed  every  CQunty  should  organ 
ize,  with  Clubs  in  every  school  district.  Through  such  or 
ganizations,  the  evils  complained  of  could  be  remedied. 
Law-makers,  who  were  careful  observers,  would  not  resist 


250    '  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

the  demands  of  such  organizations.  Mr.  Perry,  of  Mar 
shall  County,  thought  we  should  be  striking  at  the  root  of 
the  evil,  if  we  turned  our  attention  to  the  aggregation  of 
capital  in  the  hands  of  monopolies.  Mr.  Phoenix,  of  Mc 
Lean  County,  said  that  now  all  organizations  tended  to  mo 
nopolies.  It  was  soulless  brains  against  muscle  that  ailed 
us.  We  were  sold  soul  and  body,  in  bonds,  in  Europe 
and  at  home.  He  thought  the  enfranchisement  of  women 
would  cure  our  troubles. 

Mr.  Ellice,  of  Bureau  County,  said  that,  through  the  or 
ganization  of  Farmers'  Clubs,  they  would  be  enabled  to  pro 
cure  the  greatest  recompense  from  their  labor.  They  had 
succeeded  in  producing,  while  corporations  had  succeeded  in 
getting  the  profits ;  while  the  farmers  poll  a  three-fifth  vote, 
they  have  had  little  or  nothing  to  do  with  legislation.  They 
should  make  their  political  power  felt  by  sending  represent 
atives  of  the  farmers  to  the  Legislature  and  National  Con 
gress.  To  control  monopolies,  we  must  do  it  through  legis 
lation,  and  that  requires  political  action. 

Mr.  S.  M.  Smith,  of  Kewanee,  said  that,  before  we  talked 
about  using  our  strength  politically,  we  had  first  better  learn 
what  our  strength  was.  We  must  first  have  organizations, 
complete,  compact,  and  thorough,  extending  into  every  school 
district.  The  gist  of  the  mass  of  letters  he  had  received 
since  the  Kewanee  meeting  was:  "Men  and  brethren, 
what  shall  we  do  to  secure  relief  from  these  monopolies?" 
The  movement  then  organized  would,  if  wise  and  discreet, 
sweep  like  a  prairie  fire,  not  only  through  this  State,  but 
throughout  the  great  North-west.  We  all  know  and  feel 
the  existing  evils.  The  question  to  decide  is,  how  to  rem 
edy  them. 

The  Committee  on  Credentials  having  reported  two  hun 
dred  and  seventy-five  regularly-appointed  delegates  in  at- 


EAILWAY    LEGISLATION   AND   RAILWAY   REFORM.       251 

tendance,  and  the  Convention  being  thus  ready  for  work, 
permanent  officers  were  elected,  as  follows : 

President — Hon.  Willard  C.  Flagg,  of  Madison  County; 
Vice-Presidents— S.  P.  Tufts,  0.  E.  Fanning,  H.  C.  Law 
rence,  John  H.  Bryant,  and  M.  M.  Hooton;  Secretaries — 
S.  M.  Smith  and  S.  P.  Tufts;  Treasurer — Duncan  McKay. 

Several  hours  were  given  up  to  the  discussion  of  Farm 
ers'  Associations  as  business  organizations.  The  fact  was 
clearly  brought  out  that  these  organizations  had,  for  two 
years  past,  made  large  savings  to  the  members,  both  in  sell 
ing  their  products  and  in  purchasing  supplies,  so  that  there 
had  been  already  a  large  advantage  gained  through  co-oper 
ation.  The  experience  varied  somewhat,  as  it  necessarily 
would,  in  different  parts  of  the  State,  but  the  advantages 
every-where  were  decided. 

RAILWAY  LEGISLATION  AND  RAILWAY  REFORM. 

The  President  addressed  the  Convention  on  the  subject  of 
railway  legislation  and  railway  reform,  giving  a  history  of 
the  railway  systems  in  various  countries,  their  growth,  costs, 
tariffs,  etc.  He  said  : 

"  These  systems  have  grown  up  under  various  governmental  pro 
visions,  and  may  be  classed  as  follows : 

"  1.  Roads  built,  owned,  and  managed  by  governments,  as  in  the 
case  of  Russia  and  other  despotic  countries. 

"  2.  Roads  partly  built  and  controlled  by  government,  so  that  pri 
vate  and  government  enterprise  compete  on  parallel  lines,  as  in  the 
case  of  Belgium. 

"  3.  Roads  built  on  guarantees  and  subsidies  offered  by  government 
to  private  companies,  as  in  France,  Austria,  India,  and  in  the  case 
of  our  own  Pacific  and  Illinois  Central  roads. 

"  4.  Roads  built  under  charters  granted  by  government. 

"Looking  at  all  these  facts,  and  at  others,  not  in  the  line  of  argu 
ment,  I  can  not  pronounce  the  railway  systems  of  England  and 


252  £HE  GROUNDSWELL. 

America  a  success.  I  see  the  necessity  of  a  recognition  of  the  truth 
long  ago  enunciated  by  John  Stuart  Mill,  that  roads,  canals,  and  rail 
ways,  as  well  as  gas  and  water  companies,  '  are  always  in  a  great  de 
gree,  practical  monopolies,  and  a  government  which  concedes  such 
monopoly  to  a  private  company,  does  much  the  same  thing  as  if  it 
allowed  an  individual  or  an  association  to  levy  any  tax  they  choose 
for  their  own  benefit  on  all  the  malt  produced  in  the  country,  or  on 
all  the  cotton  imported.' 

*••*•*•*•*#•*  •* 

"  What  is  the  most  feasible  manner  of  controlling  the  power  we 
have  evoked,  is  the  proper  subject  for  the  deliberation  of  this  Con 
vention.  It  may  be  direct  regulation  by  act  of  our  General  Assem 


bly;  it  may  be  by  the  condemnation  of  the  franchises  that  have 
been  abused,  and  perhaps  forfeited  ;  it  may  be  by  enforcing  the  prin 
ciple  of  our  State  Constitution,  and  making  the  railroads  in  the 
State  in  fact  what  they  are  in  theory — public  highways ;  it  may  be 
national  legislation,  under  the  constitutional  power  to  regulate  com 
merce  among  the  several  States,  or  other  power,  if  amendment  be 
necessary,  so  that  the  vast  combinations  of  lines  that  already  more 
than  half  span  the  continent  shall  be  made  subject  to  one  general 
and  equitable  law  of  freight  and  passenger  rates.  It  may  be  by 
building  or  condemning  national  railways  that  shall  traverse  the 
continent,  north  and  south,  east  and  west,  and,  running  with  fixed 
rates,  compel  the  private  companies  to  reasonable  rates.  It  may  be 
one  or  many.  But  that  relief  must  be  had  is  certain. 

"  If  neither  legislatures,  nor  courts,  nor  executives  can  furnish  it, 
the  people  themselves  can.  But  I  believe  and  maintain  that  there 
is  an  adequate  remedy  in  all,  and  that  we  only  need  to  insist  and 


CHARTERS  AND   CONTRACTS.  253 

require  that  our  officers  do  their  duty.  The  unjust  judge  that  de 
cides  that  the  people  have  110  rights  that  the  railroad  corporations 
are  bound  to  respect,  should  be  retired  to  private  life.  The  legisla 
tive  railway  attorney  should  be  excused  from  further  service.  It  is 
certain  that  all  who  falter  or  fear  must  make  way  for  better  men, 
and  our  courts,  our  legislatures,  and  our  executive  officers  should 
be  required  to  be  a  unit  in  making  the  railway  corporations  what 
they  were  intended  to  be — the  servants  of  the  public,  doing  fair 
work  for  fair  pay." 


CHARTERS  AND  CONTRACTS. 

An  earnest  discussion  ensued  on  charters  and  contracts. 
Mr.  H.  C.  Lawrence,  of  McDonough  County,  held  that  the 
charters  granted  the  railroads  under  the  old  constitution  of 
Illinois  were  in  the  nature  of  contracts,  and,  therefore,  the 
evils  complained  of  could  not  feasibly  be  corrected  by  litiga 
tion.  He  did  not  favor  the  project  of  a  grand  competing 
trunk  line  to  the  seaboard.  He  thought  the  State  had  the 
power  of  condemnation  of  the  roads.  He  would  rather  re 
sort  to  this  power,  and  pay  for  them  what  they  were  worth, 
but  not  the  fictitious  values  placed  on  them  by  the  excessive 
watering  of  stock. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Rowell,  one  of  the  volunteer  counsel  in  the  fa 
mous  McLean  County  (Illinois)  Suit,  gave,  at  some  length,  a 
history  of  the  case.  The  points  of  his  address  were  sub 
stantially  as  follows  : 

The  power  of  eminent  domain,  and  the  power  of  taxation, 
have  been  lawfully  used  in  the  construction  of  railways. 
They  are,  therefore,  public  highways.  The  corporators  are 
the  trustees  of  the  public  engaged  in  administering  a  public 
trust.  They  are  a  part  of  the  machinery  of  the  State — are 
political  officers  as  truly  as  are  the  sheriff  and  circuit  clerk. 
Like  them,  they  receive  compensation  for  their  tima  and 


254  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

capital  by  being  permitted  to  charge  fees,  and,  like  them, 
their  fees  may  be  established  by  the  legislature,  the  power 
that  created  them. 

If  it  is  a  good  law  (and  it  is),  what  need  has  the  State  or 
nation  to  build  more  lines  of  railroad?  We  own  all  the 
roads  now;  freight  cars,  locomotives,  depots,  the  road-bed, 
ties,  and  iron,  all  belong  to  the  State,  the  corporation  hav 
ing  a  qualified  property  in  them,  and  the  right  to  perpetu 
ally  execute  the  trust,  if  they  obey  the  law ;  for  this  is  the 
condition  under  which  they  invested  their  capital.  Let  us 
regulate  what  roads  we  now  have,  and  see  how  that  works 
before  we  build  more. 

A  permanent  railroad  bureau  is  needed,  as  one  of  the  ex 
ecutive  departments  of  the  State,  which  should  be  charged 
with  the  duty  of  overlooking  the  railroad  property,  examin^ 
ing  into  the  cost  of  management,  the  amount  of  traffic,  the 
appliances  for  speed  and  safety,  the  exclusion  of  blood-suck 
ing  fast  freight  lines,  and  the  enforcement  of  the  law.  It  is 
idle  to  talk  about  enforcing  obedience  from  these  masterful 
monopolies  by  private  effort.  It  will  be  found  altogether 
too  costly  and  unequal.  The  State  must  take  it  in  hand,  as 
it  does  the  punishment  of  crime,  and  the  penalty  for  willful 
disobedience  must  be  forfeiture. 

The  courts  move  slowly,  but  whenever  public  opinion  be 
comes  crystalized  conviction,  they  never  fail  to  give  it  the 
voice  of  authority.  A  good  old  maxim  of  the  law  tells  us 
that  when  the  reason  for  a  law  ceases,  the  law  itself  ceases. 
By  its  aid,  many  a  musty  precedent  has  been  swept  away, 
and  given  place  to  a  juster  and  better  rule. 

With  the  producers  of  Illinois  organized  and  united ;  with 
an  enlightened  understanding  of  the  issues  involved,  not  for 
getting  that  the  lawyers  may  be  found  necessary  evils  in 
the  fight ;  with  faith  in  the  purity  and  eminent  ability  of 


RIGHTS   OF   THE   PEOPLE   VS.   RAILROADS.  255 

our  Supreme  Court,  the  speaker  hoped,  within  the  six 
months  following  the  Convention,  to  hear  the  voice  which 
should  emancipate  the  people  from  the  tyranny  of  railway 
monopoly. 


EIGHTS  OF  THE  PEOPLE  VERSUS  RAILROADS. 

Mr.  E.  J.  Benjamin,  a  well-known  lawyer  of  Bloomington, 
in  a  long  and  logical  argument,  which  he  sustained  by  many 
quoted  authorities,  presented  the  rights  of  the  people  and 
corporations,  and  believed  that  if  the  matters  at  issue  were 
pressed  to  a  final  termination  in  the  courts,  justice  would 
be  done  the  people,  without  depriving  the  corporations  of 
any  just  or  equitable  compensation  for  the  legitimate  capital 
represented  by  them. 

A  letter  was  read  from  Colonel  Morgan,  one  of  the  Bail- 
way  Commissioners,  in  which  he  suggested  that  the  ques 
tions  for  discussion  were,  in  a  large  degree,  the  same  as  had 
officially  come  before  the  commission.  First,  it  ought  to  be 
conceded  that  the  railroads  have  a  right  to  present  to  the 
courts  their  construction  of  certain  laws.  If  the  laws  are 
valid,  the  courts  will  sustain  them,  and  if  invalid,  the  roads 
have  a  right  to  oppose  them.  He  called  attention  to  the 
case  recently  tested  in  McLean  County,  wherein  the  validity 
of  the  present  law  was  sustained.  The  case  had  been  ap 
pealed,  and  if  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  should  affirm, 
the  railroad  would  undoubtedly  carry  it  to  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States.  In  this  case,  it  could  hardly  be  expected 
that  a  final  decision  would  be  reached  before  1876.  The 
combined  capital  invested  in  railroads  in  the  State  was  not 
less  than  $200,000,000.  It  is  this  immense  power  of  capital 
that  had  to  be  opposed. 

Subsequent  to  the  reading  of  the  letter,  Colonel  JMorgan 


256  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

arrived  in  Bloomington,  and,  upon  his  arrival  at  the  Con 
vention,  was  loudly  called  for.  Coming  forward,  he  said 
that  he  had  not  designed  to  take  part  in  the  deliberations  of 
the  Convention,  but  would  say  that  he  had  accepted  the 
appointment  on  the  commission  with  the  firm  conviction 
that  in  that  position  he  was  bound  to  do  his  duty.  In  this 
State,  the  contest  is  against  railroad  companies  that  claimed 
the  right  to  fix  the  rate  of  transportation  in  their  own  way, 
and  this  by  reason  of  an  irrevocable  contract.  Thanks  to 
Judge  Tipton,  that  so-called  right  had  received  its  first 
knock-down.  Who  will  set  it  on  its  feet  again  ?  He  be 
lieved  that  retrospective  relief  could  and  must  be  obtained ; 
and  that  the  fictitious  railroad  capital  of  the  United  States 
must  be  forever  blotted  out,  and  no  more,  under  any  form,  be 
permitted  to  rest  as  a  wrongful  burden  on  the  people.  He 
believed  this  could  be  done.  Every  railroad  had  been  taking 
secretly  and  fraudulently  from  the  people,  and  putting  into 
the  pockets  of  dishonest  managers.  Seasonable  rates,  he 
hoped,  would  some  time  be  a  reality. 

FORMATION  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  STATE  FARMERS1  ASSO 
CIATION. 

The  Committee  on  State  Organization  presented  its  report 
by  the  Secretary,  S.  T  K.  Prime,  embodying  a  constitution, 
as  follows: 

ARTICLE  I.  This  organization  shall  be  known  as  the  Illinois  State 
Farmers'  Association. 

ARTICLE  II.  Its  object  shall  be  the  promotion  of  the  moral,  intel 
lectual,  social,  and  pecuniary  welfare  of  the  farmers  of  Illinois. 

ARTICLE  III.  Its  members  shall  consist  of  delegates  from  the 
various  Farmers'  Clubs,  Granges,  and  Agricultural  and  Horticultural 
Societies  of  the  State,  each  of  which  shall  be  entitled  to  at  least  one 
delegate,  and  where  the  number  of  its  members  exceed  fifty,  to  one 


THE   RESOLUTIONS.  257 

delegate  for  every  one  hundred  members  or  fraction  exceeding  half 
that  number.  The  members  of  the  State  Board  of  Agriculture  shall 
be,  ex-officio,  members  of  this  association,  and  from  counties  or  parts 
of  counties  in  which  Clubs,  Granges,  or  other  Agricultural  or  Horti 
cultural  Societies  are  not  organized,  persons,  not  delegates,  may  be 
admitted  by  vote  of  this  association.  All  members  shall  pay  an 
annual  fee  of  $1. 

ARTICLE  IV.  Its  officers  shall  consist  of  a  President,  a  Vice-Presi 
dent  from  each  Congressional  District  of  the  State,  (to  be  nominated 
by  the  delegates  therefrom,)  of  a  Secretary  and  Treasurer;  and  these 
officers  shall  constitute  the  State  Central  Committee  of  this  organi 
zation,  with  power  to  appoint  an  Executive  Committee  of  three  from 
the  members,  also  a  County  Committee  of  one  from  each  county  in 
the  State,  to  be  nominated  by  the  delegates.  Said  officers  shall  be 
elected  annually  and  serve  for  one  year,  until  their  successors  are 
elected.  This  organization  shall  meet  annually  at  such  time  and 
place  as  the  Association,  or,  in  case  of  its  failure  to  designate,  the. 
State  Central  Committee,  may  determine.  Special  meetings  may  be 
called  by  the  Executive  Committee. 

In  the  discussion  upon  the  report  of  the  Committee,  the 
Constitution  and  By-laws  were  considered  seriatim.  Mr. 
Somers,  of  McLean  County,  moved  to  amend  the  title  by 
calling  it  "The  Farmers'  and  Mechanics'  Association,"  but 
the  amendment  was  lost,  and  each  clause  of  the  constitution 
was  adopted  in  the  form  reported  by  the  Committee. 

The  officers  elected  were :  President,  W.  C.  Flagg ;  Vice- 
Presidents — first  Congressional  District,  A.  H.  Dolton; 
second,  Daniel  Worthington ;  third,  N.  S.  Church ;  fourth, 
P.  B.  Richards ;  fifth,  D.  W.  Dame ;  sixth,  Rufus  Hoard ; 
seventh,  H.  R.  Conklin ;  eighth,  William  Colon ;  ninth,  L. 
F.  Boss;  tenth,  H.  C.  Lawrence;  eleventh,  T.  Butterworth; 
twelfth,  Benj.  Dornblaser :  thirteenth,  Joshua  Brown;  four 
teenth,  J.  B.  Porterfield ;  fifteenth,  David  Morrison ;  six 
teenth,  Dr.  M.  M.  Hooton;  seventeenth,  T.  Smith,  Jr.; 
eighteenth,  John  M.  Ferris;  nineteenth,  Richard  Richard 
son  ;  Secretary,  S.  M.  Smith ;  Treasurer,  Duncan  McKay. 


258  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

THE  RESOLUTIONS. 
The  Committee  on  Resolutions  reported  as  follows : 

WHEREAS,  The  Constitution  of  Illinois  requires  the  Legislature 
to  pass  laws  to  correct  abuses  and  prevent  unjust  discrimination  and 
extortion  by  railroads ;  and, 

WHEREAS,  The  Legislature  has  complied  with  this  provision  of  the 
Constitution;  and, 

WHEREAS,  The  Bailroads  in  the  State  of  Illinois  stand  in  open 
defiance  of  the  laws,  by  charging  rates  greatly  in  excess  of  what  the 
laws  allow,  and  by  unjust  discriminations  and  extortions;  and, 

WHEREAS,  These  exactions  and  extortions  bear  most  heavily  upon 
the  producing  classes ;  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  this  convention  of  farmers  and  producers  insist  upon 
the  enforcement  of  these  laws. 

Resolved,  That  in  obedience  to  the  universal  law  that  the  creature 
is  not  above  the  creator,  we  declare  our  unalterable  conviction  that 
all  corporations  are  subject  to  regulation  by  law. 

Resolved,  That  we  call  upon  every  department  of  the  State  govern* 
ment — the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial — in  their  joint  and  sev^ 
eral  capacities,  to  execute  the  Constitution  and  laws  now  in  force ; 
and  if  amendments  or  new  laws  are  needed  to  enforce  obedience,  we 
call  for  their  speedy  enactment. 

Resolved,  That  cheap  transportation  is  of  vital  interest  to  the  West, 
and  that  every  combination  to  increase  the  price  above  what  is  just 
and  legitimate  is  a  conspiracy  against  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  a 
robbery  which  we  loudly  protest  against. 

Resolved,  That  in  the  efforts  of  our  officers  to  execute  the  laws  in 
question,  no  narrow  policy  should  be  pursued  by  the  Legislature,  but 
that  the  magnitude  of  the  matter  at  stake  demands  that  ample  appro 
priations  be  made,  to  enable  those  in  charge  of  the  object  to  act  with 
vigor  and  effect. 

Resolved,  That  the  power  of  this,  and  all  local  organizations,  should 
be  wielded  at  the  ballot-box  by  the  election  to  all  offices,  from  high 
est  to  lowest — legislative,  executive,  and  judicial — of  such,  and  only 
such,  persons  as  sympathize  with  us  in  this  movement,  and  be 
lieve,  as  we  do,  that  there  is  a  rightful  remedy  for  this  wrong,  and 
that  it  can  and  must  be  enforced ;  and  to  this  end  we  pledge  our 
votes  at  all  elections  where  they  will  have  a  bearing  against  tbe 
wrong  in  question, 


THE   RESOLUTIONS.  259 

Resolved,  That  the  late  decision  in  the  McLean  County  Circuit 
Court,  sustaining  the  constitutionality  of  our  railroad  law,  is  sound, 
and  we  hail  it  with  satisfaction. 

Resolved,  That  persons  traveling  upon  the  railroads  of  the  State, 
having  tendered  to  the  conductor  the  legal  fare,  are  in  line  of  their 
duty,  and  as  they  have  complied  with  all  their  legal  obligations,  are 
entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  civil  power  of  the  State ;  and  any 
conductor  or  other  officer  or  employee  of  the  road  attempting  to 
disturb  any  such  person,  or  eject  him  from  the  cars,  are  violators  of 
the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  State,  and  should  be  punished  by  exem 
plary  penalties. 

The  railroad  question  was  again  brought  up,  by  Mr. 
Stephen  E.  Moore,  of  Kankakee,  who  reviewed  the  subject, 
and  offered  the  following  resolutions,  which  were  referred  to 
the  appropriate  committee.  They  are  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  all  transportation  companies,  lines,  and  persons 
shall  have  the  right  to  run  their  cars,  said  roads  paying  as  toll 
therefor  such  compensation  as  the  Board  of  Directors  shall  determine 
upon. 

Resolved,  That  the  Board  of  Directors  for  the  management  of  the 
said  roads  shall  be  elected  by  the  lower  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  State  named  as  corporators. 

Resolved,  That  one  Senator  and  Representative  be  requested  to  ap 
point  three  persons  who  shall  be  empowered  to  proceed  to  the  Legis 
latures  of  States  through  which  the  road  will  pass,  and  ask  co-oper 
ation  by  the  States,  and  request  that  each  State  will  appoint  three 
persons,  who  shall  constitute  a  joint  committee. 

Resolved,  That  the  charter  for  the  constitution  of  such  national 
railway  should  be  granted  by  the  national  government,  and  said  rail 
way  shall  forever  remain  a  public  highway. 

Resolved,  That  the  States  through  which  this  national  freight  road 
shall  be  built  shall  become  corporators  under  said  charter. 

Resolved,  That  in  the  States  through  which,  and  along  which,  the 
road  should  be  built,  the  people  thereof  shall  construct  the  same 
through  the  territory  of  said  States  respectively. 

Resolved,  That  said  railway  shall  ever  remain  under  the  control  of 
said  States,  which  States  shall  exercise  the  power  of  regulating  the 
tariff  rates, 


260  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  sense  of  this  convention  that  a  double 
track,  steel  rail,  freight  railway  should  be  built  from  Lincoln,  Neb.,  in 
the  West,  crossing  the  States  of  Iowa  and  Missouri  as  near  upon  a 
line  as  may  be,  running  thence  East  on  air  line  to  Youngstown,  near 
the  eastern  boundary  of  Ohio ;  thence  following  the  Gardner  survey 
to  some  point  in  Pennsylvania,  to  be  determined  upon  hereafter ; 
from  thence  with  three  diverging  lines  running  to  New  York,  Phil 
adelphia,  and  Baltimore ;  and  that  said  railway  should  be  used  ex 
clusively  for  a  freight  line.  The  committee  to  prepare  a  charter  for 
the  construction  of  the  road,  to  submit  it  to  the  respective  State  Leg 
islatures  for  approval,  and,  when  approved,  to  present  the  same  to 
Congress,  and  ask  for  its  passage. 

Resolved,  That  the  chairman  appoint  a  committee  of  five  to  pre 
sent  these  resolutions  to  the  Legislature,  and  ask  that  body  to  carry 
out  their  spirit. 

Mr.  Carter,  from  the  Committee  on  ^Resolutions,  submitted 
a  report,  as  follows  : 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  to  our  Legislature  the  enactment  of 
a  law  making  it  a  misdemeanor  for  any  county  or  State  officer  to 
accept  a  free  pass  from  any  railroad,  while  holding  office- 

Resolved,  That  we  view  with  favor  the  opening  of  feasible  water 
communications,  and  all  propositions  to  so  improve  and  enlarge  the 
great  water  line  of  the  lakes  and  the  St.  Lawrence  as  to  practically 
bring  tide  water  to  Chicago ;  and,  for  this  purpose,  completing  the 
Illinois  river  improvement,  and  the  extension  of  the  canal  to  Rock 
Island,  so  as  to  connect  the  vast  interior  river  system  with  the  ocean 
commerce  at  our  great  commercial  city,  meet  our  approbation. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  sense  of  this  convention  that  in  the  ap 
pointment  of  Railroad  and  Warehouse  Commissioners,  at  Jeast  one  of 
the  members  of  that  commission  should  be  a  man  whose  business  in 
terests,  sympathies,  and  knowledge  of  the  experiences  and  wants  of 
the  farmer  class,  should  fairly  constitute  him  a  representative  man 
of  that  class,  and  who  shall  be  so  recommended  by  them. 

Resolved.  That  in  order  to  accomplish  the  ends  arrived  »t  by  this 
Convention,  we  earnestly  recommend  the  organization  of  the  farmers 
throughout  the  State  into  Clubs,  and  Granges  of  Patrons  of  Hua- 
bandry. 


THE  RESOLUTIONS.  261 

The  following  resolution  was  offered  and  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  appoint  Capt.  J.  H.  Rowell  and  R. 
W.  Benjamin  to  proceed  to  our  Legislature,  and  procure  an  act  con 
demning  all  railroads  that  are  running  in  violation  of  the  law,  and 
we  further  recommend  that  a  commission  be  appointed  to  take  charge 
of  such  road  or  roads,  and  run  them  in  compliance  with  the  law. 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  hails  with  joy  and  pleasure  the  late 
action  taken  in  Congress  by  representatives  Sheilabarger,  of  Ohio, 
and  Hawley,  of  Illinois,  as  the  harbinger  of  better  things  to  come. 

The  following  miscellaneous  resolutions  were  offered  and 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions : 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  this  Convention  be  instructed  to 
forward  to  Hons.  Sheilabarger,  of  Ohio,  and  Hawley,  of  Illinois,  and 
to  the  President  of  the  Senate  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives,  copies  of  the  resolutions  of  this  Convention,  with  re 
quest  that  they  be  laid  before  the  respective  Houses. 

Resolved,  That  the  names  of  the  persons  composing  the  meeting  at 
Kewanee,  on  the  15th  and  16th  of  October,  1872,  be  inscribed  on  a 
suitable  tablet,  for  permanent  preservation  by  this  society. 

Resolved,  That  in  view  of  the  power  of  the  press,  this  Convention 
urge  upon  the  Farmers'  Clubs  over  this  State,  the  great  importance 
of  reporting  their  proceedings  to  their  local  papers,  and,  so  far  as 
practicable,  to  the  papers  having  a  State  circulation. 

Resolved,  That  the  Legislature  of  this  State  be  requested  to  instruct 
our  Senators,  and  request  our  Representatives  in  Congress,  in  view 
of  the  depressed  condition  of  the  agricultural  interests  of  this  State 
and  all  others  dependent  thereon,  except  that  of  railway  transac 
tions,  to  insist  upon  the  utmost  economy  in  appropriations  and  fru 
gality  in  expenditure  of  national  moneys  consonant  with  the  neces 
sities  of  the  country. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  removing  the  duties  on  iron,  lum 
ber,  and  salt. 

Resolved,  That  farmers  buy  no  implements  of  those  manufacturers 
or  their  agents  who  have  entered  into  any  conspiracy  agreeing  not  to 
sell  their  implements  to  Farmers'  Associations. 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  respectfully  call  the  attention  of 
the  General  Assembly  to  the  bill  introduced  by  Senator  Vaughn,  of 
Knox  County,  in  1871,  affixing  reasonable  maximum  rates  of  freights 


262  THE  GBOUNDSWELL. 

on  railroads,  and  that  we  urge  the  immediate  passage  of  that  or  some 
similar  bill. 

Eesolutions  of  thanks  to  the  city  of  Bloomington,  the 
Board  of  Trade,  and  citizens  generally,  for  their  hospitality, 
closed  this  Convention,  which  must  ever  rank  with  the  most 
important  of  its  class,  not  only  from  the  business  actually 
transacted,  but  from  the  life  which  it  infused  into  the 
Farmers'  Movement.  The  Association  formed  at  this  meet 
ing  has  since  grown  and  flourished.  It  comprises  members 
of  both  Clubs  and  Granges,  and,  on  that  account  alone,  its 
value  to  the  farming  interest  throughout  the  West  is  incal 
culable  ;  for  it  is  by  the  union  of  these  organizations  that 
the  farmers'  wrongs  are  to  be  righted. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


THE  PATRONS  OF  IOWA  AND  THEIR  WORK. 


TWO  MEETINGS  OF  THE  STATE  GRANGE. 

The  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  early  obtained  a 
strong  foothold  in  Iowa,  and  this,  for  a  considerable  time 
past,  has  been  the  banner  State  in  the  number  of  its 
Granges,  etc.  Nearly  two  thousand  Granges  are  now  in 
working  operation  there,  and  their  influence  is  powerfully 
felt  in  almost  every  county. 

The  last  annual  meeting  of  the  State  Grange  was  held  at 
Des  Moines,  on  the  ninth  and  tenth  of  December,  1873. 
Worthy  Master  Smedley,  in  his  opening  address,  reviewed 
the  growth  of  the  Order  in  the  State,  showing  that  the 
number  of  Subordinate  Granges  increased,  during  the  pre 
ceding  year,  from  seven  hundred  and  eighty-eight  to  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  thirty-eight,  with  an  aggregate 
membership  of  one  hundred  thousand.  He  warned  the 
members  that  the  success  of  the  Order  depended  upon  the 
observance  of  their  rules,  prohibiting  the  introduction  of 
politics  into  the  Order.  During  the  afternoon,  a  prominent 
member  made  a  speech  favoring  the  formation  of  a  new 
political  party. 

After  a  sharp  contest,  concluded  late  on  the  tenth,  the 
following  officers  were  elected:  Col.  A.  B.  Smedley  (re- 
elected),  Master ;  J.  M.  Dixon,  Overseer ;  J.  G.  H.  Little, 
(263) 


264  THE  GROUKBSWELL. 

Secretary;  J.  W.  Wilkinson,  Lecturer;  William  Duane 
Wilson,  Chaplain;  D.  W.  Prindle,  Steward;  Jonathan 
Thacher,  Assistant  Steward;  M.  L.  Devon,  Treasurer; 
Executive  Committee — J.  W.  Whitman,  E.  K  Shankland, 

and Clark. 

From  a  more  perfect  report  of  the  annual  meeting  of  the 
Iowa  State  Grange,  held  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  January, 
1873, 1  quote  the  following  points,  not  only  as  embodying  im 
portant  information  concerning  the  workings  of  the  Order  in 
its  greatest  stronghold,  but  also  as  showing  the  tendencies 
of  the  Farmers'  Movement.  This  meeting  was  attended  by 


State  Seal  of  Iowa. 


over  one  thousand  delegates  from  the  various  Granges  of 
the  State,  representing  forty  thousand  of  the  farmers  of 
Iowa.  But  for  the  railroad  blockade,  caused  by  the  unprec 
edented  snow-storms  that  had  visited  the  West,  it  is  estim 
ated  that  over  two  thousand  delegates  would  have  assembled, 
As  it  was,  however,  the  large  hall  used  for  the  occasion 
barely  accommodated  the  number  present. 


RAILROADS,  LAND  GRANTS,  SALARIES,  AND  ORANGE 
AGENTS. 

One  of  the  memorials  presented,  asked  Congress  to  build 
a  double  track  freight  railroad  to  the  seaboard,  and  another 


Atft)  LAtfD  GRAtfTS.  265 

asked  the  Legislature  of  Iowa  to  build  a  system  of  narrow 
guage  railroads  in  the  State.  The  following  resolution  was 
adopted  with  respect  to  the  land-grant  bill  then  before  Con 
gress  : 

"Resolved,  By  the  State  Grange  of  the  Patrons  of  Hus 
bandry,  that  the  Worthy  Master  be  requested  to  telegraph 
to  President  Grant  their  earnest  desire  that  he  interpose 
his  veto  on  the  bill  recently  passed  by  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives  of  the  United  States,  making  or  confirming  addi 
tional  grants  of  lands  to  railroads  in  this  State." 

A  memorial  was  adopted  asking  the  legislature  to  regu 
late  railroad  tariffs.  Resolutions  were  passed  appointing  a 
Grange  agent  for  each  railroad  in  the  State ;  and  organiz 
ing  the  entire  Grange  of  Iowa  into  a  company  for  the  reduc 
tion  of  express  rates. 

The  report  of  the  Finance  Committee,  which  was  adopted, 
recommended  that  the  Master  should  receive  a  salary  of 
seven  hundred  dollars  per  annum,  each  member  of  the  Ex 
ecutive  Committee  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  and  the 
Treasurer  two  hundred  dollars. 

A  motion  was  adopted  that  the  memorial  of  the  Grange 
in  regard  to  railroad  legislation  be  presented  to  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  Senate  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Executive  Committee,  there  were 
appointed  a  State  Agent,  and  an  agent  for  each  of  the  main 
lines  of  the  East  and  West  railroads  in  the  State,  whose 
duty  it  should  be  to  attend  to  all  railroad  interests  of  the 
Granges,  such  as  making  freight  rates,  and  seeing  to 
prompt  and  safe  shipment  of  all  Grange  freights. 

A.  B.  Smedley,   of   Howard  County,  the  newly-elected 

Master  of  the  State  Grange  and  Chairman  of  the  Executive 

Committee,  was  appointed  Grange  Agent  for  the  McGregor 

Western  Railroad ;  E.  R.  Shankland,  of  Dubuque,  agent  for 

12 


266  THE   GBOUNDSWELL. 

the  Dubuque  &  Sioux  City  Eailroad;  Spencer  Day,  of 
Marshalltown,  for  the  Chicago  &  North-western  Eailroad; 
0.  H.  P.  Buchanan,  of  Mt.  Pleasant,  for  the  Burlington  & 
Missouri  Eiver  Eailroad ;  J.  D.  Whitman,  of  Des  Moihes, 
as  agent  for  the  State  at  large,  and  also  for  the  Chicago, 
Eock  Island  &  Pacific  Eailroad. 

SPEECH  OF  WORTHY  MASTER  A.  B.  SMEDLEY. 

At  the  festivities  at  Epworth,  Iowa,  on  the  seventeenth 
of  September,  1873,  Col.  A.  B.  Smedley,  one  of  the  master 
spirits  in  this  great  Order,  in  an  eloquent  address,  enun 
ciated  sentiments  which  can  not  fail  to  find  an  echo  in.  the 
heart  of  every  delver  of  the  soil.  The  following  extracts 
will  show  the  tenor  of  his  address : 


The  darkness,  bigotry,  and  intolerance  of  feudal  Europe  drove  to 
the  bleak  shores  of  New  England  a  few  souls,  in  whose  hearts  re 
sponded  the  divine  element  of  freedom.  What  seemed  to  them 
darkness,  privation,  and  trial  was  the  birth  of  a  new  nation,  which 
should  be  the  home  of  the  oppressed  of  all  lands.  Human  slavery, 
relic  of  the  dark  ages,  cursed  our  nation.  The  time  came  when 
slavery  and  freedom  could  not  exist  together;  through  trial,  through 


"Through  Trial,  Toil,  and.  Blood." 

toil  and  blood  and  anguish,  slavery  went  down  into  the  realms  of  the 
past,  and  freedom  was  triumphant.  'T  is  true  that  in  a  thousand 
homes  are  empty  seats ;  't  is  true  that  in  a  multitude  of  hearts  there 


SPEECH   OF   GRAND   MASTER  SMEDLEY.  267 

are  vacant  chambers ;  but  God's  purposes  are  accomplished,  and  the 
stain  that  for  so  long  had  darkened  our  fair  nation's  fame  was  effaced, 
and  we  began  to  say  we  were  a  nation  of  freemen. 

But  we  had  scarcely  begun  to  congratulate  ourselves  on  our  suc 
cess  when  a  new  enemy  appeared.  Circumstances  growing  partly 
out  of  a  long  and  terrible  war,  and  partly  from  other  causes,  had  led 
to  the  creation  of  immense  and  powerful  corporations,  which  threat 
ened  the  safety,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  the  people.  Thought 
ful  men  began  to  be  troubled,  and  to  look  with  painful  anxiety  as  to 
the  probable  result  of  a  condition  which  threatened  to  usurp  the 
government,  which  destroyed  confidence  in  our  judiciary,  and  which 
held  in  their  hands  the  prosperity  of  all  industrial  and  producing 
classes.  The  national  banks,  although  created  to  meet  the  exigency 
of  the  darkest  days  of  the  war — the  system  designed  by  good  men, 
and  serving,  for  a  time,  a  wise  purpose — had  become  an  enormous 
power,  and  one  which,  in  the  hands  of  designing  men,  might  be 
used  as  an  instrument  of  oppression.  Our  system  of  railroads,  de 
signed  by  the  beneficent  genius 
of  good  men,  to  bring  vast  and 
incalculable  blessings  to  all — the 
capitalist  and  the  laborer  alike — 
had  become  a  power  beyond  the 
control  of  the  government,  and 
an  engine  of  unheard-of  oppres 
sion.  Here  were  new  enemies. 
Here  was  an  unhappy  condition, 

Dan   er!  an<^  nonest  men  began  to  look 

about  for   means  of  relief.     It 

was  seen  that  the  whole  agricultural  interests  of  the  country,  more 
especially  of  the  West,  was  made  productive  or  unproductive,  just 
as  the  whim  or  caprice  of  those  who  controlled  these  corporations 
led.  The  industry  of  a  whole  commonwealth  might,  and  oftentimes 
was,  made  of  just  such  a  nature  as  they  desired,  and  people  were 
simply  tools  in  their  hands,  with  just  such  remuneration  as  they 
pleased  to  give  them.  Men  came  to  see  that  it  was  only  a  question 
of  time  when  these  monopoly  interests  should  be  as  absolute  in  their 
ownership  of  the  -agricultural  and  producing  classes  of  the  country 
as  the  nobles  of  Russia  are  of  the  serfs.  We  saw,  too,  that  this  evil 
was  gainingln  strength  every  clay,  and  unless  some  means  was  found 


268  THE  GHOtJNDSWELL. 

to  check  this  dangerous  and  growing  evil,  absolute  serfdom  would  be 
the  result. 

In  casting  about  for  some  means  of  relief,  various  plans  were  de 
vised.  We,  from  time  to  time,  heard  of  the  Laborers'  Unions  of 
Europe,  of  the  Internationals  of  France,  and  of  late  years  we  have 
been  [studying  the  old  system  of  the  freehold  cities  of  Germany, 
with  their  perfect  system  of  guilds  and  associations  of  labor,  which 
all  finally  went  down  under  the  iron  heel  of  despotism.  While  look 
ing  for  light,  while  casting  about  for  relief,  there  were  rumors  of  a 
new  organization,  peculiarly  American  in  its  character,  and  one 
which  was  designed  to  unite  together,  in  one  common  bond  of  broth 
erhood,  the  laboring  and  producing  classes.  This  new  organization 
was  called  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry.  Born  of  a  great  and  almost 
terrible  need,  in  obedience  to  the  divine  law  of  supply  and  demand,  in 
our  day  and  hour  of  need,  this  organization  came  to  strengthen  our 
hands,  and  to  form  a  united  interest  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific 
slope.  I  remember  very  distinctly  the  first  time  I  read  the  preamble 
to  the  National  Constitution  of  the  National  Grange.  Volumes 
might  be  written  and  not  more  clearly  express  man's  relation  to  his 
brother  man,  and  to  the  Father. 


I  have  sometimes  been  pained  at  the  tenacity  with  which  some 
members  of  our  Order  cling,  with  an  absorbing  purpose,  to  simply 
the  pecuniary  aspect  of  our  work.  Brothers,  this  is  commendable, 
but  it  is  not  all.  Our  sons  and  daughters  must  be  educated.  Edu 
cated,  not  only  in  books,  but  in  that  broader  education  which  takes 
in  all  of  the  human  character.  Nowhere  can  this  be  so  well  done 
as  in  the  Grange  room.  Here  the  highest  and  broadest  moral  senti 
ments  are  taught,  line  upon  line,  and  precept  upon  precept.  The 
highest  attributes  of  human  character  are  here  brought  forward. 
Meanness  and  bitterness  are  rebuked,  and  the  mind  is  expanded. 
Not  alone,  however,  are  our  children  educated  in  the  Grange  room. 
We  ourselves  are  benefited.  How  many  men  and  women  are  learn 
ing  how  business  men  do  business,  and  the  relations  all  sustain  to 
the  government  and  to  commerce.  When  our  Order  has  passed  the 
elementary  stages,  and  has  become,  so  to  speak,  solidified,  no  class 
of  people  in  our  land  will  be  as  learned,  as  broad  in  their  views,  as 


SPEECH   OF   GBAND   MASTER   SMEDLEY.  269 

farmers.  I  look  for  the  time  to  come  when  from  the  farms  and  shops 
of  Iowa  will  go  forth  men  who  will  fill  our  executive  and  legislative 
halls;  when  intelligence  will  become  so  broad  and  general  that  it 
will  be  impossible  for  our  judiciary  to  be  corrupt;  and  when  we 
shall  cease  to  hear  of  venal  legislators  and  corrupt  public  servants. 

No  experiment  of  modern  times  has  been  so  important  as  the  one 
under  consideration.  The  farmers  of  this  nation  are  on  trial  before 
the  world.  The  question  is  now  to  be  settled  as  to  whether  they  are 
capable  of  self-government;  as  to  whether  they  are  competent  to  do 
business,  and  whether  they  are  susceptible  of  a  high  condition  of 
educational  advancement.  The  experiment  is  now  to  be  tried,  prac 
tically,  as  to  whether  woman  is  competent  to  assume  equal  and  like 
responsibilities  with  man ;  as  to  whether  our  wives,  mothers,  daugh 
ters,  and  friends  shall  work  with  us,  joining  hands  in  all  life's  duties. 

Sisters  and  brothers,  do  we  feel  the  importance  of  this  trial  ?  Are 
we  fully  aware  of  the  importance  of  this  experiment  ?  Do  we  realize 
just  what  it  means  ?  That  it  means,  upon  the  one  hand,  a  servile, 
slavish,  and  secondary  condition  ;  on  the  other,  manhood  and  wo 
manhood  in  their  highest  and  broadest  sense?  It  means,  on  the 
one  hand,  comparative  poverty ;  on  the  other,  affluence.  It  means, 
on  the  one  hand,  ignorance  ;  on  the  other,  enlightenment.  It  means 
serfdom  on  the  one  hand,  and  freedom  on  the  other.  It  means  that 
our  children  shall  be  the  future  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of 
water  in  the  nation,  or  American  citizens,  brave,  strong,  self-reliant, 
and  competent  for  all  places  of  trust  and  responsibility.  It  means 
that  labor  shall  be  a  degradation,  or  that  work  shall  be  ennobled, 
elevated,  and  a  badge  of  conferring  honor.  Again  I  say,  do  we  fully 
realize  the  importance  of  this  experiment?  Do  we  take  in  all  its 
power  and  significance  ? 

********** 
Let  us,  then,  with  clean  hands  and  pure  hearts,  consecrate  all 
that  is  best  and  noblest  in  us,  to  the  success  of  a  work  more  patient 
and  sublime  in  its  character  than  any  ever  before  undertaken.  Let 
each  lay  upon  the  altar  of  this  new  Order  whatever  he  or  she  may 
have  of  selfish  ambition  or  of  mercenary  motive,  and,  joining  hands, 
let  us  covenant  that  our  best  and  highest  thought  and  action  shall 
be  dedicated  to  the  cause  of  justice  and  humanity.  Let  us  pledge, 
each  to  the  other,  that  we  will  labor  faithfully,  patiently,  earnestly, 


270  THE   GEOUNDSWELL, 

and  persistently  to  purify  and  lift  up  ourselves,  State  and  Nation 
being  ever  in  mind.  Let  us  remember  that  if  we  would  triumph 
in  the  unequal  conflict  upon  which  we  now  enter,  we  must  fear  God, 
obey  our  laws,  maintain  our  honors,  not  forgetting  that  a  good 
matron,  as  well  as  a  good  husbandman,  has  taken  solemn  obligations 
and  assumed  grave  responsibilities.  And  now  may  the  Great  Master 
of  the  universe  bless  us  in  our  labor,  and  sustain  and  abide  with  us, 
both  here  and  when  our  work  here  is  finished. 


CHAPTER   XXII. 


THE  KANSAS  FARMERS'  CO-OPERATIVE  ASSO 
CIATION. 


THE  STATE  CONVENTION  AT  TO  PER  A. 

On  the  26th  of  March,  1873,  a  mass  convention  of  the 
farmers  of  Kansas  was  held  at  Topeka,  at  which  was  formed 
the  now  powerful  organization  known  as  the  "  Farmers'  Co 
operative  Association  of  the  State  of  Kansas."  The  meet 
ing  originated  with  the  Manhattan  Farmers'  Club,  which 
passed  resolutions  requesting  the  Secretary  of  the  State 
Board  of  Agriculture,  Mr.  Alfred  Gray,  to  call  a  State  Con 
vention,  to  be  composed  of  delegates  from  Farmers'  Clubs. 
This  was  done,  and,  subsequently,  the  call  was  enlarged  so 
as  to  include  Farmers'  Unions,  Granges,  and  other  similar 
organizations. 

While  the  formal  initiatory  business  of  the  Convention 
was  being  transacted,  Mr.  Henry  Bronson,  Dr.  Lawrence, 
and  Mr.  Van  Winkle  delivered  addresses  on  the  incidents 
of  taxation,  and  farmers'  grievances  generally.  The  speaker 
first  mentioned  declared  that  it  was  because  of  a  false  financial 
system,  and  a  false  political  system  no  longer  bearable,  sad 
dled  on  the  people,  that  the  farmers  have  come  here  to  see 
if  they  can  not  be  righted.  It  is  useless  to  say  they  can  do 
nothing ;  for  they  have  the  votes  and  the  power,  though  want 
of  organization  has  kept  them  from  accomplishing  these  re- 

(271) 


272  THE  GEOUNDSWELL. 

forms.  Just  so  soon  as  organization  is  effected  they  will 
be  as  strong  as  they  are  now  weak.  It  matters  not  whether 
this  be  done  by  Farmers'  Unions  or  by  the  Patrons  of  Hus 
bandry,  and  he  would  never  quarrel  with  the  means  tha.t 
accomplished  these  ends,  and  desired  all  to  work  with  the 
means  and  tools  that  suited  best ;  but  there  should  be  no 
antagonism.  They  had  strong  powers  to  combat,  and  when 
they  met  them  in  fight  should  be  confident  that  they  were 
strong  enough  to  cope  with  the  enemy.  He  counseled  them 
to  avoid  divisions,  and  believed  that  there  was  a  working 
force  in  the  land  that  would  culminate  in  a  strength  suffi 
cient  to  make  their  efforts  a  success. 


State  Seal  of  Kansas. 


The  verification  of  credentials  having  been  concluded,  the 
Committee  on  Organization  recommended  the  following 
named  gentlemen : 

Hon.  John  Davis  for  President;  Jonathan  Weaver  and 
Alfred  Taylor  for  Vice-Presidents ;  J.  K.  Hudson  for  Secre 
tary;  and  J.  T.  Stevens,  Assistant  Secretary.  The  Presi 
dent-elect  briefly  thanked  the  Convention,  and  business  was 
proceeded  with. 

After  adopting  a  resolution  limiting  speeches  to  ten  min 
utes,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  draft  a  constitution  for  a 
permanent  organization.  In  the  course  of  the  discussion 
which  preceded  this  action,  Governor  Robinson  said  that  the 


*THl!  STATE  CONVENTION  AT  TOPEItA.  273 

only  benefit  which  the  farmer  could  hope  for  was  by  well- 
considered  organization.  The  old  question  of  demand  and 
supply  was  obsolete  and  played  out ;  none  of  the  great  inter 
ests  were  using  it.  It  was,,  instead,  the  new  word  of  combi 
nation  which  determines  the  price  at  which  iron  and  other 
commodities  are  sold  from  New  York  to  San  Francisco. 
All  classes,  whether  they  be  mechanics,  engineers,  shoemak 
ers,  or  boot-blacks,  combine  and  fix  the  price  for  their  dif 
ferent  products  or  labor.  We  have  parallel  lines  of  railroad, 
but  they  combine  and  do  not  compete.  If  the  poor  farmers 
were  to  combine  and  withhold  their  hands,  the  people  would 
perish.  There  was  but  one  course  for  the  farmer  to  pursue, 
and  he  would  not  give  one  fig  for  any  thing  they  would  ac 
complish  unless  they  adopted  it.  He  advocated  county  and 
State  organizations,  auxiliary  to  a  National  one,  all  to  be  in 
correspondence  with  headquarters ;  and  that  the  National 
Directory  should  set  the  price  for  farm  products  in  our 
cities ;  who  should  find  out  all  the  statistics  of  interest  to 
the  farmer,  average  of  grain  and  cost,  and  have  an  intelli 
gent  information  of  the  prices  determined  in  all  our  great 
cities.  The  State  organizations  should,  within  their  limits, 
gather  up  such  statistics  and  fix  prices,  and  county  societies 
should  do  the  same.  The  farmer  would  then  handle  the 
same  weapons,  and  be  on  the  same  footing  with  dealers  in 
iron,  wool,  and  cotton.  He  urged  organization,  and  whon 
organized,  to  correspond  with  headquarters,  and  agree  to 
abide  in  good  faith  with  the  Board  of  Directory  as  to  th*« 
movement  of  grain  and  prices.  We  can  then  obtain  laws, 
regulate  railroads  and  the  price  of  every  commodity  to  be 
bought  by  the  farmer.  They  will  give  it  up  when  this  state 
of  affairs  occurs.  While  he  did  not  advise  any  political  ac 
tion,  his  advice  was  to  vote  for  the  known  friends  of  the 
former,  wherever  they  might  be  found,  and  they  would  soon 


274  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

find  out  that  they  had  plenty  of  friends.  He  hoped  that 
some  steps  would  be  taken  by  the  Convention  in  the  right 
direction. 

RESOLUTIONS  AND  DEBATE  THEREON. 

Various  resolutions  were  submitted  and  referred  to  a 
committee,  which,  subsequently,  reported  the  following: 

Resolved,  That  organization  is  the  great  want  of  the  producing 
classes  at  the  present  time,  and  we  recommend  every  farmer  in  the 
State  to  become  a  member  of  some  Farmers'  Club,  Grange  of  the 
Patrons  of  Husbandry,  or  other  local  organization. 

Resolved,  That  the  taxes  assessed  and  charged  upon  the  people, 
both  by  national,  State,  and  local  governments,  are  oppressive  and 
unjust,  and  vast  sums  of  money  are  collected  far  beyond  the  needs 
of  an  economical  administration  of  government. 

Resolved,  That  we  respectfully  request  our  Senators  and  Represent 
atives  in  Congress  to  vote  for,  and  secure,  an  amendment  to  the  tariff 
laws  of  the  United  States,  so  that  salt  and  lumber  shall  be  placed  on 
the  free  list,  and  that  there  shall  be  made  a  material  reduction  of 
the  duty  on  iron,  and  that  such  articles  as  do  not  pay  the  cost  of 
collection  be  also  placed  on  the  free  list. 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  that  the  Legislature  of  our  State  shall 
pass  a  law  limiting  railroad  freights  and  fares  to  a  just  and  fair  sum, 
and  that  unjust  discriminations  against  local  freights  be  prohibited. 

Resolved,  That  the  act  passed  by  the  last  Legislature,  exempting 
bonds,  notes,  mortgages,  and  judgments  from  taxation,  is  unjust,  op 
pressive,  and  a  palpable  violation  of  our  State  constitution,  and  we 
call  upon  all  assessors  and  the  county  boards  to  see  that  said  securi 
ties  are  taxed  at  their  fair  value. 

A  debate  ensued  on  the  first  resolution.  Mr.  Lines  ob 
jected  to  the  Granges  on  the  ground  of  their  secrecy  fea 
ture,  and  moved  that  the  words  "  Granges  of  Patrons  of 
Husbandry  ''  be  stricken  out.  After  a  discussion,  in  which 
it  appeared  that  Mr.  Lines  was  almost  alone  in  his  views, 
the  amendment  was  withdrawn,  and  the  orginal  resolution 


CONSTITUTION,   BY-LAWS,   OFFICES,    ETC.  275 

was  afterward  carried.  The  second  resolution  was  passed 
unanimously. 

On  the  tariff  resolution  a  lively  discussion  took  place,  in 
which  statistics  were  given  by  Major  Miller,  of  the  State 
Agricultural  College,  showing  that  the  tariff  on  iron  did  not 
account  for  the  difference  in  the  price  of  that  article  in  the 
United  States  and  England.  Mr.  Christopher  gave  some 
details  about  the  Syracuse  salt  ring,  and  their  manner  of 
crowding  out  competition.  Mr.  Van  Winkle  moved  to 
amend  the  resolution  by  leaving  out  salt  and  iron.  The 
amendment  was  lost,  and  the  resolution  carried. 

When  the  resolution  on  railroad  freights  came  on  for  con 
sideration,  Mr.  Lines  moved,  as  a  substitute : 

That  we  earnestly  request  the  Legislature  of  our  State,  at 
its  next  session,  to  enact  a  law  regulating  freights  and  fares 
upon  our  railroads  upon  a  basis  of  justice ;  and  that  we  fur 
ther  request  our  members  in  Congress  to  urge  the  favorable 
action  of  that  body,  where  the  same  power  exists  beyond  all 
doubt,  to  the  same  end,  and,  if  need  be,  to  construct  na 
tional  highways  at  the  expense  of  the  government. 

After  a  discussion,  this  was  adopted  instead  of  the  origi 
nal  resolution. 

The  other  resolutions,  after  discussion,  were  adopted. 

CONSTITUTION,  BY-LAWS,  AND  OFFICERS. 

The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization 
was  then  taken  up.  It  embodied  a  Preamble  and  Constitu 
tion,  as  follows  : 

PREAMBLE. 

As  a  means  of  obtaining  a  more  perfect  uniformity  of  action 
among  the  farmers  of  the  State,  in  order  that  we  may  secure  a  more 
equal  division  of  the  profits  arising  from  the  different  vocations 


276  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

of  life,  of  diminishing  the  unreasonable  transportation  tariff  now 
charged  by  railroad  companies,  and  of  breaking  down  monopolies  of 
every  character,  we,  whose  names  are  hereto  subscribed,  do  pledge 
ourselves  to  sustain  the  following  Constitution  and  By-Laws : 

CONSTITUTION   OF   THE   FARMERS'    CO-OPERATIVE  ASSOCIATION 
OF  THE  STATE  OF  KANSAS. 

ARTICLE  I.  This  Association  shall  be  called  the  Farmers'  Co-op 
erative  Association  of  the  State  of  Kansas. 

ART.  II.  The  objects  of  this  Association  shall  be  the  collection  of 
statistics  relative  to  the  products  of  the  State,  their  amount,  cost, 
and  value;  to  assist  the  farmers  in  securing  just  compensation  for 
their  labor ;  to  co-operate  with  similar  organizations  in  other  State? 
in  procuring  cheap  transportation  and  remunerative  prices  for  sur 
plus  products,  and  act  generally  in  the  interest  of  the  producing 
class. 

ART.  III.  The  officers  of  this  Association  shall  be  elected  annually 
by  ballot,  and  shall  consist  of  a  President,  Vice-President,  Secre- 
tary,  Treasurer,  and  an  Executive  Committee  of  five,  who,  with  the 
President,  Vice-President,  Secretary,  and  Treasurer,  shall  constitute  a 
Board  of  Directors.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  several  officers  to 
discharge  the  duties  usually  devolving  upon  such  officers  respect 
ively. 

ART.  IV.  The  Secretary,  in  addition  to  recording  the  proceedings 
of  the  Association  and  Board  of  Directors,  shall  conduct  a  corre 
spondence  with  auxiliary  associations  of  whatever  name,  transmit  to 
them  all  information  of  interest  to  farmers,  and  perform  such  other 
duties  as  the  Association  or  Directors  may  require. 

ART.  V.  The  Board  of  Directors  shall  have  the  general  supervision 
of  the  interests  of  the  Association,  and  provide  for  carrying  into 
effect  the  provisions  of  Article  II  of  this  Constitution. 

ART.  VI.  The  terms  of  office  after  the  first  shall  be  one  year,  or 
until  their  successors  are  elected,  and  the  annual  meeting  and  elec 
tion  shall  be  held  on  the  second  Tuesday  in  January  of  each  year. 

ART.  VII.  Any  county,  township,  or  district  organization  in  this 
State,  whether  called  Union,  Grange,  Club,  or  other  name,  who 
shall  forward  to  the  Treasurer  the  sum  of  five  dollars  for  each  county 
society,  and  one  dollar  for  all  other  local  societies,  and  such  assess- 


CONSTITUTION.  277 

ments  as  shall  be  made,  from  time  to  time,  by  the  Executive  Com 
mittee  for  the  benefit  of  the  Association,  whose  Secretary  shall  cor 
respond  with  the  Secretary  of  this  Association,  and  whose  members 
shall  co-operate  in  its  general  objects,  may  become  auxiliary  to  this 
Association  and  be  entitled  to  all  its  benefits. 

ART.  VIII.  Each  representative  district  shall  be  entitled  to  send 
two  delegates  to  all  meetings  of  the  Association.  Such  delegates  to 
be  elected  by  all  the  auxiliary  farmers'  organizations  in  such  district. 

ART.  IX.  The  Directors  shall  have  power  to  call  delegate  conven 
tions  whenever  they  shall  deem  it  expedient. 

ART.  X.  All  claims  and  accounts  shall  be  audited  by  the  Board 
of  Directors,  and  no  money  shall  be  paid  out  of  the  treasury  except 
upon  its  order. 

ART.  XI.  This  constitution  may  be  altered  or  amended  at  any  reg 
ular  meeting  of  this  Association  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  the  mem 
bers  present. 

The  same  Committee  reported  the  following  resolutions, 
which  were  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  the  act  relating  to  the  collection  of  statistics  and 
industries,  approved  March  6,  1873,  and  an  act  relating  to  District 
and  County  Agricultural  Societies  and  Farmers'  Clubs,  approved 
March  6,  1873,  meet  with  the  approval  of  this  Convention,  so  far  as 
they  go  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  objects  sought  by  this  Conven 
tion. 

Resolved,  That  the  Farmers'  Co-operative  Association  of  the  State 
of  Kansas  co-operate  with  the  State  Board  of  Agriculture,  and  the 
State  organization  of  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry. 

After  discussion,  the  report  and  Constitution  were  adopted. 

The  Convention  proceeded  to  the  election  of  officers,  with 
the  following  result : 

John  Davis,  of  Eiley  Co.,  President ;  J.  K.  Hudson,  of  Wy- 
andotte,  Vice-President ;  H.  Bronson,  of  Douglas,  Treasurer ; 
Alfred  Gray,  Secretary  and  Corresponding  Secretary.  Di 
rectors — T.  B.  Smith,  of  Douglas;  John  Mings,  of  Osage; 
0.  W.  Bill,  of  Riley;  A.  H.  Grass,  of  Montgomery;  and  J. 
B.  Van  Winkle,  of  Leavenworth. 


278  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 


LOCAL  ORGANIZATIONS,  ETC. 

Mr.  Alfred  Gray  was  elected  Corresponding  Agent  to 
communicate  with  the  principal  manufacturers  of  agricul 
tural  implements,  and  dealers  in  the  same,  with  a  view  to 
obtaining  low  rates  of  purchase,  and  also  to  make  application 
for  reduced  rates  of  transportation  on  all  the  different  rail 
roads,  and  forward  a  statement  of  advantages  obtained 
monthly  to  each  of  the  different  organizations  of  farmers 
within  the  State. 

Mr.  Coleman,  of  Douglas,  offered  the  following  resolution, 
which  was  adopted : 

Hesolved,  That  it  is  the  sense  of  this  Convention  that  the 
farmers  of  Kansas,  while  they  are  ready  to  denounce  in  un 
measured  terms  every  monopoly  that  strikes  at  their  inter 
ests  in  the  shape  of  robbery  and  oppression,  are  equally 
ready  to  admit  any  and  all  wrongs  and  errors  of  their  own 
that  have  brought  them  into  the  dilemma  which  all  com 
plain  of  to-day. 

Various  other  resolutions  were  adopted,  among  others 
one  recommending  a  form  of  constitution  for  use  by  the 
local  organizations  of  Kansas,  as  follows,  after  passing  which 
the  Convention  adjourned  sine  die: 

PREAMBLE. 

We,  the  undersigned,  farmers  of Township, County, 

Kansas,  and  vicinity,  for  the  better  protection  and  further  advance 
ment  of  our  interests,  hereby  form  ourselves  into  an  organization ; 
and  for  the  government  of  the  Association  we  adopt  the  following 
Constitution : 

CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE  jf.  This  organization  shall  be  known  as 

ART.  II.  Section  1.  The  officers  of  the  organization  shall  consist 
of  a  President,  Vice-President,  Secretary,  and  Treasurer. 


THE  RESOLUTIONS.  279 

Sec.  2.  The  President  shall  preside  at  all  meetings  of  the  Associa, 
tion,  preserve  order,  give  the  casting  vote  in  case  of  a  tie,  call  special 
meetings  when  deemed  necessary,  and  perform  all  other  duties  be 
longing  to  his  office. 

Sec.  3.  The  Vice-President  shall  preside  in  the  absence  of  the 
President,  and  shall  perform  all  the  duties  of  that  officer. 

Sec.  4.  The  Secretary  shall  keep  correct  minutes  of  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  organization,  and  record  the  same  in  a  book  provided  for 
that  purpose.  He  shall  attest  all  orders  signed  by  the  President, 
sign  membership  cards,  and  perform  all  other  duties  pertaining  to 
the  office  of  Secretary. 

Sec.  5.  The  Treasurer  shall  receive  all  moneys  paid  into  the  organ 
ization,  and  pay  out  the  same  upon  the  order  of  the  President,  at 
tested  by  the  Secretary,  and  may  be  required  to  give  such  security  as 
the  organization  may  deem  necessary. 

ART.  III.  Sec.  1.  No  person  shall  become  a  member  of  this  organ 
ization  unless  he  is  a  farmer,  or  is  practically  interested  in  farming. 

Sec.  2.  Every  member  of  this  organization  shall  subscribe  to  the 
Constitution,  and  abide  by  the  decisions  of  the  Association. 

ART.  IV.  This  Constitution  may  be  amended  on  one  week's  notice 
in  writing,  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  members  present. 


CHAPTEE  XXIII. 


THE  SPRINGFIELD  (ILLINOIS)  CONVENTION. 


GROWTH  OF  THE  MOVEMENT  AND  CALL   OF  THE  CON 
VENTION. 

Immediately  after  its  organization,  as  narrated  in  Chapter 
XX,  the  Illinois  State  Farmers'  Association  set  itself  vigor 
ously  to  work  reorganizing  the  existing  local  Societies  and 
inaugurating  new  ones;  and  within  three  months  over  a 
thousand  organizations  had  been  perfected  in  the  State,  in 
response  to  the  appeal  made  from  Bloomington.  Early  in 
the  following  Spring,  the  Legislature  of  Illinois  being  then 
in  session,  it  was  considered  desirable  that  another  com 
bined  effort  should  be  made,  for  the  purpose  of  impressing 
upon  the  legislature  the  earnestness  of  the  movement,  and 
the  fact  that  the  people  were  determined  that  railroad 
matters  should  be  legislated  upon  both  speedily  and  effectu 
ally.  A  call  was  therefore  made  for  a  State  Convention,  to 
be  held  at  Springfield,  Illinois. 

Pursuant  to  this  call,  a  gathering  of  delegates  met  April 
2,  1873,  more  than  three  hundred  in  number,  and  repre 
senting  Farmers'  Associations  in  seventy-two  counties.  They 
were  called  to  order  by  the  President  of  the  State  Associa 
tion,  Mr.  Flagg7  who  briefly  stated  the  object  for  which 
they  had  met.  After  an  informal  debate  touching  various 
minor  subjects,  a  permanent  organization  was  affected  as 
(280) 


GOV.  BEVERIDGE  ON  THE  MOVEMENT.       281 

follows:  President,  D.  W.  Dame,  of  Carroll  Co.;  Vice- 
Presidents — State  at  large,  W.  C.  Flagg,  of  Madison,  and  E. 
Smith,  of  Bureau,  with  an  additional  Vice-President  from 
each  congressional  district,  as  follows :  James  Creed,  Ma 
rion  ;  S.  S.  Morgan,  Livingston ;  W.  E.  Magill,  Mason ;  T. 
McD.  Eichards,  McHenry;  C.  W.  Marsh,  DeKalb;  John 
D.  Armstrong,  LaSalle ;  A.  N.  Harris,  Stark ;  J.  H.  Pick- 
rell,  Macon;  A.  M.  Hulling,  Ford;  Gen.  W.  B.  Anderson, 
Jefferson;  H.  W.  Eincker,  Shelby;  Charles  Snoad,  Will; 
Thomas  Hendrickson,  Vermillion;  W.  E.  Alcorn,  Eichland; 

D.  Gore,  Macoupin ,  E.  N.  Coffeen,  Champaign ;  T.  Butter  ^ 
worth,  Adams ;  Joseph  B.  Barger,  Gallatin ;  Gen.   J.  Mc- 
Connell,  Sangamon.     Secretaries,  S.  P.  Tufts,  Marion;  L. 

E.  Morris,  Macon. 

GOV.  BEVERIDGE  ON  THE  MOVEMENT. 

Gov.  Beveridge,  of  Illinois,  addressed  the  meeting  at  con 
siderable  length.  In  the  course  of  his  speech  he  said  : 

"  I  recognize  the  fact  that  the  producing  interest  is  the  grandest 
and  noblest  interest  asking  for  our  protection,  our  fostering,  and  our 
care.  A  large  proportion  of  the  people  of  this  State  are  engaged  in 
production  ;  in  cultivating  the  soil,  in  bringing  out  from  our  fertile 
prairie  soil  the  richness  placed  there  by  the  Creator;  and  it  will 
always  be  the  case  in  this  State  that  the  farming  interest  will  be  the 
largest  interest  in  the  State,  made  so  by  nature.  But  we  can't  get 
along  without  other  interests.  We  can  not  well  get  along  without 
the  professional  interests,  and  yet  I  know  we  sometimes  think  that 
lawyers  do  not  amount  to  much  ;  but  if  lawyers  do  not  amount  to 
much,  when  we  get  sick  we  like  to  have  the  doctor ;  and  if  we  do 
not  care  much  about  Sunday,  when  we  are  about  to  die  we  like  to  have 
a  preacher.  Now  these  professional  interests  must  be  preserved  ;  the 
manufacturing  interests  must  not  be  crippled ;  the  commercial  in 
terest  must  not  be  crippled;  and  the  transportation,  or  railroad  in 
terest  must  not  be  abolished.  Now,  as  a  producing  class,  we  can 


282  THE   GIIOUNDSWELL. 

not  get  along  without  the  railroads.  They  are  two  great  interests 
that  must  subserve  each  other.  Take  away  from  the  State  the  rail 
roads  of  the  State,  and  where  will  the  producing  interests  go  to  ? 
On  the  other  hand,  the  railroad  interests  can  not  get  along  without 
the  producing  interests.  Let  every  farmer  in  this  State  cease  pro 
ducing — let  him  go  to  other  States  and  other  countries ;  let  them 
cease  cultivating  the  soil,  and  what  interests  would  the  railroads 
have  in  occupying  their  lines  of  track  over  the  prairies  ?  These  two 
interests  must  go  together,  hand  in  hand,  working  for  each  other's 
good  and  each  other's  benefit. 

Now,  having  said  so  much,  I  recognize  this  fact,  that  the  railroad 
interests  of  this  State,  or  the  railroads  of  this  State,  are  exacting  from 
the  producing  class,  and  from  the  commercial,  the  professional,  and 
the  manufacturing  classes,  extortionate  rates  for  passenger  and 


Other  Interests  Also." 


freight  tariffs.  I  recognize  the  fact  that  this  great  interest,  wielding 
a  capital  of  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars,"  if  not 
more,  as  a  unit  readily  combining  all  its  powers  and  all  its  forces,  is 
exacting  of  the  people  of  this  State  too  much  money— making  too 
many  discriminations.  Then,  what  I  wish,  to  say  to  this  convention, 
gentlemen,  is,  that  when  you  make  this  war  upc.i  railroads,  do  net 
make  it  upon  them  to  abolish  them,  but  make  your  war  to  bring 
them  within  subjection  of  the  legislature,  of  the  law  of  the  land. 
(Cheers,  and  cries  of  "  That's  the  talk.") 

"There  is  thrust  in  our  faces,  from  time  tc  time,  the  Dartmouth 
College  decision ;  there  is  thrust  in  our  faces  the  argument  that  the 
granting  of  charters  to  these  corporations  is  a  contract  between  the 
people  of  the  State  and  the  corporations,  in  pursuance  of  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  and  can  not  be  impaired.  Well, 


QOV.    PALMER  ON   RAILWAY   MONOPOLIES.  283 

now,  it  may  be  so ;  I  can  not  tell— neither  can  you  tell — what  our 
courts  will  hold  to ;  but  I  predict  that  the  time  is  coming,  and  I 
want  you  to  be  patient — it  won't  come  this  afternoon,  it  won't  come 
next  week,  it  won't  come  this  year,  it  won't,  perhaps,  in  five  years, 
it  may  not  come,  perhaps,  until  after  a  struggle  of  a  quarter  of  a 
century,  but  the  time  is  coming,  if  you  are  as  determined  and  per 
sistent  in  your  efforts  as  you  are  enthusiastic  to-day,  and  have  been, 
when  public  opinion  will  mould  the  character  of  our  courts,  and  com 
pel  them  to  reverse  that  decision  in  the  Dartmouth  College  case.  I 
say  that  the  time  is  coming  when  our  courts  will  not  hold  that  these 
charters  are  a  contract  between  the  people  of  the  State  and  the  cor 
porations,  but, they  will  hold  that  they  are,  as  in  my  opinion,  but  mere 
grants  of  power  which  enable  them  to  contract  in  getting  the  road 
bed,  enable  them  to  contract  in  furnishing  means  of  transportation, 
enable  them  to  contract  with  you  in  carrying  your  freight  and  your 
person ;  and  that  the  amount  of  power  can  and  must  be  controlled 
by  the  legislature  giving  that  power.  I  say  the  time  is  coming  when 
our  courts  will  hold  that  the  creature  is  not  greater  than  the  Creator ; 
that  the  corporations  created  by  law  are  not  greater  than  the  legisla 
ture  that  created  them ;  that  these  corporations,  called  in  one  sense 
persons,  are  not  more  sacred  in  their  vested  rights  than  are  the 
vested  rights  of  you  or  me,  of  the  rights  given  me  by  the  great  God 
himself." 

Gov.  Beveridge  then  explained  the  difficulties  with  which 
legislation  on  the  subject  of  regulating  railroads  was  beset, 
stating  that  many  persons  who  imagine  they  could  settle 
the  whole  question  in  half  a  day  would  find,  on  consideration, 
that  it  was  a  most  difficult  question. 

GOV.  PALMER  ON  RAILWAY  MONOPOLIES. 

Ex-Governor  Palmer  followed  in  a  strong  speech.  He 
said: 

*-*-*-*-*-*-fc#-H- 

"  The  germ  of  this  whole  subject  of  vested  rights  is  the  Dartmouth 
College  case.  The  State  never  made  a  being  more  lofty  than  the 
being  that  God  makes,  and  no  corporation  can  have  rights  superior 


284  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

to  the  rights  of  the  citizens.  The  roads  have  a  right  to  take  your 
lands,  for  you  gave  it  to  them ;  but  they  have  no  right  to  go  beyond 
the  limits  of  reason  and  justice  in  making  their  charges  for  carrying 
freights  and  passengers.  The  principles  of  free  government  prohibit 
the  right  to  do  injustice  to  the  people.  No  government  can  be  supe 
rior  to  the  people  themselves,  and  when  the  people  of  Illinois  deter 
mine  that  they  will  not  submit  to  exactions,  they  will  begin  to  cease. 
When  it  is  understood  that  men  will  not  submit  to  them  their  lib 
erties  are  safe,  and  then  only.  Laws  must  be  submitted  to  and 
obeyed,  so  long  as  they  are  in  force.  But  when  laws  do  not  accom 
plish  that  for  which  they  were  framed  they  should  be  changed. 
You  must  look  at  this  railway  question  from  a  radical  stand-point, 
and  must  take  the  position  that  whatever  it  is  necessary  to  do  you 
will  do.  You  have  declared  railways  to  be  highways ;  that  they  are 
under  the  control  of  the  legislature,  and  that  their  officers  are  pub 
lic  agents.  The  managers  of  these  railways  are  in  Wall  Street,  New 
York,  and  your  troubles  begin  there  among  the  jobbers  in  these 
stocks.  There,  and  in  other  large  cities,  railway  stocks  are  personal 
property,  and  pass  from  hand  to  hand,  and  you  never  know  who 
owns  them.  They  are  the  subjects  upon  which  men  gamble.  Now, 
you  should  repeal  the  laws  that  make  them  personal  property,  and 
have  them  so  managed  that  you  would  know  of  their  transfers  and 
who  owned  the  stocks.  You  can  not,  as  it  now  is,  get  at  the  real 
managers  of  these  western  railways.  I  would  sweep  out  of  exist 
ence  the  laws  by  which  these  stocks  are  made  personal  property.  I 
would  fix  it  so  the  stock  could  not  be  watered.  Who  knows  what 
the  roads  in  this  State  cost  ?  No  one  except  railway  men,  for  the 
stocks  are  watered,  and  watered  to  death.  I  would  declare  these 
railways  to  be  highways,  and  allow  farmers  and  others  to  put  cars 
upon  these  tracks,  and  compete  with  the  railway  companies  in  their 
own  business,  and  when  this  can  be  done,  much  will  have  been  ac 
complished.  We  are  but  in  the  infancy  of  this  business,  and  men 
lire  now  living  who  will  see  railways  multiplied  indefinitely,  and 
you  must  study  this  thing  with  a  view  to  getting  at  what  is  to  be. 
You  remember,  in  Jackson's  time,  how  men  shook  at  the  idea  of 
having  a  corporation  control  thirty-six  millions !  Why,  there  are 
men  here  who  can  remember  how  that  idea  made  men  shake.  What 
do  you  see  now  ?  Men  who  control  untold  millions  to  corrupt  the 
people.  A  man  in  Pennsylvania  who  can  raise  the  price  of  every 


.   PALMER   ON   RAILWAY   MONOPOLIES.  285 


286  THE  GHOUNDSWELL. 

thing  that  you  raise,  for  his  own  benefit  and  prosperity,  keeps  wnis- 
periug,  '  Do  n't  interfere  with  vested  rights.'  " 

THE  BESOLUTIONS. 

A  resolution  was  offered  and  passed,  condemning  the  back- 
pay  steal,  and  censuring  the  President  for  signing  the  bill. 
The  committee  appointed  to  draft  resolutions  submitted  the 
following: 

Resolved,  By  the  Farmers  of  Illinois  in  Mass  Meeting  Assembled,  That 
all  chartered  monopolies,  not  regulated  and  controlled  by  law,  have 
proved  in  that  respect  detrimental  to  the  public  prosperity,  corrupt 
ing  in  their  management,  and  dangerous  to  republican  institutions. 

^Resolved,  That  the  railways  of  the  world,  except  in  those  coun 
tries  where  they  have  been  held  under  the  strict  regulation  and 
supervision  of  the  government,  have  proved  themselves  arbitrary, 
extortionate,  and  as  opposed  to  free  institutions  and  free  commerce 
between  States  as  were  the  feudal  barons  of  the  middle  ages. 

Resolved,  That  we  hold,  declare,  and  resolve  that  this  despotism, 
which  defies  our  laws,  plunders  our  shippers,  impoverishes  ou* 
people,  and  corrupts  our  government,  shall  be  subdued  and  made  to 
subserve  the  public  interest  at  whatever  cost. 

Resolved,  That  we  believe  the  State  did  not  and  could  not  confer 
any  of  its  sovereign  power  upon  any  corporation,  and  that  now  is 
the  most  favorable  time  to  settle  the  question,  so  that  it  may  never 
be  hereafter  misunderstood  that  a  State  can  not  create  a  corporation 
it  can  not  thereafter  control. 

Resolved,  That  in  view  of  the  present  extortions,  we  look  with 
alarm  upon  the  future  of  an  interest  which  can  combine  in  the  hands 
of  a  few  men  a  capital  of  nearly  $250,000,000,  and  we  believe  it 
essential  to  the  prosperity  of  all  classes  that  this  contest  continue 
until  these  corporations  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  law. 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  it  as  the  undoubted  power,  and  the  im 
perative  duty  of  the  legislature,  to  pass  laws  fixing  reasonable  maxi 
mum  rates  for  freight  and  passengers,  without  classification  of  roads, 
and  that  we  urge  upon  our  General  Assembly  the  passage  of  such 

VS 

Resolved,  That  the  existing  statute,  providing  for  a  classification  of 


THE  HESOLUTIONS.  287 

railroads  with  a  view  to  adjusting  a  tariff  of  charges  according  to  the 
gross  amount  of  earnings,  is  a  delusion  and  a  snare,  and  is  so  framed 
that  the  railroads  are  able  to  classify  themselves,  and  that  it  ought 
to  be  carefully  modified  or  repealed. 

Resolved,  That  inasmuch  as  the  Supreme  Court  has  clearly  pointed 
out  the  way  to  reach  unjust  discriminations  made  by  the  railroads 
of  this  State,  we  can  see  no  reason  for  delay  on  the  part  of  the  Leg 
islature  in  enacting  the  necessary  laws  on  the  subject,  arid  we  urge 
immediate  action  thereon. 

Resolved,  That  we  urge  the  passage  of  a  bill  enforcing  the  princi 
ple  that  railroads  are  public  highways,  and  requiring  railroads  to 
make  connections  with  all  roads  whose  tracks  meet  or  cross  their 
own,  and  to  receive  and  transmit  cars  and  trains  offered  over  their 
roads  at  reasonable  maximum  rates,  whether  offered  at  such  cross 
ings,  or  at  stations  along  their  roads,  and  empowering  the  making  of 
connections  by  municipal  corporations  for  that  purpose,  and  for  the 
public  use. 

Resolved,  That  we  heartily  indorse  the  action  of  the  General  As 
sembly  looking  to  the  enforcement  of  the  performance  of  their 
duties  by  monopolies  as  common  carriers ;  and  that,  in  addition 
thereto,  we  believe  that  railroads  should  be  required  to  carry  all 
freight  and  passengers  offered  from  the  country  through  which  they 
pass,  and  not  permitted  to  limit  the  amount  of  their  business  and 
destroy  its  natural  increase. 

Resolved,  That  the  constitution  and  laws  of  Illinois  are  as  binding 
upon  railroad  corporations  as  upon  the  citizens,  and  that  the  State 
must  require  obedience  to  the  law  from  all  alike,  whether  the  same 
be  deemed  constitutional  or  not  by  the  parties  affected,  until  re 
pealed  or  declared  unconstitutional. 

Resolved,  That  we  indorse  most  fully  the  action  of  those  who  ten 
der  legal  rates  of  fare  upon  the  railroads,  and  refuse  to  pay  more ; 
and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Legislature  to  provide  by  law  for  the 
defense  by  the  State  of  Illinois  of  suits  commenced,  or  that  hereafter 
may  be  commenced,  by  railroad  companies  against  individuals  who 
have  in  good  faith  insisted,  or  hereafter  may  insist,  upon  the  right 
to  ride  on  railroads  at  legal  rates. 

Resolved,  That  the  presentation  of  railroad  passes  to  our  legisla 
tors,  whatever  may  be  the  Ifririt  and  intent  with  which  they  are 
accepted,  are  demoralizing  in  their  influence ;  and  we  look  to  our 


288  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

Legislature,  now  in  session,  to  rise  above  personal  considerations  of 
pecuniary  interest  or  convenience,  and  to  pass  a  law  making  it  a 
misdemeanor  for  any  Senator,  or  other  State  or  county  officers,  to 
accept  any  railroad  pass,  knowing,  as  we  do,  that  the  people  look 
upon  the  acceptance  of  these  passes  with  decided  and  almost  uni 
versal  disapprobation. 

******** 
WHEREAS,  The  Constitution  of  1848,  Article  X,  prohibits  the 
Legislature  from  granting  special  railroad  charters  in  the  following 
words :  "  And  corporations  not  possessing  banking  powers  or  privi 
leges,  may  be  formed  under  general  law,  but  shall  not  be  created  by 
special  acts,  except  for  municipal  purposes ;  and  in  cases  where,  in 
the  judgment  of  the  General  Assembly,  the  objects  of  the  corpora 
tion  can  not  be  attained  under  general  laws,"  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  it  is  extremely  doubtful  whether  any  railroad 
charter  granted  since  April  1,  1848,  by  the  Legislature  of  Illinois  is 
of  any  validity,  and  that  the  vested  rights  of  railroad  monopolies  in 
this  State  exist  only  by  assumption  of  the  monopolies  and  the  suf- 
e ranee  of  the  people. 

******** 
WHEREAS,  The  Constitution  of  1870,  Article  XI,  Section  13,  pro 
hibits  any  railroad  company  from  issuing  watered  stock,  in  these 
words:  "No  railroad  corporation  shall  issue  any  stock  or  bonds  ex 
cept  for  money,  labor,  or  property  actually  received  and  applied 
to  the  purposes  for  which  such  corporation  was  created ;  and  all 
stock,  dividends,  and  other  fictitious  increase  of  the  capital,  stock,  or 
indebtedness  of  any  such  corporation  shall  be  void.  The  capital 
stock  of  no  railroad  corporation  shall  be  increased  for  any  purpose, 
except  upon  giving  sixty  days'  public  notice  in  such  manner  as  may 
be  provided  by  law ;  "  and,  . 

WHEREAS,  This  article  of  the  Constitution  has  probably  been 
violated  by  nearly  all  the  railroad  companies  in  the  State;  therefore, 
Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Railroad  Commissioners  to  look 
carefully  into  this  matter,  and  to  commence  proceedings  in  all  clear 
cases  by  quo  warranto,  or  otherwise,  against  all  railroad  companies 
which  have  disregarded  this  important  provision  of  the  organic  law 
of  the  State.  * 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  the  improvement  of  the  Illinois  River  as 
not  sectional,  but  of  great  importance ;  and  we  request  the  members 


DIVIDED  COUNSELS.  289 

of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  vote  for  the  bill  now  pending 
for  the  improvement  of  that  river,  as  it  will  give  our  State  abso 
lutely  into  the  hands  of  the  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  of  Congress  a  repeal  of  all  laws  pre 
venting  the  competition  of  small  vessels,  which  may  choose  to  en 
gage  in  the  carrying  trade  on  our  inland  lakes  between  ports  in  the 
United  States,  without  regard  to  nationality. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  the  immediate  repeal  of  the 
protective  duties  on  iron,  steel,  lumber,  and  all  materials  which  en 
ter  into  the  construction  of  railroad  cars,  steamships,  sailing  ves 
sels,  agricultural  implements,  etc.,  and  that  we  urge  upon  Congress 
immediate  action  for  this  purpose,  that  cheap  railroads  and  cheap 
ships  are  necessary  to  cheap  freights ;  and  that  we  invite  the  railroad 
companies  to  co-operate  with  us  to  that  end. 


DIVIDED  COUNSELS. 

In  the  debate  which  arose  upon  the  resolutions,  it  became 
apparent  that  the  friends  of  free  trade  and  of  protection 
were  about  equally  represented.  A  long  discussion  of  a 
disorderly  character  took  place,  and  various  expedients  were 
resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  impeding  action.  One  delegate 
said  that  party  wire-pullers  were  at  work  to  use  the  Con 
vention  to  forward  local  improvements,  and  for  political 
purposes.  Finally,  the  resolutions  were  taken  separately, 
and  passed  unanimously,  until  the  question  of  passes  to 
legislators  and  other  government  officers  came  up.  This 
brought  on  an  excited  debate.  It  was  passed,  however, 
with  an  addition  that  tbe  Legislature  was  requested  to  en 
act  a  law  restricting  members'  pay  to  tbe  time  when  actually 
in  service.  The  resolution  relating  to  the  Illinois  River 
was  laid  on  the  table  amid  much  excitement.  The  tariff 
resolution  was  objected  to,  as  being  a  side  issue  and  not 
connected  with  the  objects  of  the  Convention.  The  meeting 
13 


290  THE 

seemed  about  equally  divided,  but  the  chairman  declared 
the  resolution  carried. 

Additional  resolutions  were  adopted,  as  follows  :  Request 
ing  the  Legislature  to  pass  a  railroad  law  before  it  ad 
journed;  that  the  practice  of  legislators  voting  on  ques 
tions  on  which  they  are  directly  interested,  is  contrary  to 
public  morality ;  that  it  is  one  of  the  necessary  measures  of 
railroad  reform  that  the  laws  that  make  the  stocks  of  rail 
road  corporations  personal  property,  be  repealed,  and  the 
law  so  amended  as  to  withdraw  such  stock  from  speculation, 
and  give  to  them  the  permanency  and  certainty  of  owner 
ship  of  the  railroads  themselves  ;  demanding  that  railroads 
be  no  longer  assessed  taxes  at  less  than  one-tenth  of  their 
value;  and  recommending  that  farmers  keep  a  "farm  ex 
penses  "  account,  so  that  the  actual  cost  of  production  may 
be  ascertained  arid  made  public.  Some  minor  work  closed 
the  first  day's  proceedings. 

CONCERNING  RECONSIDERATION. 

On  reassembling,  it  appeared  that  there  were  but  seventy- 
five  delegates  present,  the  remainder  of  those  present  on  the 
first  day  having  gone  home,  considering  the  main  business  of 
the  Convention  over.  The  advocates  of  the  Illinois  River 
improvement  made  an  effort  to  revive  the  resolution  relat 
ing  thereto,  but  failed. 

Senator  Castle  delivered  a  talented  address,  in  which  he 
enlarged  upon  the  power  of  the  railroads,  and  said  that  the 
question  to  be  settled  first  was,  "  Do  the  railroads  control  the 
State,  or  does  the  State  control  the  railroads?"  Let  the 
aims  be  single  until  these  corporations  acknowledge  the  su 
premacy  of  the  law,  and  yield  obedience  thereto. 

Mr.  S.  M.  Smith  said  the  tariff  resolution  was  a  bone  of 


CONCERNING  RECONSIDERATION.  291 

contention,  and  ought  not  to  have  been  introduced.  The 
Convention  should  have  confined  itself  to  the  railroad  ques 
tion,  and  left  out  all  disturbing  issues.  He  ended  by  mov 
ing  that  the  vote  by  which  the  tariff  resolution  was  adopted 
be  reconsidered.  It  was  also  moved  to  reconsider  the  reso 
lution  censuring  the  President.  It  was  decided  that  the 
consideration  of  the  two  resolutions  be  postponed,  and  the 
Convention  adjourned. 


CHAPTEK  XXIV. 


THE  TEST  CASE  ON  THE  UNCONSTITUTIONAL  IL 
LINOIS  RAILROAD  LAW. 


THE  Me  LEAN  COUNTY  TEST  CASE. 

In  obedience  to  the  demand  for  action  regulating  railroads 
and  preventing  unjust  discriminations,  the  Legislature  of  Illi 
nois,  in  April,  1871,  passed  a  bill  entitled  "An  Act  to  pre 
vent  unjust  discriminations  and  extortions  in  the  rates  to  be 
charged  by  the  different  railroads  in  this  State  for  the 
transportation  of  freight  on  said  roads."  This  act  declared 
that  no  railroad  corporation  should  charge  for  the  transpor 
tation  of  property  on  its  road,  for  any  distance,  the  same, 
nor  any  larger  or  greater  amount,  as  toll  or  compensation, 
than  was  at  the  same  time  charged  or  collected  for  the  trans 
portation  of  similar  quantities  of  the  same  class  of  property 
over  a  greater  distance  upon  the  same  road,  nor  should  any 
railroad  corporation  charge  or  collect  for  the  transportation 
of  property  over  any  portion  of  its  road,  a  greater  amount 
as  toll  or  compensation  than  should  be  charged  or  collected 
by  it  for  the  transportation  of  similar  quantities  of  property 
of  the  same  class  over  any  other  portion  of  its  road  of  equal 
distance ;  and  that  different  charges  for  receiving,  handling, 
and  delivering  freight  at  different  points  should  not  be 
(292) 


THE  MCLEAN  COUNTY  TEST  CASE.  293 

made.  The  act  further  provided  that  any  willful  violation 
of  its  provisions  should  be  deemed  a  forfeiture  of  the  fran 
chises  of  the  corporation  offending,  and  that,  for  such  cause, 
it  might  be  proceeded  against  by  information  in  the  nature 
of  a  quo  ivarranto,  to  judgment  of  ouster  and  final  execu 
tion. 

Doubts  having  been  expressed  of  the  validity  of  this  law, 
it  was  determined  to  institute  a  test  case.  This  was  ac 
cordingly  done,  information  being  laid  by  the  railroad  and 
warehouse  commissioners  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  McLean 
County,  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  Illinois  against  the 
Chicago  and  Alton  Railroad  Company.  The  information 
charged  that  said  company  had  repeatedly  charged  for  trans 
porting  lumber  from  Chicago  to  Lexington,  a  distance  of 
one  hundred  and  ten  miles,  the  sum  of  five  dollars  and 
sixty-five  cents  per  one  thousand  feet,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  it  had  only  charged  for  the  transportation  of  like  lum 
ber  from  Chicago  to  Blooinington,  a  distance  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty-six  miles,  the  sum  of  five  dollars  per  thousand 
feet.  These  acts,  the  information  alleged,  had  forfeited  the 
charter  of  the  Company. 

The  Company  admitted  the  facts,  and  stated  that  the  rates 
to  Blooming-ton  were  unreasonably  low,  but  no  one  except  the 
Company  was  injured  thereby;  and  that  said  charges  were 
adopted  in  order  to  compete  with  the  Illinois  Central  Rail 
road  Company,  and  to  protect  the  customers  of  appellant 
from  injury,  by  a  reduction  of  rates  from  Chicago  to  Bloom- 
ington  on  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad.  In  short,  the  com 
pany  insisted  that,  although  the  acts  charged  against  them 
were  in  contravention  of  the  act  of  April,  1871,  still  such 
charges  were  lawful,  for  the  reason  that  the  said  act  was  in 
violation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  State,  and  also  of  that 
of  the  United  States, 


294  THE   GROUNDSWELL, 


JUDGE  TIPTON'S  DECISION. 

The  case  was  heard  before  Judge  Tipton,  who  gave  judg 
ment  against  the  company.  Judge  Tipton  delivered  an 
elaborate  opinion,  in  which  he  considered  fully  the  charac 
ter  of  the  laws  under  which  the  suit  was  brought,  and  cited 
numerous  authorities  to  prove  that  corporations  have  no 
rights  that  can  be  maintained  against  the  welfare  of  the 
people,  and  that  railroad  companies  can  not  be  so  hedged 
about  by  special  charters  that  they  can  override  and  oppose 
the  public  by  unjust  discriminations  and  extortionate  charges. 
He  said : 

"The  very  object  of  granting  charters  to  railroad  companies 
by  the  State,  was  that  the  people  should  have  the  right  of  trans 
portation  of  the  products  of  the  country  to  and  from  the  great 
centers  of  trade,  without  unjust  discrimination.  The  particular 
method  by  which  this  object  should  be  attained  rests  only  in  the 
discretion  of  the  legislature.  If  it  has  the  power  to  legislate  on  the 
subject  at  all,  its  legislation  must  control,  whether  the  courts  deem 
the  provisions  wise  or  unwise.  The  legislature  has  determined  that 
discrimination  between  communities — that  is,  a  greater  charge  for  a 
less  distance  over  the  same  road — is  unjust  and  hurtful  to  the  inter 
ests  of  the  people  at  large. 

"The  effect  of  such  discrimination  is  to  transfer,  by  artificial 
means,  the  natural  advantages  possessed  by  one  community  to  an 
other  less  favorably  situated.  To  allow  this  is  to  subordinate  the 
general  interests  of  the  public  to  the  real  or  supposed  advantage  of 
the  particular  railroad  corporation  by  whose  action  the  unnatural 
effect  is  produced,  and  would  be  to  abandon  the  right  and  duty  of 
the  legislature  to  afford  by  law  equal  protection  to  all  citizens  of  the 
State.  By  former  reasoning  it  will  be  seen  that  railroad  corpora 
tions  do  not  hold  their  property  and  franchises  by  a  higher  tenure 
than  the  citizen  holds  his  farm  or  other  property.  ***** 

"  Railways  are  improved  public  highways,  and  therefore  can  be 
constructed  by  the  aid  of  the  right  of  eminent  domain ;  and  the  cor 
porations  so  created  are  public  agents,  created  for  the  practical 


JUDGE  TIPTON'S  DECISION. 


295 


administration  of  the  public  property  (right  of  way)  put  into  their 
hands  as  such  agents,  to  be  administered  to  subserve  public  interests. 
*  "  The  lines  of  railways  in  this  State  are  public  highways.  Their 
use  is  for  the  people  at  large,  for  travelers  and  shippers.  They  are 
compelled,  as  before  stated,  to  receive  and  transport  passengers  and 
freight  according  to  the  usage  of  the  corporations.  The  public 
have  an  easement  over  the  roads,  the  right  to  which,  in  its  proper 
exercise,  is  as  sacred  as  the  right  of  individual  property,  or  the  right 


The  Highway  of  Civilization. 

of  the  corporation  to  collect  tolls  or  compensation.  The  right  to 
the  use  resides  in  the  public,  and  is  above  the  control  of  the  corpora 
tion.  In  the  very  act  of  fixing  tolls  or  rates,  the  corporations  are 
only  exercising  the  power  delegated  to  them  as  public  agents,  in  the 
administration  of  the  public  property,  which  is  put  into  their  hands 
by  the  exercise  of  the  highest  power  of  sovereignty.  The  legisla 
ture  evidently  has  power  to  protect  the  public  right  in  the  use  of 
easement,  and  to  protect  it  in  the  enjoyment  of  it,  at  reasonable 


296  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

rates  and  without  discrimination ;  as  much  right  to  enforce  such  pro 
tection  as  the  corporation  has  to  assert  its  claim  to  the  right  of  way, 
and  to  exact  tolls  for  the  use  of  it.  The  road,  sub-modo,  with  all  its 
rolling  stock,  buildings,  fixtures,  machine  shops,  and  other  property 
pertaining  to  it,  is  private  property,  owned  and  operated  by  the  cor 
poration  for  the  mutual  benefit  of  the  public  and  the  corporation. 
The  principles  of  the  common  law,  and  their  charters  accepted  by 
them,  and  which  clothe  them  with  such  ample  powers,  impose  duties 
on  them  to  the  public,  which  they  must  discharge ;  and  the  manner 
of  enforcing  a  faithful  performance  of  these  duties  is  within  the  leg 
islative  power  of  the  State.  The  provision  in  defendant's  charterr 
authorizing  the  President  and  Directors  to  fix  the  rates  of  compensa 
tion  for  the  transportation  of  persons  and  property  does  not  change 
the  legal  effect  from  what  it  would  have  been  had  no  such  provision 
been  contained  in  the  charter." 


THE  THEEE-CENT-A-MILE  WAR. 

Thus  the  first  game  in  the  great  contest  with  monopolies 
must  be  scored  to  the  people.  The  railroad  company  im 
mediately  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  Illinois.  The 
more  hot-headed  of  the  farmers  imagined  that  victory  was 
permanently  secured,  and,  incited  by  demagogues  who 
wished  to  gain  notoriety,  boarded  trains  en  masse,  and  in 
sisted  on  riding  for  three  cents  a  mile,  the  maximum  fixed 
by  the  law.  In  some  cases  they  gained  their  ends,  but  in 
others  ludicrous  incidents  occurred.  A  party  of  farmers, 
en  route  for  the  second  Bloomington  Convention,  boarded  a 
train  and  tendered  their  three  cents,  whereupon  the  train 
was  shunted  to  a  side-track,  while  an  overwhelming  force 
of  the  company's  employees  were  sent  for.  Meantime,  the 
farmers  employed  their  enforced  leisure  in  singing,  and  hav 
ing  a  good  time  generally.  A  large  force  of  brakemen  and 
laborers  coming  up,  the  farmers  capitulated  at  discretion, 
and  paid  the  extra  fare.  On  arriving  at  the  scene  of  tliQ 


THE  AEGtTMENt  Otf  THE  APPEAL.  297 

Convention,  where  news  of  the  occurrence  had  preceded 
them,  they  were  met  by  a  band  of  music,  and  were  the  lions 
of  the  day. 

Other  cases  were  less  creditable  to  the  persons  concerned. 
Some  hotspurs,  having  tendered  the  fare  fixed  by  law,  re 
fused  either  to  be  ejected  from  the  train,  or  to  pay  the  extra 
money,  producing  revolvers  and  knives  in  support  of  the 
legality  of  their  proceedings.  It  is  due  to  the  farmers  to 
say  that  this  high-handed  way  of  settling  the  difficulty  was 
almost  unanimously  condemned.  It  was  universally  con 
ceded  among  all  intelligent  men  that  riding  for  three  cents 
a  mile,  behind  a  knife  or  revolver,  proved  nothing.  One 
case  of  this  sort  went  to  trial.  An  Illinois  Central  Bailroad 
conductor  was  arrested  and  fined  for  putting  a  farmer  off 
his  train  who  would  not  "  come  down  "  with  more  than 
three  cents.  The  decision  was  against  the  company,  which 
again  immediately  appealed.  Of  course,  it  went  by  the 
board,  when  the  law  under  which  it  was  made  was,  shortly 
afterward,  declared  unconstitutional. 

THE  ARGUMENT  ON  THE  APPEAL. 

The  appeal  of  the  Chicago  &  Alton  Eailroad  Company  from 
Judge  Tipton's  decision  came  before  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Illinois  in  the  January  term  of  1873.  The  case  for  the  appel 
lant  (the  company)  was  prepared  with  great  ability,  and  set 
forth  the  reasons  why  the  Illinois  law  was  unconstitutional, 
basing  them  upon  the  following  facts : 

1st.  The  company  was  especially  authorized  by  law  to 
charge  such  rates  of  toll  as  its  President  and  Directors 
should  from  time  to  time  establish. 

2d.  The  said  authority  to  charge  toll  was  a  contract  be 
tween  the  State  and  the  appellant ;  in  support  of  which  the, 
13* 


298  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

famous  Dartmouth  College  decision  was  principally  re 
lied  on. 

3d.  Charging  a  greater  compensation  for  transporting 
persons  and  property  a  shorter  distance  than  for  a  longer 
one  is  not  necessarily  unreasonable  or  an  unjust  discrimi 
nation.  In  support  of  this,  it  was  alleged  that  in  the  case  in 
dispute  the  toll  to  Lexington  was  reasonable,  and  that  the 
toll  to  Bloomington  was  too  low,  but  that  no  one  was  injured 
thereby  save  the  company.  Examples  were  given  of  many 
cases  before  the  English  courts  where  companies  had  been 
upheld  in  similar  cases. 

4th.  The  judicial  department  of  the  government  has  the 
sole  authority  to  determine  between  the  public  and  the 
appellant  what  rates  are  reasonable  and  what  are  unreason 
able,  and  what  discriminations  are  just  and  what  are  unjust. 

5th.  The  power  of  the  General  Assembly  to  pass  all  such 
laws  as  are  necessary  to  promote  the  health,  safety,  morals, 
good  order,  and  general  welfare  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
State,  did  not  authorize  the  passage  of  the  Act  of  April  7, 
1871. 

DECISION  OF  THE  SUPREME  COURT— THE  LAW  UNCON 
STITUTIONAL. 

In  rendering  its  decision,  the  Supreme  Court  first  quoted 
from  the  constitution  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  as  follows : 

"  The  General  Assembly  shall  pass  laws  to  correct  abuses  and  pre 
vent  unjust  discrimination  and  extortion  in  the  rate  of  freight  and 
passenger  tariffs  on  the  different  roads  in  this  State,  and  enforce  such 
laws  by  adequate  penalties,  to  the  extent,  if  necessary  for  that  pur* 
pose,  of  forfeiture  of  their  property  and  franchises."  Art.  XI., 
Sec.  15. 

The  court  argued  that  the  discrimination  forbidden  by  the 
common  law,  and  by  the  constitutional  enactment  in  accord- 


DECISION  OF  THE  SUPREME  COURT.  299 

ance  therewith,  was  against  unjust  discrimination,  while  the 
law  under  consideration  was  directed  against  all  discrimina 
tions,  whether  they  could  be  shown  to  be  unjust  or  not.  The 
decision  continues : 

This  provision,  expressly  directing  the  Legislature  to  pass  laws  to 
prevent  unjust  discrimination,  is  a  recognition  of  the  palpable  fact 
that  there  may  be  discriminations  which  are  not  unjust,  and  by  im 
plication  it  restrains  the  power  of  the  Legislature  to  a  prohibition  of 
those  which  are  unjust.  That  was  undoubtedly  the  object  of  the 
Legislature  in  passing  the  existing  law.  This  is  clearly  shown  by  its 
title.  But  the  act  itself  goes  further.  It  forbids  any  discrimination 
whatever,  under  any  circumstances  whatever,  and  whether  just  or 
unjust,  in  the  charges  for  transporting  the  same  classes  of  freight 
over  equal  distances,  even  though  moving  in  opposite  directions,  and 
does  not  permit  the  companies  to  show  that  the  discrimination  is  not 
unjust.  The  mere  proof  of  the  discrimination  makes  out  a  case 
against  the  railway  companies,  which  they  are  not  allowed  to  meet 
by  evidence  showing  the  reason  or  propriety  of  the  discrimination, 
and  then,  upon  this  sort  of  ex-parte  trial,  imposes  as  a  penalty  for  the 
offense  a  forfeiture  of  the  franchise,  which  would  often  be  equivalent 
to  a  fine  of  millions  of  dollars.  The  object  of  the  law  is  commend 
able,  but  such  a  proceeding,  to  be  followed  by  such  a  penalty  for  the 
first  offense,  can  not  be  sustained.  It  could  only  have  been  author 
ized  through  the  inadvertence  of  the  Legislature.  The  law  as  it  now 
stands  makes  an  offense  out  of  an  act  which  might  be  shown  not  to 
be  an  offense,  but  an  exercise  of  a  wise  discretion  really  beneficial  to 
the  people  of  the  State ;  and,  while  debarring  the  companies  from  all 
right  of  explanation,  confiscates  their  franchises  upon  the  first  con 
viction.  The  Legislature  can  not  raise  a  conclusive  presumption  of 
guilt  against  a  natural  person  from  any  act  that  may  be  innocent  in 
itself,  taking  from  him  the  privilege  of  showing  the  actual  innocence 
or  propriety  of  the  act,  and  confiscating  his  property  as  a  penalty 
for  the  supposed  offense.  Those  provisions  of  our  constitution  which 
forbid  the  deprivation  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  except  by  due  process 
of  law,  and  which  guarantee  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  "  as  heretofore 
enjoyed,"  and  the  right  in  all  criminal  prosecutions  to  appear  and 
defend  in  person  and  by  counsel,  would  all  be  violated  by  such  a 
law.  These  provisions,  it  is  true,  are  designed  to  apply  only  to 


BOO  THE 

natural  persons ;  but  artificial  persons  must  be  permitted  to  invoke 
the  spirit  of  justice  which  prompted  them,  so  far  as  may  be  neces 
sary  to  protect  their  property  and  franchises  against  the  operation 
of  a  law  that  substantially  condemns  without  a  trial. 

*  •*  *  *  *  •*  * 

The  opinion  of  the  court  is,  that  while  the  Legislature  has  an 
unquestionable  power  to  prohibit  unjust  discrimination  in  railway 
freights,  no  prosecution  can  be  maintained  under  the  existing  act 
until  amended ;  because  it  does  not  prohibit  unjust  discriminations 
merely,  but  discrimination  of  any  character,  and  because  it  does  not 
allow  the  companies  to  explain  the  reason  of  the  discrimination,  but 
forfeits  their  franchise  upon  an  arbitrary  and  conclusive  presumption 
of  guilt,  to  be  drawn  from  the  proof  of  an  act  that  might  be  shown 
to  be  perfectly  innocent.  In  these  particulars,  the  existing  act  vio 
lates  the  spirit  of  the  constitution. 

The  judgment  of  the  Circuit  Court,  ousting  the  appellant  of  its 
franchises,  must  therefore  be  reversed. 

The  court  advised  further,  that  before  this  act  could  be 
enforced  it  must  be  so  amended  as  to  correspond  with  the 
requirements  of  the  constitution,  by  directing  its  prohibition 
against  unjust  discriminations.  The  court  did  not  question 
the  power  of  the  State  to  regulate  railway  rates ;  and;  fur 
thermore,  it  expressed  an  opinion  as  to  what  is  or  is  not  a 
discrimination,  which  is  of  much  importance : 

If  a  farmer,  living  three  miles  from  the  Springfield  station,  upon 
this  company's  road,  is  charged  fifteen  cents  per  bushel  for  shipping 
his  corn  to  Chicago,  is  it  just  that  a  farmer  living  twenty  miles  nearer 
Chicago  should  be  charged  a  higher  sum  ?  Certainly  not,  unless  the 
railroad  company  can  show  a  peculiar  state  of  affairs  to  justify  the 
discrimination,  and  this  must  be  something  more  than  the  mere  fact 
that  there  are  competing  lines  at  one  point,  and  not  at  the  other. 
The  discrimination,  in  such  a  case,  is  as  much  a  discrimination  between 
Individuals  as  it  would  be  in  reference  to  two  persons  living  in  the 
same  locality,  and  shipping  at  the  same  station,  unless,  as  before 
stated,  a  satisfactory  reason  can  be  given  for  discrimination  between 
the  points  of  shipment;  and  such  a  reason,  in  the  case  supposed,  it  is 
not  very  easy  to  conceive.  *  *  *  *  *  *  * 


DECISION  OF  THE  SUPREME  COtTHf.  $01 

The  only  issue  to  be  made  under  a  law  properly  framed  would  be 
whether  there  was  an  unjust  discrimination  or  not.  If  on  the  trial 
of  such  an  issue  the  prosecution  proves  a  permanently  established  dis 
crimination,  like  that  disclosed  by  the  present  record,  and  the  com 
pany  can  show  no  other  reason  for  it  than  the  existence  of  a  compet 
ing  line  at  the  favored  points,  the  defense  must  be  held  unsatisfactory, 
notwithstanding  witnesses  may  testify  that  they  believe,  as  a  matter 
of  theoretical  opinion,  that  the  rates  to  Lexington  are  reasonable. 
They  can  not  be  reasonable,  and  the  discrimination  must  be  unjust, 
if  the  lesser  rates  for  the  greater  distance  have  been  established  merely 
because  the  company  has  ceased  to  exercise  at  that  point  a  practical 
monopoly. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


THE    NEW  ILLINOIS    RAILROAD    LAW    AND    ITS 
WORKINGS. 


THE  RAILROAD  COMMISSION  SQUABBLE. 

The  existing  railroad  law  of  Illinois  having  been  pro 
nounced  unconstitutional,  and  the  Legislature  being  at  the 
time  in  session,  the  amendment  of  the  act  was  immediately 
and  diligently  set  about ;  in  fact,  so  diligently  as  to  excite 
the  apprehension  among  the  farmers  that  their  legislators- 
were  going  to  "talk  the  subject  to  death."  This  feeling 
began  to  strengthen  as  measure  after  measure  was  mooted, 
yet  always  put  aside.  The  Springfield  Convention,  of  which 
a  condensed  report  has  already  been  given,  was  called  with 
a  view  of  enlightening  the  Legislature  as  to  the  earnestness 
of  the  popular  desire  for  an  efficient  law. 

About  this  time  (March,  1873)  the  term  of  office  of  the 
Railroad  and  Warehouse  Commissioners  expired.  The  farm 
ers  began  agitating  for  the  appointment  to  the  office  of  per 
sons  identified  with  agricultural  interests.  Governor  Bev- 
eridge,  however,  nominated  Messrs.  McCrea,  Robinson,  and 
Stilwell — one  of  whom  is  a  banker,  another  a  lawyer.  This 
raised  a  storm  about  the  Governor's  ears  which  he  will  not 
readily  forget.  Protest  after  protest,  memorials  and  resolu 
tions  without  end,  were  sent  in,  and  the  Governor,  wisely 
yielding  to  the  pressure,  finally  conferred  the  vacant  offices 
(302) 


THE  NEW  RAILROAD  LAW.  303 

on  gentlemen  intimately  connected  with  farming  pursuits, 
and  of  approved  honor — Messrs.  J.  M.  Pearson,  H.  D.  Cooke, 
and  David  A.  Brown. 

THE  NEW  RAILROAD  LAW. 

Meanwhile,  the  Legislature  was  debating  the  various  meas 
ures  submitted,  and  eventually  passed  a  law  which  is  here 
given : 

An  Act  to  prevent  extortion  and  unjust  discrimination  in  the  rates 
charged  for  the  transportation  of  passengers  and  freights  on  rail 
roads  in  this  State,  and  to  repeal  an  act  entitled,  "An  Act  to  pre 
vent  unjust  discriminations  and  extortions  in  the  rates  to  be  charged 
by  the  different  railroads  in  this  State  for  the  transportation  of 
freights  on  said  roads,"  approved  April  7th,  A.  D.  1871. 
Section  1.   Be  it  enacted,  by  the  people  of  the  State  of  Illinois, 
represented  in  the  General  Assembly.      If  any  railroad  corporation, 
organized  or  doing  business  in  this  State,  under  any  act  of  incor 
poration,  or  general  law  of  this  State,  now  in  force,  or  which  may 
hereafter  be  enacted,  or  any  railroad  corporation  organized,  or  which 
may  hereafter  be  organized  under  the  laws  of  any  other  State,  and 
doing  business  in  this  State,  shall  charge,  collect,  demand,  or  receive 
more  than  a  fair  and  reasonable  rate  of  toll  or  compensation,  for  the 
transportation  of  passengers  or  freight,  of  any  description,  or  for  the 
use  and  transportation  of  any  railroad  car  upon  its  track,  or  any  of 
the  branches  thereof,  or  upon  any  railroad  within  this  State,  which 
it  has  the  right,  license,  or  permission  to  use,  operate,  or  control,  the 
the  same  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  extortion,  and  upon  conviction 
thereof  shall  be  dealt  with  as  hereinafter  provided. 

Sec.  2.  If  any  railroad  corporation  aforesaid  shall  make  any  unjust 
discrimination  in  its  rates  or  charges  of  toll  or  compensation  for  the 
transportation  of  passengers  or  freight  of  any  description,  or  for  the 
use  and  transportation  of  any  railroad  car  upon  its  said  road,  or  upon 
any  branches  thereof,  or  upon  any  railroads  connected  therewith, 
which  it  has  the  right,  license,  or  permission  to  operate,  control,  or 
use,  within  this  State,  the  same  shall  fee  deemed  guilty  of  having 
violated  the  provisions  of  this  act,  and  upon  conviction  thereof  shall 
be  dealt  with  as  hereinafter  provided. 


304  THE  GHOtTNDSWELL. 

Sec.  3.  If  any  such  railroad  corporation  shall  charge,  collect,  or 
receive,  for  the  transportation  of  any  passengers,  or  freight  of  any 
description,  upon  its  railroad,  for  any  distance  within  this  State,  the 
same,  or  a  greater  amount  of  toll  or  compensation  than  is  at  the  same 
time  charged,  collected,  or  received  for  the  transportation,  in  the 
same  direction,  for  any  passenger,  or  like  quantity  of  freight  of  the 
same  class,  over  a  greater  distance  of  the  same  railroad ;  or  if  it  shall 
charge,  collect,  or  receive,  at  any  point  upon  its  railroad,  a  higher 
rate  of  toll  or  compensation  for  receiving,  handling,  or  delivering 
freight  of  the  same  class  or  like  quantity,  than  it  shall,  at  the  same 
time,  charge,  collect,  or  receive  at  any  other  point  upon  the  same  road ; 
or  if  it  shall  charge,  collect,  or  receive,  for  the  transportation  of  any 
passenger,  or  freight  of  any  description,  over  its  railroad,  a  greater 
amount  as  toll  or  compensation  than  shall,  at  the  same  time,  be 
charged,  collected,  or  received  by  it  for  the  transportation  of  any 
passenger,  or  like  quantity  of  freight  of  the  same  class,  being  trans 
ported  in  the  same  direction,  over  any  portion  of  the  same  railroad, 
of  equal  distance ;  or  if  it  shall  charge,  collect,  or  receive  from  any 
person  or  persons  a  higher  or  greater  amount  of  toll  or  compensation 
than  it  shall,  at  the  same  time,  charge,  collect,  or  receive  from  any 
other  person  or  persons,  for  receiving,  handling,  or  delivering  freight 
of  the  same  class  and  like  quantity,  at  the  same  point  upon  its  rail 
road  ;  or  if  it  shall  charge,  collect,  or  receive  from  any  person  or  per 
sons,  for  the  transportation  of  any  freight  upon  its  railroad,  a  higher 
or  greater  rate  of  toll  or  compensation  than  it  shall,  at  the  same 
time,  charge,  collect,  or  receive  from  any  other  person  or  persons,  for 
the  transportation  of  the  like  quantity  of  freight  of  the  same  class, 
being  transported  from  the  same  point,  in  the  same  direction,  over 
equal  distances  of  the  same  railroad  ;  or  if  it  shall  charge,  collect,  or 
receive  from  any  person  or  persons,  for  the  use  and  transportation  of 
any  railroad  car  or  cars  upon  its  railroad,  for  any  distance,  the  same 
or  a  greater  amount  of  toll  or  compensation  than  is,  at  the  same  time, 
charged,  collected,  or  received  from  any  other  person  or  persons,  for 
the  use  and  transportation  of  any  railroad  car  of  the  same  class  or 
number,  for  a  like  purpose,  being  transported  in  the  same  directionf 
over  a  greater  distance  of  the  same  railroad;  or  if  it  shall  charge, 
collect,  or  receive  from  any  person  or  persons,  for  the  use  and  trans 
portation  of  any  railroad  car  or  cars  upon  its  railroad,  a  higher  or 
greater  rate  of  toll  or  compensation  than  it  shall,  at  the  same  time, 


THE   NEW   RAILROAD   LAW, 


305 


charge,  collect,  or  receive  from  any  other  person  or  persons  for  the 
use  and  transportation  on  any  railroad  car  or  cars  of  the  same  class 
or  number,  for  a  like  purpose,  being  transported  from  the  same  point, 
in  the  same  direction,  over  an  equal  distance  of  the  same  railroad ; 
all  such  discriminating  rates,  charges,  collections,  or  receipts, 
whether  made  directly,  or  by  means  of  any  rebate,  drawback, 


Obsolete  Method  of  Transportation  in  the  Tobacco  Country. 

or  other  shift  or  evasion,  shall  be  deemed  and  taken,  against  such 
railroad  corporation,  as  prima  facie  evidence  of  the  unjust  dis 
criminations  prohibited  by  the  provisions  of  this  act;  and  it  shall 
not  be  deemed  a  sufficient  excuse  or  justification  of  such  discrimina 
tions  on  the  part  of  such  railroad  corporation,  that  the  railway 
station  or  point  at  which  it  shall  charge,  collect,  or  receive  the  same 


306.  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

or  less  rates  of  toll  or  compensation,  for  the  transportation  of  such 
passenger  or  freight,  or  for  the  use  and  transportation  of  such  rail 
road  car  the  greater  distance  than  for  the  shorter  distance,  is  a  rail 
way  station  or  point  at  which  there  exists  competition  with  any  other 
railroad  or  means  of  transportation.  This  section  shall  not  be  con 
strued  so  as  to  exclude  other  evidence  tending  to  show  any  unjust 
discrimination  in  freight  and  passenger  rates.  The  provisions  of  this 
section  shall  extend  and  apply  to  any  railroad,  the  branches  thereof, 
and  any  road  or  roads  which  any  railroad  corporation  has  the  right, 
license,  or  permission  to  use,  operate,  or  control,  wholly  or  in  part 
within  this  State  ;  Provided,  however,  that  nothing  herein  contained 
shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prevent  railroad  corporations  from  issuing 
commutation,  excursion,  or  thousand-mile  tickets,  as  the  same  are 
now  issued  by  such  corporations. 

Sec.  4.  Any  such  railroad  corporation  guilty  of  extortion,  or  of 
making  any  unjust  discrimination  as  to  passenger  or  freight  rates,  or 
the  rates  for  the  "use  and  transportation  of  railroad  cars,  or  in  receiv 
ing,  handling,  or  delivering  freights,  shall,  upon  conviction  thereof, 
be  fined  in  any  sum  not  less  than  one  thousand  dollars  ($1,000),  nor 
more  than  five  thousand  dollars  ($5,000),  for  the  first  offense  ;  and  for 
the  second  offense  not  less  than  five  thousand  dollars  ($5,000),  nor 
more  than  ten  thousand  dollars  ($10,000),  and  for  the  third  offense 
not  less  than  ten  thousand  dollars  ($10,000),  nor  more  than  twenty 
thousand  dollars  ($20,000) ;  and  for  every  subsequent  offense,  and  con 
viction  thereof,  shall  be  liable  to  a  fine  of  twenty-five  thousand  dol 
lars  ($25,000) ;  Provided,  That  in  all  cases  under  this  act  either  party 
shall  have  the  right  of  trial  by  jury. 

Sec.  5.  The  fines  hereinbefore  provided  for,  may  be  recovered  in  an 
action  of  debt,  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and 
there  may  be  several  counts  joined  in  the  same  declaration,  as  to  ex 
tortion  and  unjust  discrimination,  and  as  to  passenger  and  freight 
rates,  and  rates  for  the  use  and  transportation  of  railroad  cars,  and 
for  receiving,  handling,  or  delivering  freights.  If,  upon  the  trial  of 
any  causes  instituted  under  this  act,  the  jury  shall  find  for  the  people, 
they  shall  assess  and  return  with  their  verdict  the  amount  of  the  fine 
to  be  imposed  upon  the  defendant,  at  any  sum  not  less  than  one 
thousand  dollars  ($1,000),  nor  more  than  five  thousand  dollars  ($5,- 
000),  and  the  court  shall  render  judgment  accordingly;  and  if  the 
jury  shall  find  for  the  people,  and  that  the  defendant  has  been  once 


THE   NEW   RAILROAD   LAW.  307 

before  convicted  of  a  violation  of  the  provisions  of  this  act,  they  shall 
return  such  finding  with  their  verdict,  and  shall  assess  and  retnrn 
with  their  verdicf  the  amount  of  the  fine  to  be  imposed  upon  the  de 
fendant,  at  any  sum  not  less  than  five  thousand  dollars  ($5,000),  nor 
more  than  ten  thousand  dollars  ($10,000) ;  and  the  court  shall  render 
judgment  accordingly ;  and  if  the  jury  shall  find  for  the  people,  and 
that  the  defendant  has  been  twice  before  convicted  of  a  violation  of 
the  provisions  of  this  act,  with  respect  to  extortion  or  unjust  dis 
crimination,  they  shall  return  such  finding  with  their  verdict,  and 
shall  assess  and  return  with  their  verdict,  the  amount  of  fine  to  be 
imposed  upon  the  defendant,  at  any  sum  not  less  than  ten  thousand 
dollars  ($10,000),  nor  more  than  twenty  thousand  dollars  ($20,000) ; 
and  in  like  manner  for  every  subsequent  offense,  and  conviction, 
such  defendant  shall  be  liable  to  a  fine  of  twenty-five  thousand  dollars 
($25,000) ;  Provided,  that  in  all  cases  under  the  provisions  of  this  act, 
a  preponderance  of  evidence  in  favor  of  the  people  shall  be  sufficient 
to  authorize  a  verdict  and  judgment  for  the  people. 

Sec.  6.  If  any  such  railroad  corporation  shall,  in  violation  of  any 
of  the  provisions  of  this  act,  ask,  demand,  charge,  or  receive  of  any 
person  or  corporation  any  extortionate  charge  or  charges,  for  the 
transportation  of  any  passengers,  goods,  merchandise,  or  property,  or 
for  receiving,  handling,  or  delivering  freights,  or  shall  make  any 
unjust  discriminations  against  any  person  or  corporation  in  its 
charges  therefor,  the  person  or  corporation  so  offended  against  may, 
for  each  offense,  recover  of  such  railroad  corporations,  in  any  form  of 
action,  three  times  the  amount  of  the  damages  sustained  by  the  party 
aggrieved,  together  with  costs  of  suit,  and  a  reasonable  attorney's 
fee,  to  be  fixed  by  the  court  where  the  same  is  heard,  on  appeal  or 
otherwise,  and  taxed  as  a  part  of  the  costs  of  the  case. 

Sec.  7.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Eailroad  and  Warehouse  Commis 
sioners  to  personally  investigate  and  ascertain  whether  the  provisions 
of  this  act  are  violated  by  any  railroad  corporation  in  this  State,  and 
to  visit  the  various  stations  upon  the  line  of  each  railroad  for  that 
purpose  as  often  as  practicable ;  and  whenever  the  facts,  in  any  man 
ner  ascertained  by  said  commissioners,  shall  in  their  judgment  war 
rant  such  prosecution,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  said  commissioners  to 
immediately  cause  suits  to  be  commenced  and  prosecuted  against  any 
railroad  corporations  which  may  violate  the  provisions  of  this  act. 
Such  suits  and  prosecutions  may  be  instituted  in  any  county  in  this 


308  THE   GROUNDS-WELL. 

State,  through  or  into  which  the  line  of  the  railroad  corporation  sued 
for  violating  this  act  may  extend.  And  such  railroad  and  warehouse 
commissioners  are  hereby  authorized,  when  the  facts  of  the  case  pre 
sented  to  them  shall,  in  their  judgment,  warrant  the  commencement  of 
such  action,  to  employ  counsel  to  assist  the  attorney-general  in  con 
ducting  such  suits  on  behalf  of  the  State.  No  suits  commenced  by 
said  commissioners  shall  be  dismissed,  except  said  railroad  and  ware 
house  commissioners  and  the  attorney-general  shall  consent  thereto. 

Sec.  8.  The  railroad  and  warehouse  commissioners  are  hereby  di 
rected  to  make,  for  each  of  the  railroad  corporations  doing  business 
in  this  State,  as  soon  as  practicable,  a  schedule  of  reasonable  maxi 
mum  rates  of  charges  for  the  transportation  of  passengers  and  freight 
and  cars  on  each  of  said  railroads ;  and  said  schedule  shall,  in  all  suits 
brought  against  any  such  railroad  corporations,  wherein  is  in  any  way 
involved  the  charges  of  any  such  railroad  corporation,  for  the  trans 
portation  of  any  passenger  or  freight  or  cars,  or  unjust  discrimination 
in  relation  thereto,  be  deemed  and  taken,  in  all  courts  of  this  State, 
as  prima  facie  evidence  that  the  rates  therein  fixed  are  reasonable 
maximum  rates  of  charges  for  the  transportation  of  passengers  and 
freight  and  cars  upon  the  railroads  for  which  said  schedules  may  have 
been  respectively  prepared.  Said  commissioners  shall,  from  time  to 
time,  and  so  often  as  circumstances  may  require,  change  and  revise 
said  schedules.  When  such  schedules  shall  have  been  made  or  re 
vised,  as  aforesaid,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  said  commissioners  to  cause 
publication  thereof  to  be  made  for  three  successive  weeks,  in  some 
public  newspaper  in  the  city  of  Springfield,  in  this  State ;  Provided, 
that  the  schedules  thus  prepared  shall  not  be  taken  as  prima  facie 
evidence,  as  herein  provided,  until  schedules  shall  have  been  prepared 
and  published  as  aforesaid,  for  all  the  railroad  companies  now  or 
ganized  under  the  laws  of  this  State,  and  until  the  15th  day  of  Jan 
uary,  A.  D.  1874,  or  until  ten  days  after  the  meeting  of  the  next  ses 
sion  of  the  general  assembly,  provided  a  session  of  the  general  assem 
bly  shall  be  held  previous  to  the  15th  of  day  of  January  aforesaid. 
All  such  schedules,  purporting  to  be  printed  and  established  as  afore 
said,  shall  be  received  and  held,  in  all  such  suits,  as  prima  facie  the 
schedules  of  said  commissioners,  without  further  proof  than  the  pro 
duction  of  the  paper  in  which  they  were  published,  together  with  the 
certificate  of  the  publisher  of  said  paper  that  the  schedule  therein 
contained,  is  a  true  copv  of  the  schedule  furnished  for  publication  by 


WORKING  OP  THE  tfEW  LAW.  309 

Said  commissioners,  and  that  it  has  been  published  the  above  speci 
fied  time ;  and  any  such  paper,  purporting  to  have  been  published  at 
said  city,  and  to  be  a  public  newspaper,  shall  be  presumed  to  have 
been  so  published  at  the  date  thereof,  and  to  be  a  public  newspaper. 

Sec.  9.  In  all  cases  under  the  provisions  of  this  act,  the  rules  of 
evidence  shall  be  the  same  as  in  other  civil  actions,  except  as  herein 
before  otherwise  provided.  All  fines  recovered  under  the  provisions 
of  this  act  shall  be  paid  into  the  county  treasurer  of  the  county  in 
which  the  suit  is  tried,  by  the  person  collecting  the  same,  in  the 
manner  now  provided  by  law,  to  be  used  for  county  purposes.  The 
remedies  hereby  given  shall  be  regarded  as  cumulative  to  the  reme 
dies  now  given  by  law  against  railroad  corporations ;  and  this  act  shall 
not  be  construed  as  repealing  any  statute  giving  such  remedies. 
Suits  commenced  under  the  provisions  of  this  act  shall  have  prece 
dence  over  all  other  business,  except  criminal  business. 

Sec.  10.  The  term  "  railroad  corporation,"  contained  in  this  act, 
shall  be  deemed  and  taken  to  mean  all  corporations,  companies,  or 
individuals  now  owning  or  operating,  or  which  may  hereafter  own  or 
operate,  any  railroad,  in  whole  or  in  part,  in  this  State ;  and  the  pro 
visions  of  this  act  shall  apply  to  all  persons,  firms,  and  companies, 
and  to  all  associations  of  persons,  whether  incorporated  or  otherwise, 
that  shall  do  business  as  common  carriers  upon  any  of  the  lines  of 
railways  in  this  State  (street  railways  excepted),  the  same  as  to  rail 
road  corporations  hereinbefore  mentioned. 

Sec.  11.  An  act  entitled  "An  act  to  prevent  unjust  discriminations 
and  extortions  in  the  rates  to  be  charged  by  the  different  railroads  in 
this  State  for  the  transportation  of  freight  on  said  roads,"  approved 
April  7,  A.  D.  1871,  is  hereby  repealed;  but  such  repeal  shall  not 
affect  nor  repeal  any  penalty  incurred,  or  right  accrued,  under  said 
act  prior  to  the  time  this  act  takes  effect,  nor  any  proceedings  07 
prosecutions  to  enforce  such  rights  or  penalties. 

WORKING  OF  THE  NEW  LA  W. 

The  new  Eailroad  Law  has  been  thoroughly  and  conscien 
tiously  carried  out  by  the  Commissioners,  as  far  as  settling 
schedules  of  freight  and  passenger  charges  is  concerned.  It 
soon  became  apparent,  however,  that  State  legislation  could 
not  give  other  than  very  partial  relief  to  the  producing  class ; 


310  THE 

the  through  lines  re-adjusted  their  rates,  so  as  to  oblige  other 
States  to  make  up  what  was  withheld  from  them  in  Illinois. 
The  44th  Congress  will  have  to  face  this  question,  beset  as 
it  is,  with  difficulties.  And  if  that  Congress  dare  to  trifle 
with  this  subject — to  truckle  to  the  monopolists — to  waste 
its  time  in  whitewashing  thieves  and  land-sharks,  instead 
of  looking  after  the  interests  of  the  people,  its  master,  a  ball 
will  be  set  in  motion  which  will  stop  —  where  ? 

The  Illinois  State  Fair  of  1873,  at  Peoria,  was  taken 
advantage  of,  to  hold  a  conference  between  the  Central  Com 
mittee  of  the  State  Farmer's  Association  and  the  Railroad 
Commissioners.  The  schedule  of  tariffs,  etc.,  was  explained 
by  the  Commissioners,  and  questions  propounded  by  the 
Committee,  to  whom  the  answers  given  were  satisfactory. 
The  Commissioners  had  every  confidence  in  the  law,  as  far 
as  it  went,  though  they  considered  it  susceptible  of  improve 
ment. 

In  the  course  of  their  investigations,  it  appeared  that  the 
Commissioners  had  carefully  examined  the  tariffs  for  the 
leading  roads  for  a  series  of  years.  Finding  that  as  business 
increased,  the  rates  of  transportation  had  steadily  advanced, 
they  had  fairly  and  candidly  considered  the  interests  of  the 
roads,  and  endeavored  to  establish  such  rates  as  would  do 
them  no  injustice,  and  which  would  stand.  Bail  way  officials 
had  been  courteously  treated,  though  they  had  generally 
ignored  the  Board,  frequently  submitting  intricate  questions 
through  inferior  officers  and  agents.  The  rates  adopted  were 
by  comparison  with  the  old  company  rates,  and  were  simply 
intended  as  a  maximum,  leaving  the  railway  companies  to 
fix  lower  rates  if  they  wished.  The  law  permitted  no  unjust 
discriminations,  either  of  special  lines  or  individuals.  It 
was  important  that  it  should  be  understood  that  the  Com 
missioners'  tariffs  were  in  force  now,  and  that  railway  com- 


WORKING  OF  THE  KEW  LAW.  311 

panics  Were  liable  to  fine  for  non-compliance.  In  every  case 
of  violation  of  the  act,  the  offending  company  would  be 
rigorously  prosecuted. 

The  Commissioners  had  a  fund  of  $35,000  for  paying 
expenses  of  test  cases.  They  and  their  counsel  expressed 
themselves  satisfied  with  the  law,  and  did  not  consider  that 
it  could  be  materially  improved  by  amendments,  and  thought 
the  enforcement  of  the  law  would  accomplish  the  ends  for 
which  it  was  devised.  They  believed  the  railway  companies 
throughout  the  country  were  combined  to  secure  the  repeal 
of  the  law,  and  that,  to  do  so,  they  would  use  every  agency 
at  their  command.  It  behooved  the  people  of  the  State, 
especially  clubs  and  societies,  to  act  promptly  and  deci 
sively,  instructing  their  representatives  to  sustain  the  law 
as  it  stands,  and  the  Commissioners  in  its  enforcement. 


CHAPTEK    XXVI. 


THE  ILLINOIS  JUDICIAL  ELECTIONS. 


THE  FIRST  CHARGE  ALONG  THE  LINE. 

The  judicial  elections  in  Illinois,  in  the  summer  of  1873, 
have  the  distinction  of  being  the  occasion  on  which  the 
Farmers'  Movement  first  showed  its  strength.  There  had 
been  plenty  of  speeches  made,  resolutions  passed,  and  me 
morials  drafted,  and  the  several  bodies  were  in  a  tolerably 
well  organized  shape.  Farmers  had  become  aware  that  the 
only  remedy  for  their  grievances  was  a  radical  one — the 
use  of  the  ballot-box.  The  first  opportunity  for  a  display 
of  their  power  came  in  June,  1873,  when  the  time  came 
around  for  the  election  of  Judges  for  the  local  courts,  and 
two  Justices  for  the  Supreme  Bench. 

One  of  the  retiring  Justices  was  Chief  Justice  Lawrence, 
a  gentleman  of  unblemished  name,  and  a  jurist  of  very  high 
attainments.  It  was  before  Judge  Lawrence  that  the  ap 
peal  from  the  ruling  of  Judge  Tipton,  in  the  McLean  County 
test  case,  was  heard,  and  it  was  by  him  that  the  decision 
that  the  Illinois  railroad  law  was  unconstitutional  was  ren 
dered.  The  attorneys  of  the  Fifth  Judicial  District,  where 
the  election  was  to  take  place,  memoralized  Judge  Lawrence 
to  allow  himself  to  be  put  in  nomination  for  re-election,  to 
which  he  consented.  The  farmers  felt  themselves  slighted 
(312) 


THE   PRINCETON   CONVENTION.  313 

in  not  being  consulted  in  the  matter,  and  resolved  to  hold 
a  meeting  on  the  subject,  not  with  any  intention  of  sup 
planting  Judge  Lawrence  (whom  the  originators  of  the  Con 
vention  intended  to  nominate),  but  with  the  object  of  show 
ing  that  the  people  were  determined  to  be  consulted  on 
questions  affecting  their  interests.  Unfortunately,  between 
the  calling  and  the  meeting  of  the  Convention,  Judge  Law 
rence,  in  accepting  the  nomination,  expressed  •  himself  in 
contemptuous  terms  about  the  power  of  the  people.  This 
put  the  farmers  on  their  mettle.  They  considered  them 
selves  as  much  entitled  to  be  represented  as  any  other  class, 
and  determined  to  run  a  candidate  of  their  own.  Such  was 
the  origin  of  the  Princeton  Convention. 

THE  PRINCETON  CONVENTION. 

This  meeting  ventilated  farmers'  grievances  fully,  and 
unanimously  passed  the  following  resolutions : 

Resolved,  That  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  1870,  of  the 
State  of  Illinois,  in  regard  to  railroads,  are,  equally  with  the  other 
provisions  of  the  Constitution,  the  supreme  law  of  the  State,  and  our 
Legislature  should  provide  the  necessary  legislation  to  execute  such 
provisions,  and  our  courts  should  sustain  and  adopt  the  same. 

Resolved,  That  the  charters  of  the  railroads  in  this  State  are  not 
contracts  in  the  sense  that  they  are  paramount  to  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  this  State,  and  that  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  State  in  regard  to  railroads,  and  necessary  legislation  to  enforce 
the  same,  are  not  repugnant  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  the  railroads  in  this  State  are  public  highways,  and 
their  operators  common  carriers,  and  the  General  Assembly,  as  re 
quired  by  the  Constitution  of  this  State,  should  pass  laws  establish 
ing  reasonable  maximum  rates  of  charge  for  the  transportation  of 
passengers  and  freight  on  the  different  railroads  in  this  State,  and 
should  also  pass  laws  to  correct  abuses  and  to  define  and  prevent 
extortion  in  the  rate  of  freight  and  passenger  tariffs  on  such  roads ; 

14 


§14 


THE  GROUNDSWELL, 


and  such  legislation  should  be  sustained  and  enforced  by  the  judic 
iary  of  the  State. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  support  no  man  for  office  who  is  not  in 
accordance  with  the  sentiments  of  these  resolutions;  and  that  we 
recommend  to  the  anti-monopolists  of  this  State  to  nominate  sucii 
candidates  for  Supreme  and  Circuit  Judges  as  are  pledged  to  sustain 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  this  State  in  accordance  therewith. 

The  Convention,  with  great  una 
nimity,  then  nominated  Hon.  Alfred 
M.  Craig,  of  Knox  County,  as  can 
didate  for  the  Supreme  Judgeship. 
No  pledge  was  required  from  Judge 
Craig,  and  no  questions  were  asked 
in  respect  to  his  opinions  on  any 
subject.  His  record  as  a  member 
of  the  Convention  which  framed  the 
present  Constitution  of  Illinois  was 
such  as  to  satisfy  his  supporters  that 
his  sentiments  were  in  harmony  with 
their  own.  He  was  known  to  be  an 
able  and  accomplished  lawyer,  though  not  possessing  the 
profound  legal  knowledge  of  his  opponent. 

In  nearly  all  the  judicial  districts,  farmers'  candidates 
were  put  in  nomination  for  the  vacant  offices,  and  in  those 
cases  in  which  there  was  any  opposition  there  was  a  degree 
of  bitterness  shown  which  would  have  been  better  in  place 
in  a  partisan  political  contest. 

THE  RESULT  AT  THE  POLLS. 

In  nearly  every  circuit,  where  the  farmers  nominated  a 
candidate,  they  were  successful,  and  the  exceptional  cases 
were  uniformly  in  sections  where  their  organization  had  not 
been  fully  perfected. 


Princeton    Conven 
tion  Man. 


RESULT  Af  THE  POLLS.  Sl5 

The  grand,  central  point,  attracting  universal  attention, 
was,  of  course,  the  Fifth  District,  where  the  Lawrence- 
Craig  contest  was  going  on.  There  the  opposition  to  the 
farmers'  candidate  was  powerful,  united,  and  determined. 
Judge  Lawrence  had  the  support  of  all  the  legal  talent  of 
the  State.  Some  of  the  leading  journals  espoused  his  cause, 
and  in  his  own  county  every  local  interest  that  could  possi 
bly  be  brought  to  bear  was  arrayed  against  his  opponent. 
On  the  other  hand,  however,  he  had  to  contend  with  the 
active,  relentless  animosity  of  the  Chicago  Journal,  the  ed 
itor  of  which,  a  short  time  previously,  he  had  fined  for  con 
tempt  of  court.  The  State  Farmers'  Association  did  not 
take  an  active  part  in  the  contest,  some  of  its  officers  not 
sympathizing  with  the  opposition  to  Judge  Lawrence.  Yet 
the  farmers  voted  together  manfully,  and  Craig  was  elected 
by  a  majority  of  about  3,000. 

THE  RESULT  OF  THE  ELECTION  MISCONSTRUED. 

This  judicial  contest  attracted  much  attention,  particu 
larly  in  the  East,  where,  up  to  this  time,  the  Farmers' 
Movement  had  been  reckoned  of  small  account.  The  East 
ern  journals,  misinformed  of  the  true  state  of  the  case,  stig 
matized  it  as  an  attempt  to  pack  the  judiciary  in  favor  of  a 
class;  declared  that  the  judges  were  pledged  beforehand  to 
decide  cases  regardless  of  the  law;  that  it  was  to  punish 
Judge  Lawrence  for  conscientiously  deciding  a  case  in  favor 
of  a  railroad  that  Judge  Craig  was  elected ;  that  it  was  an 
outrage  which  ought  to  be  denounced  every-where,  etc. 

The  utmost  that  can  be  alleged  against  Judge  Craig  is, 
that  he  accepted  a  nomination  from  a  convention  which  had 
made  a  certain  declaration  of  principles,  but  which  will  all 
bear  examination,  and  to  which  no  one  can  reasonably  ob- 


316 


THE   GBOUNDSWELL. 


ject.  Judge  Craig  gave  no  pledge  whatever,  and  the  word 
ing  of  the  resolutions  of  the  Princeton  Convention  merely 
expressed  the  resolution  of  the  farmers  to  support  only  can 
didates  who  would  decide  cases  in  strict  accordance  with  the 
law  and  the  Constitution  of  the  State. 

Still,  it  was  an   understood  thing  with  the  farmers  of 
Illinois  that,  in  the  judicial  contest,   the   battle   between 


3,OOO  Majority  for  Craig. 

monopolies  and  the  people  had  begun  in  earnest.  They 
were  anxious  to  know,  at  the  mouth  of  a  judiciary  unbiased 
and  above  suspicion,  whether  the  railway  acts  of  the  State 
were  unconstitutional  or  not.  If  there  were  barriers  by 
reason  of  which  an  honest  judge  could  not  confirm  existing 
laws,  they  wanted  to  know  it  in  order  that  the  State  Consti 
tution  might  be  amended.  If  necessary,  they  even  looked 
forward  to  initiating  a  movement  for  amending  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 


THE  AMERICAN  CHEAP  TRANSPORTATION  ASSO 
CIATION. 


THE  GRAIN  GROWERS'  TRANSPORTATION  AND  LOAN  ASSO 
CIATION. 

Subsequent  to  the  first  convention  at  Bloomington,  Illinois, 
there  was  a  meeting  held  in  New  York  City,  at  which  was 
formed  the  "  Grain  Growers'  Transportation  and  Loan  Asso 
ciation,"  a  grand  co-operative  scheme,  whose  capital  was 
placed  at  $10,000,000,  in  200,000  shares  of  $50  each.  It 
was  organized  under  the  laws  of  the  State  of  New  York,  with 
a  numerous  Board  of  Trustees,  as  follows :  E.  R.  Shankland, 
President  Iowa  Agricultural  Society ;  John  Scott,  Ex-Lieu- 
tenant-Governor,  S.  B.  Dumont,  and  John  Grinnell,  all  of 
Iowa;  0.  P.  Whitcomb,  Wm.  L.  Ames,  and  Charles  A. 
Wheaton,  respectively,  President,  member  of  Executive  Com 
mittee,  and  Treasurer  of  the  State  Agricultural  Society  of 
Minnesota;  B.  R.  Hinckley,  President,  and  Wm.  R.  Taylor, 
member  of  vthe  Executive  Committee,  Wisconsin  Agricul 
tural  Society;  Edward  Pier,  of  Wisconsin;  Henry  C. 
Wheeler,  Commissioner  of  Statistics  Illinois  Farmers'  Con 
vention  ;  Aaron  T.  Bates,  and  Carlos  Glazier,  of  Illinois ; 
Samuel  Edwards,  President  Illinois  Horticultural  Society, 
and  Samuel  P.  Adams,  Michigan. 

It  was  thought  that  farmers  would  subscribe  liberally, 

(317) 


318 


THE   GROUNDSWELL. 


from  the  fact  that  the  trustees  were,  principally,  well-known 
agriculturists,  and  all  of  them  business  men  of  high  stand 
ing.  The  scheme  looked  well  on  paper;  but  it  was  un 
wieldy,  and,  I  believe,  the  trustees  never  elected  their  officers. 
Certainly,  the  capital  stock  was  never  subscribed.  The  sub- 


Constituents   of  the    S.  P.  C.  A.,  for    whose   Transportation 
Congress    has    already    Legislated. 

ject  of  transportation,  however,  continued  to  interest  New 
York,  whose  merchants  began  to  foresee  that,  if  some  rem 
edy  were  not  instituted,  a  large  portion  of  the  grain  trade 
would  be  diverted  from  that  city. 


THE  FARMERS'  AND  PRODUCERS'  CONVENTION. 

Finally,  another  Convention  was  decided  on,  to  meet  on 
the  6th  of  May,  1873.  This  was  known  as  "  the  Farmers' 
and  Producers'  Convention."  Pursuant  to  call,  it  assembled 
at  the  Astor  House,  in  New  York  city,  and  organized  by  the 
election  of  the  venerable  Hon.  Josiah  Quincy,  of  Boston, 
Massachusetts,  as  President,  and  E.  H.  Ferguson,  of  Troy, 


THE  FARMERS'  AND  PRODUCERS'  CONVENTION.      319 

New  York,  Secretary,  with  Vice-Presidents  from  various 
States. 

President  Quincy,  in  his  address  to  the  Convention,  said 
that  he  had  spent  a  large  part  of  his  life  in  building  rail 
roads,  and  he  felt  very  keenly  the  danger  growing  out  of 
immense  railroad  monopolies.  He  appreciated  their  great 
benefits,  but  was  aware  of  their  danger  to  the  people.  The 
great  granaries  of  the  West  held  enough  to  supply  the  East 
with  food,  but  it  depends  on  one  or  two  men  to  say  what 
shall  be  paid  for  that  food  when  delivered  in  Eastern  cities. 
He  thought  something  must  be  done  to  take  this  matter  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  few  men.  It  was  a  matter  that  inter 
ested  deeply  the  whole  country,  and  should  not  be  controlled 
by  a  very  few.  The  object  of  this  Association  was  to  coun 
teract  the  great  evil.  Eailroads  have  power  to  bribe  Legis 
latures,  and  will  continue  to  dictate  laws  until  the  people 
shall  have  come  together  and  asserted  their  rights.  The 
rights  of  railroad  shareholders  are  not  to  be  infringed  upon, 
but  the  paramount  right  of  the  whole  people  to  cheap  trans 
portation  must  be  asserted  and  secured. 

The  Constitution  and  By-Laws  reported  provided  that  the 
organization  shall  be  known  as  "The  National  American 
Cheap  Transportation  Association,"  whose  object  shall  be  the 
cheapening  and  equalization  of  railroad  transportation  rates 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  to  make  provision  also 
for  a  subordinate  association  in  each  State,  and  regulate 
minor  matters  for  the  guidance  and  government  of  national 
and  State  associations. 

After  the  discussion  of  the  subject  that  had  brought  the 
gentlemen  together  from  the  various  States  of  the  Union,  a 
committee  was  appointed  which  drafted  resolutions  and  sub 
mitted  them  to  the  Convention. 


320  THE   GKOUNDSWELL. 


THE  RESOLUTIONS. 

WHEREAS,  The  productive  industries  of  the  United  States — planta 
tion  and  farm,  mine  and  factory,  commercial  and  mercantile — are 
not  only  the  sources  of  all  our  national  and  individual  wealth,  but 
also  elements  on  which  our  very  national  and  individual  existence 
depend ;  and, 

WHEREAS,  All  national  products  are  fruits  of  labor  and  capital,  and 
as  neither  labor  nor  capital  wrill  continue  actively  employed  without 
an  equivalent  measurably  just ;  and, 

WHEREAS,  The  great  national  industries  are  only  sustained  and 
prospered  by  the  interchange  of  products  of  one  section  of  the 
country  for  those  of  another ;  and, 

WHEREAS,  The  existing  rates  of  transportation  for  the  varied  prod 
ucts  of  the  Union  from  one  part  of  the  country  to  another,  and  to 
foreign  countries,  as  well  as  the  transit  cost  of  commodities  required 
in  exchange,  are  in  many  instances  injurious,  and  to  certain  interests 
absolutely  destructive,  arising  in  part  at  least  from  an  insufficiency 
of  avenues ;  and, 

WHEREAS,  The  great  national  want  of  the  nation  to-day  is  relief 
from  the  present  rates  of  transit  upon  American  products;  there 
fore,  be  it 

Resolved,  1.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  hour,  and  the  mission  of  this 
association,  to  obtain  from  Congress,  and  the  different  State  Legis 
latures  such  legislation  as  may  be  necessary  to  control  and  limit  by 
law,  within  proper  constitutional  and  legitimate  limits,  rates  and 
charges  of  existing  lines  of  transportation ;  to  increase,  where  prac 
ticable,  the  capacity  of  our  water-ways,  and  to  aid  such  new  avenues, 
both  water  and  rail,  as  our  immensely  increasing  internal  commerce 
demands,  so  that  the  producer  may  be  justly  rewarded  for  his  honest 
toil,  the  consumers  have  cheap  products,  and  our  almost  limitless  sur 
plus  find  foreign  markets  at  rates  to  compete  with  the  world. 

2.  That  cheap  transportation,  both  of  persons  and  property,  is  most 
conducive  to  free  movement  of  the  people ;  that  the  widest  inter 
change  and  consumption  of  the  produce  of  the  different  parts  of  the 
Union  is  essential  to  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  country. 

3.  That  constant  and  frequent  association  of  the  inhabitants  of  re 
mote  parts  of  the  United  States  is  not  only  desirable,  but  necessary, 
for  the  maintenance  of  a  homogeneous  and  harmonious  population 
within  the  vast  area  of  our  territory. 


THE  RESOLUTIONS.  321 

4.  That  the  different  parts  of  the  country  also  demand  the  freest 
possible  interchange  of  industrial  products  of  the  varied  climates  and 
industries  of  the  United  States,  so  that  breadstuffs,  textile  fabric.-, 
lumber,  iron,  sugar,  and  various  other  products,  local  in  their  produc 
tion  but  general  in  their  consumption,  may  all  reach  the  consumer  ut; 
the  least  practicable  cost  for  transportation ;  and  that  an  arbitrary  and 
unnecessary  tax  levied  by  the  transporter  over  and  above  a  fair  re 
muneration  for  his  investment  is  a  burden  upon  the  producer  and 
consumer  that  it  is  the  part  of  wise  statesmanship  to  remove. 

5.  That   certain    leading    railway   corporations   of   the    country, 
although  chartered  to  subserve  the  public  welfare,  and  endowed  with 
the  right  of  eminent  domain  solely  for  that  purpose,  have  proved 
themselves  practically  monopolists,  and  become  the  tools  of  avari- 
cious  and  unscrupulous  capitalists,  to  be  used  to  plunder  the  pul> 
lie,  enrich  themselves,  and  impoverish  the  country  through  which 
they  run. 

6.  That  many  of  the  railway  corporations  have  not  only  disregarded 
public  convenience  and  prosperity,  but  have  oppressed  citizens,  bribed 
our  Legislatures,  and  defied  our  executives  and  judges,  and  stand  to 
day  the  most  menacing  danger  to  American  liberty  and  to  repub 
lican  government. 

7.  That  the  present  system  of  railway  management  having  failed 
to  meet  the  just  expectations  and  demands  of  a  long-suffering  people, 
it  must  be  radically  reformed  and  controlled  by  the  strong  hand  of 
the  law,  both  State  and  national,  and  railway  corporations  compelled 
to  perform  their  proper  functions  as  servants  and  not  masters  of  the 
people. 

8.  That,  to  this  end,  we  invoke  the  aid  of  all  fair-minded  men  in 
all  the  States  of  the  Union  in  excluding  from  the  halls  of  legislation, 
from  our  executive  offices,  and  from  the  bench,  all  railway  officials, 
railway  attorneys,  or  other  hirelings  who  prostitute  public  office  to 
the  base  uses  of  private  gain. 

9.  That,  leaving  different  sections  and  interests  that  desire  cheap 
transportation  to  work  out  the  problem  in  such  manner  as  they  may 
deem  best,  we  earnestly  invoke  their  careful  consideration,  their  en 
ergetic  and  their  resolute  will  in  regulating  and  controlling  rates  of 
transportation,  and  in  giving  remunerative  wages  to  the  producer  and 
cheap  products  to  the  consumer,  untaxed  by  unearned  charges  for 
their  carriage. 

10.  That  we  invite  the  people  of  the  various  States  to  organize  sub- 


822  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

sidiary  associations,  State,  county,  and  town,  to  co-operate  with  the 
national  associations.  The  power  to  accomplish  the  purposes  desired 
rests  absolutely  with  the  suffering  millions;  and  relief  is  within  their 
reach  and  control.  United  action  and  the  near  future  will  give,  as 
certain  as  its  need  for  all  time  and  the  good  of  all,  the  true  solution 
of  the  problem  of  cheap  transportation. 

The  resolutions  were  taken  up  and  discussed  at  length,  and,  finally, 
were  adopted  unanimously. 

On  motion  the  following  committee  was  appointed  to  draft 
an  address  to  the  people  :  Hon.  Josiali  Quincy,  Boston,  Mass. ; 


Loading  a  Steamboat  on  the  Mississippi. 

M.  D.  Wilbur,  Michigan ;  Horace  H.  Day,  New  York  City ; 
E.  H.  Ferguson,  Troy,  New  York ;  Henry  Bronson,  Kansas ; 
J.  A.  Noonan,  Milwaukee ;  and  W.  H.  C.  Price,  New  York. 
The  Convention  then  adjourned  to  meet  in  Washington, 
January,  1874,  at  the  call  of  the  Executive  Committee. 

PRESIDENT  QUINCY'S  CALL  FOR  THE  WASHINGTON  CON 
VENTION. 

The  call  for  this  Convention,  to  be  held  in  Washington  in 
January,  1874,  was  looked  forward  to  with  the  greatest  in- 


PBES.  QUINCY'S  CALL  FOR  THE  WASHINGTON  CONVENTION.   323 

terest.     In  November,  1873,  it  was  promulgated,  and  was  as 
follows : 

In  the  month  of  May,  1873,  delegates  from  several  States  met  in 
New  York  for  the  purpose  of  forming  an  American  Cheap  Transpor 
tation  Association.  The  organization  was  effected  by  the  election  of 
a  president,  secretary,  and  treasurer,  together  with  vice-presidents 
from  the  several  States  represented.  It  was  voted  that  a  meeting  of 
the  officers  or  delegates  of  the  several  State  Associations  then  exist 
ing,  together  with  those  of  any  other  State  Association  that  might  be 
formed,  should  be  held  in  Washington  in  the  month  of  January,  1874. 
It  was  also  voted  that  an  address  should  be  prepared  and  published, 
setting  forth  the  complaints  against  the  management  of  some  of  the 
railroads,  together  with  suggestions  of  measures  that  might  tend  to 
relieve  the  people  from  undue  exactions,  and  facilitate  transportation 
between  the  different  Staies.  As  the  residences  of  the  gentlemen  ap 
pointed  to  prepare  the  address  were  too  distant  to  permit  their  per 
sonal  conference,  it  was  thought  best  that  they  should  submit  their 
views  to  the  President  of  the  Association,  who  was  authorized  to  pre 
sent  their  general  drift  to  the  people,  when  issuing  the  call  for  the 
January  meeting.  As  the  address  has  not  been  submitted  to  the 
other  members  of  the  committee,  the  chairman  is  alone  responsible 
for  the  form  it  has  taken. 

The  subject  should  not  be  approached  without  a  grateful  acknowl 
edgment  of  the  blessings  which  the  railroad  has  conferred  upon  our 
country.  Of  all  the  mighty  powers  that  are  so  rapidly  changing  the 
face  of  the  world  this  takes  precedence  as  an  educator  and  civilizer. 
This  mighty  interest  has  absorbed  the  largest  capitalists,  the  most 
active  minds,  and  the  most  gifted  projectors  of  our  time.  Much 
money  has  been  made  by  it,  and  a  great  part  of  that  money  has  been 
honestly  and  honorably  earned.  Enterprising  capitalists  who  took 
great  risks,  far-sighted  men  of  business  who  gave  vigorous  thought  to 
the  internal  development  of  their  country,  have  made  large  fortunes 
and  have  richly  deserved  them.  They  have  provided  the  people  with 
a  most  valuable  servant.  But  the  time  has  come  when  it  is  evident 
that  this  excellent  servant  is  capable  of  becoming  a  most  tyrannical 
master.  We  are  threatened  with  the  curse  of  special  rights,  special 
privileges,  special  favors,  special  powers,  and  the  monopolies  of  cliques 
and  rings.  An  imperium  in  imperio,  controlled  by  the  ablest  execu- 


324  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

lives  that  money  can  purchase,  acts  with  peculiar  advantages  under  a 
popular  government.  If  that  eternal  vigilance,  which  has  been  called 
the  price  of  liberty,  is  not  exercised ;  if  an  aggressive  power  is  not 
boldly  met  and  restrained  by  wise  and  reasonable  legislation, — we  are 
inviting  those  bad  and  lawless  remedies  which  are  too  often  worse 
than  the  injustice  they  assail. 

Among  the  many  charges  that  have  been  preferred  against  the 
managers  of  American  railroads  the  mention  of  a  few  will  be  suffi 
cient  for  the  purposes  of  this  address.  Mr.  Rufus  Hatch,  in  his  cir 
cular  upon  "  Frauds  in  Eailroad  Management,"  offers  statements  to 
show  that  at  the  time  of  his  publication  the  watering  of  the  stock 
of  the  Hudson  Eiver  and  the  New  York  Central  Railroads  amounted 
to  $57,576,700,  which  exceeded  the  capital  actually  paid  in  by  $7,- 
368,400.  He  likewise  asserts  that  the  watering  in  the  Cleveland, 
Painesville  and  Ashtabula,  the  Buffalo  and  Erie,  and  the  Cleveland 
and  Toledo,  together  with  the  excess  of  new  capital  over  old,  amounted 
to  $20,065,870 ;  and  this  watering  of  the  Lake  Shore,  added  to  that  of 
the  Hudson  Kiver  and  New  York  Central,  amounted  to  $77,644,770, 
equaling  $79,000  a  mile  for  the  whole  distance  from  Chicago  to  New 
York,  and  paying  on  every  mile  an  annual  dividend  of  $6,325. 

Mr.  Geo.  O.  Jones,  at  a  recent  hearing  before  the  Congressional 
Committee  on  Transportation,  corroborated  these  statements,  and 
estimates  that  New  York  pays  $10,000,000  a  year  on  watered  stock. 
It  is  also  charged  against  some  of  the  managers  of  the  great  line  of 
railroad  that,  while  Congress  has  granted  immense  tracts  of  land  in 
order  to  reduce  the  cost  of  roads  and  the  fares  for  transportation, 
means  have  been  employed  to  separate  the  railroads  from  these  grants 
for  the  purpose  of  dishonestly  appropriating  these  benefits.  Eailroads 
thus  favored  by  the  government  have  been  constructed  at  great  cost, 
through  the  issue  of  bonds,  and  then  leased  to  lines  of  which  their 
managers  had  the  control.  Rings  have  thus  obtained  possession  of 
land  and  shares  at  nominal  prices,  and  have  imposed  upon  the  people 
such  taxes  as  their  directors  might  choose  to  levy. 

It  is  charged  that  while  our  several  States  have  granted  charters 
authorizing  railroad  corporations  to  take  the  land  of  any  citizens,  and 
to  issue  shares  for  the  construction  of  their  roads,  and  permitting 
them  to  collect  a  liberal  interest  for  all  moneys  invested,  shares  have 
been  issued  gratuitously  to  stockholders,  with  the  view  of  exacting 
interest  upon  fictitious  values ;  and  also  that  officers  or  influential 
shareholders  who  have  been  interested  in  express  companies,  mineral 


PEES.  QXJINCY'S  CALL  FOR  THE  WASHINGTON  CONVENTION.   325 

land  companies,  and  other  associations,  have  caused  peculiar  privi 
leges  to  be  given  to  such  bodies,  enabling  them  to  gain  unjust  advan 
tages  over  all  others  who  depend  upon  railroad  transportation  for  the 
transaction  of  their  business.  It  is  also  asserted  that  accommodation 
has  been  refused  to  those  who  have  made  themselves  obnoxious  by 
exposing  the  unjust  proceedings  above  specified,  and  that  shippers  of 
merchandise  not  in  favor  with  inner  rings  have  been  denied  fair  op 
portunities  for  competition. 

Finally,  it  is  alleged  that  no  action  of  individuals  is  capable  of  re 
sisting  corporations  wielding  the  vast  power  and  backed  by  the  im 
mense  wealth  at  the  disposal  of  railroad  managers.  It  is  alleged  that 
some  of  these  members  have  already  packed  conventions,  bribed  leg 
islators,  and  subsidized  judges,  and  have  obtained,  through  corrupt 
means,  an  influence  subversive  of  the  rights  of  the  people  and  most 
perilous  to  republican  institutions. 

The  Cheap  Transportation  Association  asks  that  these  charges, 
brought  by  responsible  citizens  against  the  managers  of  railroads,  be 
thoroughly  investigated.  We  assert  that  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of 
Congress  to  inquire  how  its  liberal  grants  of  land  have  been  appro 
priated.  They  were  granted  to  give  temporary  credit  to  certain 
railroad  corporations,  and  to  constitute  a  sinking  fund  which  would 
ultimately  pay  off  debts  contracted  in  the  construction  of  roads. 
They  were  granted,  in  the  interest  of  the  country,  to  reduce  rates  of 
transportation  to  the  cost  of  maintaining  the  roads.  Should  it  be 
found  that  these  grants,  covering  an  area  greater  than  many  of  our 
States,  have  been  obtained  under  false  pretenses,  and  used  for  private 
aggrandizement,  we  ask  that  they  be  reclaimed  from  those  who  un 
justly  hold  them  in  possession. 

Our  several  States  have  surrendered  the  privilege  of  righting  their 
own  wrongs,  upon  the  understanding  that  Congress  will  do  it  for 
them.  The  railroad  power  of  the  State  of  New  York,  for  instance, 
may  levy  for  the  benefit  of  watered  stock  the  estimated  tax  of  ten 
cents  per  bushel  upon  corn  and  wheat,  and  the  farmers  of  the  West 
and  citizens  of  New  England  have  no  remedy  except  through  the 
action  of  the  General  Government.  For  this  reason  we  are  forced 
to  ask  Congress  for  a  thorough  investigation  of  the  measures  that 
have  been  adopted  to  eifect  the  interchange  of  products  among  our 
States — measures  that  are  alleged  to  have  destroyed  the  value  of  the 
productions  of  one  section,  and  to  have  increased  the  cost  of  the  nec 
essaries  of  life  in  another.  We  ask  for  a  thorough  investigation  into 


326  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

special  contracts  made  for  the  transportation  of  freight  and  passen 
gers  that  have  given  the  contractors  advantages  over  their  fellow- 
citizens. 

We  ask  Congress  to  consider  whether  it  be  not  expedient  to  make 
certain  laws  for  the  regulation  of  railroads,  in  order  to  meet  such 
wrongs  and  avert  such  dangers  as  an  investigation  may  bring  to  light; 
and  whether  it  be  not  expedient  to  create  a  permanent  Kailroad  Com 
mission,  with  power,  upon  substantial  complaints,  to  send  for  persons 
and  papers,  to  lay  injunctions,  and  to  abate  violations  of  the  laws. 
Eailroad  managers,  as  common  carriers,  should  be  required  by  law  to 
give  no  privileges  to  one  customer  above  another  under  similar  cir 
cumstances.  All  deviations  in  price  from  the  published  schedule 
made  to  companies  or  to  individuals  should  be  duly  recorded  in 
books,  at  all  times  open  to  the  inspection  of  the  Railroad  Commis 
sion,  as  well  as  to  citizens  who  make  proper  application  to  examine 
them. 

It  is  proposed  to  ask  Congress  to  consider  the  expediency  of  estab 
lishing  national  railroads  or  canals  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  freight 
between  distant  States  and  the  seaboard,  or  to  require  existing  roads 
to  draw  cars  for  individuals  or  companies  at  fixed  rates. 

But  it  is  unnecessary  further  to  anticipate  the  action  of  the  meet 
ing  of  the  Association,  which  is  hereby  called  to  meet  at  Washington 
on  Wednesday,  the  14th  day  of  January,  1874.  At  this  meeting  del 
egates  from  all  kindred  State  organizations  are  invited  to  appear. 

JOSIAH  QUINCY, 
President  of  the  American  Cheap  Transportation  Association. 


CHAPTEE   XXVIII 


THE  NATIONAL  AGRICULTURAL  CONGRESS  OF 

1873. 


OPENING  FORMALITIES,  ETC. 

Pursuant  to  adjournment,  as  mentioned  in  Chapter  XVII, 
the  National  Agricultural  Congress  held  its  second  session 
at  Indianapolis,  May  28,  1873,  with  a  large  attendance  of 
highly  intelligent  delegates  from  twenty-five  States.  In  the 
absence  of  the  President,  Hon.  John  P.  Reynolds,  A.  M. 
Garland,  Esq.,  of  Illinois,  was  called  to  the  chair. 

Governor  Hendricks,  of  Indiana,  delivered  an  address  of 
welcome,  and  was  followed  by  Mayor  Mitchell,  of  Indiana 
polis,  and  Hon.  John  Sutherland,  of  the  Indiana  State  Board 
of  Agriculture,  in  some  pleasant  remarks  of  similar  tenor. 
General  W.  H.  Jackson,  of  Tennessee,  in  responding,  on  be*< 
half  of  the  Congress,  gave  a  short  history  of  the  gatheriitc* 
and  its  objects,  concluding  his  remarks  as  follows : 

"  I  regard  it  as  a  matter  of  great  importance  to  all  the  interests  of 
the  country.  The  reason  that  actuated  us  in  the  formation  of  this 
organization  was  to  have  greater  unity  and  concert  of  action  among 
the  agricultural  classes,  whom,  we  thought,  ought  to  have  a  voice  in 
the  affairs  of  the  State  and  nation.  There  was  lack  of  concert  of 
action,  and  of  that  cohesiveness  which  exists  in  all  other  classes.  We 
have  combinations  of  capitalists  in  mining  and  in  manufacturing,  in 
seafaring,  in  commerce,  and  the  thousand  channels  through  which 

(327) 


328  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

capital  seeks  accumulation.  We  desire  that  this  association  may 
dignify  and  ennoble  this  most  ancient  and  venerable  calling,  so  that 
it  will  have  the  effect  of  bringing  about  a  wide  diffusion  of  knowl 
edge,  and  increase  the  general  and  individual  prosperity  of  our  citi 
zens  ;  and  in  proportion  as  we  can  have  a  wider  diffusion  of  knowl' 
edge  and  elevate  that  class  to  which  they  belong,  we  believe  that  it 
will  increase  the  general  prosperity  of  the  whole  country.  These 
associations  will  have  the  effect,  if  there  be  lingering  prejudices  and 
asperities  engendered  in  the  times  past,  to  smooth  them  over  and 
cause  them  to  be  forgotten. 

"This  is  one  of  the  grand  ideas  in  my  mind — it  is  one  of  the  most 
pleasant  ideas  to  my  mind— that  it  will  unite  the  people  of  all  the 
sections  of  this  broad  land,  to  consult  together  as  to  the  material 
interests  of  the  whole  country. 

u  And  here  let  me  disclaim,  as  I  am  familiar  with  the  origin  and 
inception  of  this  movement,  that  by  our  unity  and  concert  of  action 
we  desire  to  crush  and  oppress  any  interests  in  this  broad  land.  I 
recognize  them  as  all  important  in  their  places,  but  we  simply  wish 
by  unity  of  action,  to  promote  the  paramount  interests  of  this  great 
class  which  we  are  here  representing.  That  is  the  idea  that  is  in 
tended,  as  I  say,  by  the  wide  diffusion  of  knowledge  growing  out  of 
the  reported  practical  experiments.  All  these  minor  societies,  all 
State  societies,  will  be  tributary  to  this  grand  National  Agricultural 
Congress,  and  it  will  have  the  effect  of  spreading  through  the  coun 
try,  more  readily,  improved  implements  and  methods  of  recuperation, 
fertilization  and  culture. 

"  These  are  some  of  the  ideas  we  have  in  coming  together. 

"Members  of  this  body,  let  prudence  and  caution  and  wisdom 
guard  all  your  deliberations.  We  are  not  here,  as  some  suppose,  to 
fight  railroads.  We  regard  the  railroad  interests  of  the  country  as 
one  of  the  grand  interests  of  the  country.  We  regard  the  railroad 
interests  and  agricultural,  as  hinging  on  each  other,  and  so  inti 
mately  connected  that  one  can  not  be  withdrawn  without  great  det 
riment  to  the  other.  Therefore,  we  want  to  see  the  railroad  interest 
cherished  in  every  way ;  but  we  feel  that  they,  as  well  as  middle 
men  who  handle  our  produce,  are  getting  a  greater  share  of  the 
profits  than  by  right  they  are  entitled  to.  We  simply  ask  and  shall 
endeavor  to  seek  the  line  of  equity  as  between  the  true  producer  and 
the  carrier,  and  having  found  that  line,  we  dare  maintain  our  rights. 


OPENING   FORMALITIES,    ETC. 


329 


330  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

That  is  the  idea.  We  want  nothing  but  a  fair  line,  and  we  should 
proceed  in  such  a  cautious  way  as  not  to  do  any  thing  imprudent. 
I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  the  call  that  has  been  made  upon  me 
of  responding ;  and  I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  this  Convention,  for 
the  very  kind  welcome  extended." 


FINANCIAL,  HORTICULTURAL,  AND  ENTOMOLOGICAL. 

Secretary  Greene,  in  his  annual  report,  alluded  to  the  dif 
ficulty  under  which  he  labored  in  consequence  of  the  neglect 
of  the  societies  whom  the  Congress  represented,  (three  thou 
sand  in  number,)  to  send  their  quota  of  the  expenses,  and 
spoke  highly  of  the  manner  in  which  the  agricultural  press 
had  seconded  his  exertions.  He  estimated  that  there  were 
then  in  existence  at  least  ten  thousand  societies  under  differ 
ent  names.  Of  these,  two-thirds  had  been  organized  during 
the  six  months  last  preceding.  Commodore  Maury's  system 
of  weather  signals,  as  explained  to  the  last  Congress,  had 
been  established,  and  it  was  important  that  it  should  be 
extended,  but  the  appropriations  from  Congress  were  small 
compared  with  the  value  of  the  undertaking.  The  financial 
report  showed  an  excess  of  expenditures  over  income  of 
$350. 

Professor  Riley,  of  Missouri,  read  a  paper  on  the  "  cotton 
worm  and  its  destruction,"  which  he  appropriately  prefaced 
with  the  remark  that  he  offered  it  as  "  a  proposition  whereby 
millions  of  dollars  may  be  saved  to  the  people  of  the  South." 
He  proposed  an  inexpensive  remedy  for  the  destruction  of 
this  pestiferous  insect,  whose  appearance  in  the  cotton-field 
strikes  dismay  to  the  heart  of  the  planter. 

The  Committee  on  Horticulture  and  Entomology  made  a 
report  wherein  they  recommended  that  Congress  be  asked 
to  provide  that  railroad  companies  and  homesteaders,  re- 


REPORT   ON   THE   TRANSPORTATION    QUESTION.  331 

ceiving  the  benefit  of  acts  donating  land,  shall  plant  with 
timber  trees  one- half  of  the  land  so  donated ;  that  our  Ag 
ricultural  Colleges  should  give  more  attention  to  forestry, 
as  in  similar  institutions  in  Europe;  asking  railroad  com 
panies  to  co-operate  in  restoring  the  timber  growth  ;  and 
directing  attention  to  the  practical  importance  of  the  science 
of  entomology,  and  declaring  that  each  State  should  appoint 
an  entomologist. 

The  "  eight-hour  law  "  was  discussed  at  length,  but  no 
decision  was  arrived  at  thereon. 


EXHAUSTIVE  REPORT  ON  THE  TRANSPORTATION  QUES 
TION. 

A  committee  appointed  on  the  transportation  question  de 
livered  the  following  exhaustive  report : 

1.  The  cheap  transportation  of  persons  and  property  is  a  national 
necessity.  Our  country  is  immense,  and  its  climate,  productions, 
and  wants  very  varied  and  diverse  in  its  different  parts.  The  emi 
nent  thinker,  Dr.  Draper,  in  his  "  Civil  Policy  of  America,"  has 
stated  that  he  regards  cheap  transportation,  even  looking  at  it  simply 
as  a  means  of  commingling,  fraternizing,  and  unifying  our  popula 
tion,  as  a  natural  necessity.  Even  more  true,  if  possible,  is  the  state 
ment  that  the  greatest  good  of  the  masses  of  the  people  is  to  be 
observed  by  furnishing  all  articles,  whose  production  is  local,  but 
whose  consumption  is  general  and  necessary,  at  the  lowest  possible 
cost  of  transportation.  Eight  States  in  the  Northwest  produced  800,- 
000,000  of  cereals  in  1862 — eighty  bushels  for  every  man,  woman,  or 
child  of  its  population,  and  enough,  properly  distributed,  to  feed  the 
whole  forty  millions  of  the  nation,  whilst  the  East  had  not  grain 
enough  to  last  her  more  than  three  months  of  the  year,  and  the 
four  Southeastern  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  and 
Florida,  required  fifty  millions  of  bushels  more  gram  than  they 
grew.  Pennsylvania  has  exhaustless  mines  of  coal.  Massachusetts, 
with  her  immense  factories,  has  none.  The  Southern  States  have  a 
soil  eminently  adapted  to  the  production  of  cotton  and  sugar— arti- 


332  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

cles  sought  and  needed  by  all  portions  of  the  more  Northern  States. 
Missouri  has  her  immense  mines  of  iron,  whose  manufacture  and  use 
goes  every-where.  The  Pacific  coast  has  her  wines,  her  wheat,  and 
her  minerals,  valuable  to  all.  To  fetch  and  carry  these  raw  products 
and  the  secondary  products  of  their  manufacture  from  producer  to 
consumer,  at  the  lowest  possible  cost,  is  the  worthy  and  most  desira 
ble  object  of  the  day.  It  will  remove  an  oppressive  burden  that  now 
rests  like  an  incubus  upon  the  producing  interests  of  the  country, 
and  give  cheap  food,  cheap  clothing,  and  cheap  fuel  to  the  people 
every-where. 

2.  In  examining  into  this  subject,  we  find  that,  in  the  first  place, 
the  present  avenues  for  freight  transportation  are  insufficient,  or,  at 
least,  as  now  organized  and  operated,  do  not  do  their  proper  work. 
Our  water  routes  are  obstructed  by  falls  and  rapids  that  are  not  over 
come  ;  by  shoals  and  sand  bars  that  are  not  removed ;  and  for  months 
of  the  year  are  blockaded  by  ice  or  by  low  water.  The  railways, 
being  used  both  for  passenger  and  freight  transportation,  can  carry 
only  relatively  small  amounts  of  freight,  and  both  water  and  rail 
way  routes  are  blockaded  by  an  insufficiency  of  warehouses,  eleva 
tors,  and  other  means  of  transferring  freight  at  our  principal  inland 
and  seaboard  cities. 

3.  We  find,  moreover,  that  rates  charged  by  these  transportation 
companies  are  exorbitant,  as  compared  with  the  necessary  cost,  and 
are  really  prohibitory  in  their  character  at  points  remote  from  the 
great  markets.     The  rates  by  water,  while   considerably  lower,  are 
still  much  above  the  necessary  cost,  and   in  the  northern  part  of 
the  country  are  inoperative  during  the  winter  season.     The  charges 
of  elevators  and  other  warehouses  have,  at  many  points,  been  also 
exorbitant  and  oppressive.     Thus,  in  seasons  of  plenty,  the  producer 
finds  the  price  of  his  products  reduced  below  the  cost  of  production, 
and  in  seasons  of  scarcity  the  consumer  must  pay  unwarrantable 
and  unbearable  prices  for  the  necessaries  of  life.     Not  only  this,  but 
inasmuch  as  the  seaboard  prices,  except  in  cases  of  local  scarcity,  fix 
the  producers'  prices  at  his  own  locality,  the  result  is  that  the  high 
prices  of  freight  are  a  cause  of  loss  to  the  producer  even  upon  what 
he  sells  at  home.      With  an  immense  region  of  wheat  and  other 
grain-growing  country  opening  up  in  the  north-west,  these  evils  to 
our  special  farming  interests  threaten  to  be  greatly  aggravated  and 
increased  in  the  future. 


REPORT  ON   THE   TRANSPORTATION   QUESTION.          333 

4.  We  may  add  that  the  unjust  discriminations  of  railway  corpor 
ations  have  greatly  aggravated  and  intensified  this  evil.     Discrimi 
nations  are  unduly  exciting  and  building  up  the  prosperity  of  com 
peting  points,  and  depressing  and  destroying  that  of  other  points ; 
real  estate  is  depreciated,  manufactures  and  agriculture  languish, 
and  the  country  even  becomes  depopulated  by  reason  of  unjust  dis 
criminations. 

5.  In  view  of  these  facts,  your  Committee  believe  that  due  en 
couragement  should  be  given  to  the  opening  of  new  routes,  and  the 
improvement  of  the  old  ones,  so  as  to  furnish  transportation  at  cheap 
rates  between  all  parts  of  the  Republic.     Among  these  we  would 
call  attention  to  the  following,  which,  from  a  cursory  examination, 
seem   to  have  more  or  less  merit:    The  Niagara  Ship   Canal,  the 
Caughnawaga  and  Champlain  Canal  route,  from  the  St.  Lawrence  to 
New  York ;  the  Fox  River  Canal,  of  Wisconsin ;  the  James  River 
and   Kanawha  Through  Water   Line;    the   Illinois   and    Michigan 
Canal   and    Illinois   River  Improvement;   the  Atlantic  and  Great 
Western  Canal ;  and  the  Mississippi  and  Appalachicola  Canal  along 
the  Gulf  Coast, 

6.  The  Southern  Pacific  and  Northern  Pacific  Railroads  are  aided 
by  grants  of  land,  and  their  construction,  it  is  believed,  secured,  and 
we  believe  will  be  an  important  means  of  relieving  the  pressure  of 
trans-continental  transportation.     The  scheme  of  the  Eastern  and 
Western  Transportation   Company  also   promises    a  valuable   new 
through  route  from  the  Northwest  to  the  Atlantic. 

7.  We  call  attention  to,  and  ask  an  investigation  of,  the  merits  of 
the  narrow  gauge  railways,  as  much  cheaper  in  their  construction 
and  operation  than  the  existing  railways ;  of  freight  tracks  or  rail 
ways  adapted  especially  to  cheap  transportation;  and  of  tram-rail 
ways  laid  upon  the  common  highways  of  the  country,  which  we 
believe  can  be  done  at  a  cost  not  exceeding  that  of  Macadamized 
roads. 

8.  We  recommend  that  efforts  be  made  and  persevered  in,  until 
all  railway  corporations  shall  be  subject  to  legislative  regulation,  so 
as  to  insure  the  absolute  and  perpetual  prohibition  and  prevention 
of  extortionate  charges  and  unjust  discriminations. 

9.  We  recommend  that  all  men  who  believe  that  the  rights  of  the 
people  should  be  protected  from  the  extortions  and  discriminations 
of  transportation  monopolies,  should  unite  in  reforming  the  execu- 


334  THE  GttOUNDSWELL, 

live,  judicial,  and  legislative  departments  of  our  National  and  State 
governments  by  excluding  therefrom  the  proprietors  and  servants  of 
such  monopolies. 

10.  We  deprecate,  finally,  the  practice  of  executive,  judicial,  and 
legislative  officers  in  accepting  favors  from  transportation  corpora-- 
tions,  whose  interests  are  more  or  less  in  conflict  with  those  of  the 
people,  whom  such  officers  are  elected  to  serve. 

We  further  recommend  the  adoption  of  the  following  supple-' 
mental  report : 

We,  the  farmers  of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  re^ 
spectfully  represent  to  the  Senate  and  House  of  Eepresentatives  of 
the  43d  Congress,  that  the  great  want  of  the  whole  country,  and 
especially  the  West  and  North-west,  is  increased  facilities  for  trans 
portation  between  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  and  the 
Atlantic  seaboard ;  that,  in  consequence  of  the  rapidly  increasing 
products  of  the  West,  and  the  corresponding  increase  of  its  demand 
for  the  manufacturing,  mechanical  and  other  products  of  the  East, 
the  necessity  to  meet  this  want  is  daily  becoming  more  imperative. 

That  to  respond  to  this  want  the  best  interests  of  the  country  de 
mand  continuous  water  line  communication  between  the  East  and 
West  as  public  highways,  made  for  the  use  of  all  on  equal  terms,  and 
subject  to  such  tolls  only  as  may  be  necessary  to  keep  the  same  in 
repair. 

That  the  central  water  line  through  Virginia,  by  way  of  the  James 
River  and  Kanawha  Canal,  in  connection  with  the  proper  improve 
ments  of  the  Ohio  and  Kanawha  Rivers,  is  eminently  of  that  char 
acter,  from  its  directness  across  the  very  center  of  our  country  from 
north  to  south,  with  easy  connections  with  the  entire  system  of  nav 
igation  of  the  great  center  basin,  free  from  the  climatic  objections  of 
frost  in  winter  and  heat  in  summer,  and  from  interruption  in  time 
of  war,  with  great  capacity  for  freight;  and  it  will  furnish  the  cheap 
est,  shortest,  and  most  direct  outlet  from  the  Mississippi  to  the 
Atlantic. 

That  the  character  and  feasibility  of  this  improvement  has  been 
thoroughly  investigated  and  indorsed  by  eminent  engineers  in  the 
service  of  the  State  of  Virginia  through  a  long  series  of  years;  that 
the  survey  more  recently  made  by  the  General  Government  entirely 
confirms  the  feasibility  and  eminent  value  of  this  work  to  the  whole 
country;  and  a  bid  is  now  pending  before  Congress,  by  which  it  is 


REPORT  ON   THE   RAILWAY   SYSTEM.  335 

asked  that  this  work  may  be  completed  by  the  General  Government, 
the  States  of  Virginia  and  West  Virginia  surrendering  all  owner 
ship,  jurisdiction,  and  control  over  the  same. 

That  in  the  completion  of  this  work,  by  cheapening  the  cost  of 
transportation  of  heavy  products  between  East  and  West,  and  by  in 
vesting  with  value  the  products  of  the  region  through  which  it  passes, 
there  will  be  a  saving  and  profit  annually  to  be  shared  in  by  the 
whole  country,  greater  than  the  entire  cost  of  the  work. 

This  National  Congress  of  Farmers  of  the  entire  country  respect 
fully  request  that  the  next  Congress  of  the  United  States  take  into 
favorable  consideration  the  bill  now  pending  for  the  completion  of 
this  great  central  water  line. 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  furnished  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  President  of  the  Senate,  and 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  be  laid  before  their 
respective  bodies  at  the  next  session  of  Congress. 


REPORT  ON  THE  RAILWAY  SYSTEM. 

The  Committee  on  the  Railway  System  submitted  the  following 
report : 

WHEREAS,  We  recognize  the  railways  of  the  country  as  an  ef 
fectual  means  of  developing  its  agricultural  resources,  and  as  having 
an  interest,  common  and  inseparable,  with  the  country  through 
which  they  pass ;  and, 

WHEREAS,  We  have  in  times  past  fostered  and  aided  them  by 
liberal  charters  and  concessions,  made  by  public  and  private  parties, 
and  still  desire  to  encourage  further  development  of  the  railway 
system;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  a  fair  degree  of  reciprocity  would  suggest  that  cor 
porations  having  a  common  interest  and  bublic  aid,  should,  in  their 
turn,  endeavor  to  subserve  the  interest  of  the  country  through  which 
they  pass,  by  charging  fair  rates  of  freights,  and  by  the  equitable 
and  just  treatment  of  all  localities  along  their  lines. 

Resolved,  That,  on  the  contrary,  railroad  corporations  in  many 
instances  have  been  exorbitant  in  their  charges,  have  discriminated 
unjustly  between  localities,  and  have  failed  to  respond  to  the  gener 
ous  grants  of  powers  and  moneys  that  have  been  given  them  by 
our  National  and  State  Governments. 


336  THE   G&QUNDSWELL. 

Resolved,  That  the  system  adopted  and  now  practiced  in  the  build^. 
ing  of  railroads,  viz :  The  soliciting  of  stock  subscriptions  from  indb 
viduals,  corporations,  and  counties,  and  after  receiving  these  subi 
sidies  to  depress  the  value  of  said  stock  by  forcing  it  upon,  the  market 
and  depreciating  its  value  to  such  an  extent  as  to  enable  a  few 
speculators  to  secure  control  of  the  road,  thereby  depriving  those 
who  aid  in  its  construction  of  all  voice  in  its  management ;  increas 
ing  the  cost  four  or  five  times  above  the  amount  it  would  have  cost 
if  °those  managing  it  in  the  outset  had  had  the  foresight  to  have  the 
funds  on  hand  at  the  start  to  build  and  equip  said  road ;  then  re 
quiring  the  producer  and  shipper  to  pay  dividends  upon  the  ficti 
tious  cost  by  charging  excessive  freight  and  passenger  tariffs— ope 
rates  most  injuriously  to  the  best  interests  of  the  farming  class,  and 
calls  loudly  for  reform  and  restraint  by  adequate  legislation. 

Resolved]  That  we  recommend  all  farmers  to  withhold  their  voices 
and  their  aid  from  railway  corporations,  unless  it  be  fully  conceded 
and  agreed  that  corporations  so  aided  are  subject  to  regulation  by 
the  power  incorporating  them,  and  will  not,  after  receiving  the  ad 
vantages  conferred  by  the  public  authority,  claim  the  immunities  of 
a  private  corporation. 

Resolved,  That  we  indorse  and  will  support  the  doctrine  promulga 
ted  by  some  of  our  courts,  that  a  railway  corporation  in  receiving 
and  exercising  the  State's  right  of  eminent  domain,  and  receiving 
aid  raised  by  taxation  from  public  authorities  has  thereby  accepted 
and  admitted  itself  to  be  a  corporation  with  a  public  function,  and 
subject  to  the  power  from  which  it  has  received  its  charter,  in  the 
limitation  of  its  rates. 

Resolved,  That  a  railway  being  practically  a  monopoly,  controlling 
the  transportation  of  nearly  all  the  country  through  which  it  passes; 
and  that  as  competition,  except  at  a  few  points,  can  not  be  relied 
upon  to  fix  rates,  therefore  it  becomes  the  duty  of  the  State  to  fix 
reasonable  maximum  rates,  affording  a  fair  remuneration  to  the 
transporter,  and  without  being  an  onerous  charge  to  the  producer 
and  consumer. 

Resolved,  That,  inasmuch  as  Belgium  has  succeeded  in  regulating 
the  rates  upon  railways  by  Government  lines,  we  ask  an  investigation 
of  the  proposition  to  control  the  rates  upon  existing  railways  by 
trunk  lines  built  and  controlled  by  the  States  authorities,  and  run 
at  fixed  uniform  and  cheap  rates. 


THE   AGRICtTLTtJKAL   COLLEGE   LAND   GKANT   BILL.     337 

Resolved,  That  the  consolidation  of  parallel  lines  of  railway  is 
contrary  to  public  policy,  and  should  be  prohibited  by  law. 

Resolved,  That  wherever  a  railway  corporation  ov-ns  or  controls  a 
line  or  lines  in  two  or  more  States,  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the 
General  Government  to  regulate  the  rates  of  freight  and  fare  upon 
such  lines,  under  the  constitutional  power  to  regulate  commerce  be 
tween  the  States. 

Resolved,  That  we  commend  the  thorough  organization  of  the 
farmers  of  the  country  in  local,  county,  and  State  organizations,  for 
the  purpose  of  reforming  the  great  abuses  and  dealing  out  equal 
and  exact  justice  to  all  men. 

The  foregoing  report  and  resolutions  were  discussed  to 
gether.  Professor  Brown,  of  Indiana;  Dr.  A.  C.  Steven 
son,  of  Indiana;  Mr.  Flagg,  of  Illinois;  Major  Milliken,  of 
Ohio;  Mr.  Papin,  of  South  Carolina;  Mr.  Marlin,  of  Indi 
ana;  General  Duke,  of  Virginia;  Mr.  Dalton,  of  Illinois; 
Colonel  Anthony,  of  Kansas;  Colonel  Younger,  of  Califor 
nia  ;  General  Jackson,  of  Tennessee ;  Mr.  Williams,  of  In 
diana  ;  Mr.  Taylor,  of  Indiana ;  and  Colonel  Langdon.  of 
Alabama  participated  in  the  debate,  which  was  character 
ized  by  great  clearness  and  temperance  of  statement. 


THE  AGRICULTURAL  COLLEGE  LAND  GRANT  BILL. 

A  committee  previously  appointed  to  discuss  the  subject 
of  the  Agricultural  Colleges,  and  the  manner  in  which  they 
have  been  conducted,  submitted  a  majority  report,  embody 
ing  the  following  resolutions : 

Resolved,  That  the  body  here  assembled  for  the  promotion  of  agri 
culture  approve  and  indorse  the  efforts  now  being  made  to  secure 
additional  aid  from  Congress  in  behalf  of  the  colleges  established,  in 
consequence  of  the  land  grant  of  1862,  in  order  to  promote  the  lib 
eral  and  practical  education  of  the  industrial  classes  in  the  several 
pursuits  and  professions  of  life. 

15 


338  (THE  GfeOtTNbSWELL. 

Resolved,  That  the  bill  known  as  the  Morrill  Bill,  which  passed  the 
Senate  by  a  large  majority,  with  the  amendment  thereto  which 
passed  the  House  of  Representatives  by  a  large  majority,  shows  the 
liberal  spirit  of  Congress  in  behalf  of  scientific,  practical  education, 
and  an  increasing  interest  in  that  kind  of  education  which  pertains 
to  the  application  of  science  to  the  practical  arts  of  life. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  from  this  body  be  appointed  to  memor 
ialize  Congress  on  this  subject,  and  otherwise  promote  it  in  any  man 
ner  as  they  may  think  best. 

Mr.  Marlin,  of  Indiana,  opposed  the  adoption  of  the  re 
port,  because  he  did  not  want  the  public  lands  squandered 
in  that  direction.  He  thought  the  Congress  would  probably 
adopt  the  recommendation  of  the  report,  but  he  did  not 
think  the  people  would  approve  their  action.  It  is  just  as 
much  of  a  steal  to  give  the  lands  to  the  agricultural  col 
leges  as  it  is  to  give  them  to  railroad  monopolies  or  rings. 
These  agricultural  colleges  were  raising  up  a  class  of  kid- 
gloved  farmers,  who  looked  with  scorn  upon  the  hardy  til 
lers  of  the  soil,  and  refused  to  acknowledge  them  on  the 
street  wherever  they  met. 

Dr.  Daniel  Reid,  of  Missouri,  one  of  the  committee,  ably 
defended  the  resolutions  and  the  report,  giving  the  history 
of  legislation  in  connection  with  the  subject  under  consider 
ation.  He  further  gave  the  opinions  of  eminent  scholars 
and  scientific  men  upon  the  importance  of  action  in  the  di 
rection  indicated  by  the  resolutions.  We  must  have  the 
application  of  science  to  the  industrial  arts  to  fully  arrive 
at  the  extent  of  our  capabilities. 

PRO  AND  CON. 

At  this  point  a  minority  of  the  Committee  delivered  a 
report  adverse  to  the  adoption  of  the  resolution. 

Colonel  Anthony,  of  Kansas,  said  the  action  of  Congress 


PRO  AND  CON.  339 

upon  this  matter  was  not  in  answer  to  any  demand  from 
the  people.  The  men  who  represented  the  colleges  at 
Washington  last  winter  were  not  farmers,  and  were  never 
connected  with  or  interested  in  their  caucuses.  At  the  last 
meeting  of  the  Congress  an  attempt  had  been  made  to 
commit  the  meeting  to  the  same  resolutions  at  the  last  hour 
of  the  session.  Discussion  was  staved  off  on  this  report  last 
year,  and  the  Congress  refused  to  pass  the  resolutions, 
thanks  to  the  noble  efforts  of  Dr.  J.  A.  Warder,  of  Ohio. 
Will  the  gentlemen  who  preceded  me  tell  me  where  are  the 
fruits  of  this  tree,  which  has  cost  the  people  ten  million 
dollars'  worth  of  public  lands.  Are  they  in  the  State  of 
Missouri  ?  Are  they  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  where  Senator 
Patterson  was  chosen  President  of  an  Agricultural  College  ? 
The  gentleman  wanted  the  Congress  to  consider  this  ques 
tion  seriously.  The  Agricultural  Colleges  in  this  country 
have  not  been  a  success.  The  professors  in  them  all,  with 
one  exception,  have  dinned  in  our  ears  that  classical  educa 
tion  is  the  intent  of  the  act  upon  this  subject.  Mr.  Davis, 
in  his  seat  in  Congress,  charged  Mr.  Morrill  with  fraud  in 
this  matter,  and  that  under  the  name  of  Agricultural  Col 
leges,  another  attempt  is  being  made  to  rob  us  of  our  lands. 
These  gentlemen  claim  that  it  is  a  generous  paternal  move 
ment  on  the  part  of  the  government  to  educate  poor  agri 
culturists'  sons.  It  was  to  so  educate  all  sons  that  they 
may  become  agriculturists.  The  intention  was  that  these 
colleges  should  be  to  agriculture  what  the  theological  semi 
nary  is  to  the  pulpit;  what  the  medical  college  is  to  the 
medical  profession,  and  what  the  blacksmith  shop  is  to  the 
apprentice.  Have  we  any  such  Agricultural  Colleges  ? 

Dr.  Eeid  rejoined  that  he  was  utterly  amazed  at  the 
statements  he  had  heard  made.  Does  the  gentleman  know 
that  these  colleges  are  the  growth  of  years  ?  Does  he  ex- 


340  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

pect  perfection  at  once  ?  It  is  utterly  impossible.  Eminent 
mechanics  and  agriculturists  of  the  country  say  we  must 
have  another  class  of  education  for  the  people  of  the  coun 
try.  We  have  never  received  a  quarter  of  the  ten  millions 
of  acres  of  lands  as  charged  by  the  gentleman  who  has  just 
taken  his  seat.  Some  of  the  colleges  contemplated  have 
not  even  been  commenced.  In  our  State  we  have  a  success 
ful  institute  in  operation  with  by  far  the  larger  class  of  stu 
dents  in  agriculture  who  throw  aside  classical  and  scientific 
education.  In  the  matter  of  grape  culture  alone  we  have 
done  more  already  than  the  whole  cost  of  the  institution. 
The  first  year  two  of  our  young  men  went  from  the  col 
lege  immediately  into  positions  of  superintendents  of  grape 
yards.  The  demand  for  scientific  agricultural  education  is 
not  of  this  country  alone,  but  of  the  whole  world.  Let  not 
the  Congress  stamp  with  disapproval  such  education.  It  is 
not  intended  to  take  one  acre  of  the  public  domain  from 
actual  settlers,  nor  will  it  be  done.  Dr.  Reid  hoped  the 
Congress  would  remember  that  the  subject  of  Agricultural 
Colleges  was  yet  in  its  infancy,  and  great  results  could  not 
be  immediately  expected. 

On  of  motion  of  A.  C.  Stevenson,  of  Indiana,  the  further 
consideration  of  this  subject  was  indefinitely  postponed. 

THE  ELECTION  OF  OFFICERS,  ETC. 

The  Committee  on  Nominations  reported  for  President, 
General  W.  H.  Jackson  of  Tennessee ;  for  Secretary,  Charles 
W.  Greene,  of  Tennessee ;  for  Treasurer,  Solomon  Meredith, 
of  Indiana.  At  the  request  of  General  Meredith,  Mr.  Poole, 
of  Indiana,  was  placed  in  nomination  for  Treasurer,  instead 
of  himself. 

On  motion,  the  President  was  directed  to  cast  the  vote  of 


THE   ELECTION  OF   OFFICEES,  ETC.  341 

the  Congress  for  the  nominees  reported  by  the  Committee, 
which  prevailed,  and  they  were  declared  elected. 

The  list  of  States  was  then  called,  and  the  several  delega 
tions  nominated  their  Vice-Presidents,  and  they  were  con 
firmed  by  the  Congress  as  follows  :  Alabama,  C.  C.  Langdon, 
Mobile ;  California,  Col.  C.  C.  Younger,  San  Jose ;  Colorado, 
W.  M.  Byers,  Denver ;  Georgia,  0.  H.  Jones,  Atlanta ;  Illi 
nois,  A.  M.  Garland,  Springfield ;  Indiana,  General  Solomon, 
Meredith,  Cambridge  City ;  Kansas,  J.  K.  Hudson,  Wyan- 
dotte;  Kentucky,  Dr.  E.  J.  Spurr,  Lexington;  Minnesota, 
Hon.  William  S.  King,  Minneapolis ;  Missouri,  Hon.  Nor 
man  J.  Colman,  St.  Louis ;  Mississippi,  Dr.  M.  W.  Phillips, 
Oxford  ;  Nebraska,  Governor  Kobert  Furnas,  Lincoln  ;  Ohio, 
J.  M.  Millikin,  Hamilton;  Pennsylvania,  Hon.  A.  Boyd 
Hamilton,  Harrisburg ;  South  Carolina,  Winborn  Lawton, 
Charleston;  Tennessee,  C.  "W.  Charlton,  Knoxville;  Ver 
mont,  0.  S.  Bliss,  Georgia ;  Virginia,  Colonel  H.  E.  Peyton, 
Waterford ;  West  Virginia,  H.  S.  Walker,  Charleston ;  Wis 
consin,  Eli  Stilson,  Oshkosh. 

In  the  debate  upon  the  selection  of  the  place  for  the  next 
Congress,  Atlanta,  Georgia,  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  Lin 
coln,  Nebraska,  and  Columbus,  Ohio,  were  put  in  nomina 
tion.  After  a  short  discussion,  from  which  it  was  evident 
that  nearly  all  of  the  members  from  the  North-west  were 
favorable  to  Atlanta,  it  was  so  elected,  and  the  second 
Wednesday  in  May,  1874,  was  adopted  as  the  time  of 
meeting. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


THE    NORTH-WESTERN    FARMERS'    CONVENTION 
AT  CHICAGO. 


THE  CALL,  ATTENDANCE,  AND  ORGANIZATION. 

On  October  22d  and  23d,  1873,  a  Convention  composed  of 
about  three  hundred  delegates  from  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  Iowa, 
New  York,  Indiana,  Nebraska,  Minnesota,  and  Canada,  was 
held  in  McCormick's  Hall,  Chicago,  assembled  at  the  call  of  the 
Illinois  State  Farmers'  Association.  Mr.  James  M.  Allen, 
of  Illinois,  was  elected  to  preside,  and  Mr.  S.  M.  Smith  and 
Mr.  S.  T.  K.  Prime  were  chosen  Secretaries.  All  speeches 
were  limited,  by  resolution,  to  ten  minutes. 

Mr.  Flagg,  President  of  the  Illinois  State  Farmers'  Asso 
ciation,  read  a  communication  from  the  Senate  Transporta 
tion  Committee,  then  about  to  hold  a  sitting  at  St.  Louis, 
expressing  their  desire  to  confer  with  any  delegates  whom 
the  Chicago  Convention  might  appoint. 

Mr.  Norton,  of  Nebraska,  offered  a  resolution,  which  was 
adopted,  providing  for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of 
three  citizens  of  Illinois,  to  report  to  the  Convention  the  effect 
upon  producers  and  shippers,  of  the  legislation  on  railroads 
in  Illinois,  and  whether  they  advise  similar  legislation  in  all 
(34?) 


THE   QUESTION   OF   GOVERNMENTAL  AID.  343 

the  States.     Messrs.  M.  B.  Loyd,  L.  F.  Boss  and  M.  M. 
Hooton,  were  afterward  selected  as  the  Committee. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  GOVERMENTAL  AID. 

Mr.  Caffeen,  of  Illinois,  offered  the  following  resolutions, 
and  advocated  them  with  force  and  spirit : 

Resolved,  That  the  first  duty  of  the  people  is  to  subject  all  transpor 
tation  companies  or  corporations  to  the  restraints  of  law. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  their  next  duty  to  urge  the  making  of  a  ship- 
canal  from  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  by  the  way  of  the  lakes  and  the  Illi 
nois  and  Mississippi  rivers,  to  deep  water  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  by 
the  National  Government. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  their  next  duty  to  obtain  the  assistance  of  our 
Federal  Government  by  an  advance  of  credit,  for  the  purpose  of  build 
ing  a  double-track  freight  railroad  from  near  the  line  of  the  Kansas 
&  Nebraska,  as  near  an  air  line  as  possible,  to  New  York  city. 

In  the  discussion  which  ensued  upon  the  resolutions,  Mr. 
Wright,  of  Wisconsin,  was  in  favor  of  the  water  route  pro 
posed,  but  was  opposed  to  the  General  Government  under 
taking  to  build  it.  Seventy-five  thousand  dollars  a  year 
failed  to  keep  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
dredged.  A  canal  could  be  built  making  a  way  clear  to  the 
ocean  from  New  Orleans,  at  a  cost  of  $8,000,000,  and  that 
would  give  an  outlet  for  the  West  by  way  of  the  Mississippi, 
reducing  the  freight  to  Liverpool  twenty  cents  a  hundred. 
If  the  railroads  added  five  cents  per  hundred  to  their  rates, 
it  would  be  equivalent  to  laying  a  tax  upon  the  farmers  of 
$50,000,000  a  year.  He  was  in  favor  of  the  scheme,  and 
also  of  the  Niagara  route,  but  did  not  care  to  leave  the  work 
to  the  government.  They  must  elect  men  to  Congress  who 
would  do  the  people  justice.  Ten  millions  of  white  men  were 


344  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

being  robbed  every  day  out  of  half  their  earnings  by  these 
monopolies. 

Mr.  Perry  believed  the  government  should  do  the  work, 
and  take  charge  of  it,  and  then  we  could  elect  honest  men  to 
take  charge  of  the  works. 

Mr.  Bishop,  of  Illinois, 
wanted  present  relief.  He  did 
not  object  to  being  kept  "busy 
as  a  bee,"  but  was  tired  of 
working  fifteen  hours  a  day. 
If  they  waited  for  ship  canals 
there  would  not  be  many  of 
them  left.  He  wanted  the  ex 
tension  of  patents  to  cease,  and 
thought  we  should  have  a  lower 
tariff. 

Mr.  Lockhardt,  of  Illinois,  was  opposed  to  the  govern 
ment  going  into  the  canal-building  business. 

Mr.  Flagg  wanted  the  government  to  do  whatever  it  could 
do  better  than  private  parties.  The  Erie  Canal  was  better 
managed  than  the  Erie  Railroad,  and  the  Michigan  Canal 
was  run  better  than  some  railroads.  The  question  was, 
which  of  the  routes  would  give  the  most  relief  for  the  least 
money  ?  There  was  the  Kanawha  and  the  Niagara  Canals 
schemes.  Each  had  its  favorite.  The  Convention  should 
choose  something,  and  then  urge  it  upon  Congress. 

Mr.  Dixon,  of  Iowa,  argued  that  water  transportation  was 
slow.  Railroads  could  be  built  and  run  cheaper  than  canals. 
They  should  bring  railroads  down  to  hard  pan,  and  then 
they  would  have  cheaper  transportation.  He  gave  instances 
of  discrimination  in  Iowa.  What  we  want  is  immediate  relief. 
On  motion,  the  resolutions  and  substitutes  were  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions, 


HON  w.  c.  FLAOG'S  ADDRESS.        345 


HON.  W.  C.  FLAGG'S  ADDRESS   ON  THE  REGULATION  OF 
RAILROADS. 

When  the  subject  of  State  legislation  to  control  the  rates 
of  transportation  came  on,  Mr.  Flagg  addressed  the  Conven 
tion  at  length,  substantially  as  follows  : 

In  their  original  conception  and  execution,  railroads  were  private 
property ;  built  upon  private  laud,  or  by  special  permission  of  the 
people  through  whose  land  they  run.  This  kind  of  a  road  might 
justly  claim  to  be  exempt  from  all  government  regulations,  except 
police  regulation,  so  long  as  it  did  not  offer  itself  to  do  the  business 
of  a  common  carrier ;  if  it  would  do  only  the  business  of  the  persons 
owning  the  road ;  would  undertake  no  public  function,  and  would 
not  exercise  the  power  of  eminent  domain  conferred  upon  it  by  the 
sovereign  power.  This  is  the  kind  of  railway  that  attorneys  ought  to 
be  talking  about,  when  they  deny  the  right  of  government  to  inter 
fere  with  railway  management.  But  railways  of  that  kind  were  few 
and  unimportant.  Government  generally  was  requested  by  the  rail 
ways  themselves  to  interfere  in  the  inception  of  their  enterprise,  to 
the  extent,  at  least,  of  giving  certain  privileges  to  a  corporation,  in 
cluding  the  right  to  condemn  and  use  the  land  of  others.  This  was 
done  through  a  charter  granted  by  the  Legislature,  under  a  general  or 
special  law.  In  this  country  most  of  the  railway  charters  were  granted 
by  or  under  a  State  law  ;  by  special  act  or  under  general  laws ;  but  a 
few  lines  have  been  chartered  through  the  Territories  by  act  of  Con 
gress. 

By  these  charters,  the  State  transferred,  or  attempted  to  transfer, 
its  right  of  eminent  domain  to  the  railway  company,  so  that  it  may 
go  and  take  possession  of  such  lands  as  it  may  need,  on  the  alleged 
ground  of  its  being  for  the  public  use  ;  and  also  the  town,  county,  or 
township  may  vote  subsidies  to  the  railway  company,  on  the  ground 
that  such  donation  will  be  for  the  public  benefit.  The  railway  was 
then  vested  with  a  public  function.  The  State  had  given  it  privi 
leges  which  it  had  no  right  to  give,  or  else  the  railroad  company  was 
no  longer  a  private  company,  and  owes  special  duties  to  the  public. 

Any  one  conveying  for  hire  becomes  a  public  carrier. 

The  railway  was  a  common  carrier,  and  a  good  deal  more.  In  the 
nature  of  the  case,  it  was  its  duty  to  make  a  special  point  of  serving 

15* 


346  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

the  public,  even  if  the  highest  attainable  profits  were  not  realized. 
The  company  had,  it  was  true,  a  private  duty  to  its  stockholders  of 
paying  the  rate  of  interest  that  is  reasonable  in  permanent  and  not 
fluctuating  investments.  But  besides  this,  it  owed  the  duty  of  cheap 
rates  and  large  business,  so  as  to  build  up  the  country  through  which 
it  passes. 

The  common  carrier  could  limit  his  business.  The  railway  com 
pany  was  in  duty  bound  to  find  railway  service,  at  least  to  the  capa 
city  of  the  average  freight  and  passengers  offered. 

The  common  carrier  was  liable  to  have  his  rates  of  fares  and  freight 
fixed  or  limited  by  law.  They  might  say  to  the  railway :  "  If  you 
don't  want  to  carry  passengers  for  three  cents  per  mile,  you  can  sell 
out  to  some  one  who  will,  or  tear  up  your  track  and  let  another  com 
pany  see  if  they  can  not  serve  the  public  at  reasonable  rates."  The 
Dartmouth  College  decision  was  referred  to.  Eailway  lawyers  told 
us  that  a  railway  is  a  private  corporation ;  that  a  charter  of  a  private 
corporation  is  an  unlimited  contract  between  the  State  and  the  cor 
poration  ;  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  forbids  a  State 
from  passing  any  "  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts ;  "  that  a 
law  fixing  reasonable  maximum  rates  by  our  State  Legislature  was  an 
impairing  of  the  charter  contracts  existing  between  the  State  of  Illi 
nois  and  many  or  most  of  the  railroads  in  it,  and  therefore  unconsti 
tutional.  All  of  which  was  based  upon  the  Dartmouth  College  case. 
But  the  railway  received  and  used  privileges  which  the  State  had  no 
right  to  confer  upon  private  corporations,  and  therefore  had  admitted 
itself,  by  its  own  solicitation  and  acts,  to  be  at  least  a  corporation 
with  a  public  function ;  and  in  no  wise  in  a  condition  analogous  to 
that  of  Dartmouth  College.  Then  it  was  by  no  means  an  unques 
tioned  doctrine  whether  all  charters,  even  of  private  companies,  are 
contracts.  It  was  a  most  dangerous  doctrine.  It  implied  that  who 
ever  can  buy  or  steal  a  bill  through  the  Legislature  shall  be  protected 
in  his  iniquity  by  that  "  contract "  forever  after.  In  any  event,  the 
railway  was  reduced  to  this  dilemma;  either  the  State  had  conferred 
upon  it,  and  it  had  exercised,  privileges  to  which  it  is  not  entitled, 
and  is  a  trespass  upon  the  rights  and  property  of  others,  or  else  it  had 
admitted  its  obligation  to  serve  the  public  and  the  public  welfare,  and 
is  subject  to  regulation  as  a  common  carrier,  perhaps,  in  either  case. 

Another  class  of  roads  were  not  only  chartered,  but  received  a 
grant.  The  Union  Pacific  had  received  immense  donations  of  this 


HON.  w.  c.  FLAGG'S  ADRRESS.  347 

kind.  The  Illinois  Central  and  other  western  roads  had  been  simi< 
larly  assisted.  In  all  these  cases,  the  right  of  government  to  control, 
and  the  obligations  of  railway  companies  to  serve  the  public,  were 
correspondingly  increased. 

Government  intervention  was  practically  sought  in  all  of  these 
kind  of  roads.  Difficulties  and  disputes  arose  only  in  reference  to  the 
chartered  and  subsidised  roads.  Where  private  gain  was  antagonistic 
to  public  welfare,  something  must  be  done  to  cure  the  avariciousness. 
They  had  conspiracies  against  the  welfare  of  the  people  in  other 
shapes,  but  in  none  so  mighty  as  that  of  the  railways.  He  wished  to 
notice  the  confused  conceptions  that  have  existed  as  to  the  nature  of 
railways  and  railway  service.  With  all  the  changes  that  the  railroad 
had  brought  about,  they  could  not  appreciate  what  they  might  ac 
complish  in  the  future.  Before  fifty  years  had  passed,  narrow-guage 
or  horse-railways  might  occupy  the  principal  country  roads ;  and  thus 
most  farm  houses  would  have  railway  access.  The  railroads  of  the 
country  were  its  highways,  that  must  carry  its  travel  and  its  com 
merce.  This  was  what  the  Constitution  of  Illinois  meant,  when  it 
declares  the  railways  of  the  State  public  highways— free  to  all  persons. 
The  people,  after  a  little  disastrous  experimenting,  forty  years  ago, 
resolved  to  leave  the  management  of  railways,  their  building  and 
operating,  to  private  corporations,  with  more  or  less  regulating,  and 
this  had  caused  the  function  of  railways  to  be  lost  sight  of.  The 
necessity  of  protecting  the  rights  of  travelers  and  shippers  was  not 
appreciated.  Feeble  attempts  had  been  made  in  the  beginning  to  fix 
maximum  rates,  but  the  prevailing  idea  had  always  been  to  rely  upon 
competition. 

But  that  was  a  delusion,  and  as  a  rule  a  railroad  had  a  practical 
monopoly  of  the  country  through  which  it  passes.  "  There  are  many 
cases,"  said  John  Stuart  Mill,  "in  which  the  agency  of  whatever 
nature,  by  which  a  service  is  performed,  is  certain  from  the  nature 
of  the  case,  to  be  virtually  alone ;  in  which  a  practical  monopoly, 
with  all  the  power  it  confers  of  taxing  the  community,  can  not  be 
prevented  from  existing. 

"  The  community  need  some  other  security  for  the  performance  of 
the  service  of  corporations  than  the  interests  of  the  managers ;  and  it 
is  the  part  of  government  either  to  subject  the  business  to  reasonable 
conditions  for  the  general  advantage,  or  to  retain  such  power  over  it 
that  the  profits  of  the  monopoly  may  at  least  be  obtained  for  the 


"348  THE  GROUNDS  WELL. 

public.  This  applied  to  a  railway.  There  were  always  practical 
monopolies,  but  the  government  which  concedes  such  monopoly  to  a 
private  company,  does  much  as  if  it  allowed  an  individual  or  associa 
tion  to  levy  any  tax  they  choose.  To  make  the  concession  for  a 
limited  time  is  as  justifiable  as  the  principle  which  justifies  patents 
for  inventions ;  but  the  State  should  fix  a  maximum  of  rates." 

Mr.  Mill,  although  a  free-trader  in  the  broadest  sense  of  the  term, 
yet  recognized  a  class  of  companies  needing  government  control. 

Mr.  Frederick  Hill  was  quoted  to  sustain  the  same  opinion.  All 
who  had  studied  the  subject  would  agree  with  Mr.  Adams,  when  he 
said,  in  his  speech  in  behalf  of  the  Massachusetts  railroad  commis 
sioners:  "  That  while  the  result  of  ordinary  competition  is  to  reduce 
and  equalize  prices,  the  result  of  railroad  competition  is  to  produce 
local  irregularities,  and  arbitrarily  raise  and  depress  prices." 

They  had  had,  for  instance,  a  railroad  system  of  some  sort  in  Illinois 
for  about  twenty  years.  The  amount  of  service  had  wonderfully  in 
creased,  and  rogues  had  learned  how  to  acquire  railways  at  low 
prices.  Figures  were  given  to  show  that,  notwithstanding  the  in 
crease  in  their  business,  the  rates  of  some  roads  had  materially  in 
creased. 

In  September,  1873,  nine  different  roads,  radiating  from  St.  Louis 
eastward,  were  charging,  in  violation  of  law,  4.69  cents  per  mile  for 
passengers,  or  more  than  fifty-five  per  cent,  more  than  they  were 
twenty  years  ago. 

Combination  between  rival  lines  had  destroyed  competition,  except 
that  occasional  cutting  of  rates  made  fluctuations  that  could  only 
be  taken  advantage  9f  by  a  few  shippers.  Railroads  were  practically 
regulated,  not  by  competition  but  by  combination. 

This  regulation  meant  that  the  railroad  managers  are  feudal  lords, 
and  the  people  are  their  serfs ;  that  every  car  of  produce  that  passes 
over  the  New  York  Central  road  must  pay  a  heavy  toll  for  right  of 
transit  to  Vanderbilt,  the  robber  and  baron  of  modern  feudal 
ism  ;  that  the  shipper  must  truckle  to  railroad  officials  for  special 
favors,  and  skulk  and  avoid  the  farmers'  movement,  when  they  knew 
it  was  right,  for  fear  they  would  compromise  their  pecuniary  in 
terests. 

Dissatisfied  with  the  results  of  this  kind  of  regulation,  the  people 
ask  governmental  interference  and  regulation  thereby. 

This  might  be  national  by  act  of  Congress,  which  has  power  to  regu 
late  commerce  among  the  several  States.  Or  this  regulation  might 


HON.  w.  c.  FLAGG'S  ADDKESS.  349 

be  done  by  State  power,  confined,  of  course,  to  the  limits  of  that  State. 
Or  the  roads  might  be  placed  under  the  control  of  a  board  of  commis 
sioners.  Or  by  owning  all  or  a  portion  of  the  roads  and  operating  them 
at  cheap  fixed  rates. 

The  people  preferred  a  law  to  which  those  who  were  aggrieved 
might  appeal,  such  as  laws  fixing  maximum  rates  of  fare  and  freight, 
and  punishing  their  violation.  Instances  of  the  operations  of  rail 
road  laws  in  several  States  were  given.  Thus  far,  in  Illinois,  the 
legislation  was  faulty,  but  there  was  a  more  determined  effort  in  that 
direction  because  the  constitution  necessitates  action,  and  the  people 
have  ratified  that  section  by  a  large  majority. 

The  ignorance  of  legislation  and  the  difficulty  of  the  subject,  had 
caused  the  lack  of  success  in  passing  laws  of  this  character.  The  men 
in  the  Legislature  who  worked  for  railroad  rings  always  got  the  best 
of  the  honest  but  not  posted  members.  The  circumstances  surround 
ing  one  road  were  very  different  from  those  affecting  another.  It  was 
about  as  difficult  to  adjust  a  railroad  tariff  as  it  is  a  protective  tariff, 
and  many  are  not  inclined  to  do  it  for  the  same  reason.  Charles 
Francis  Adams  regarded  relief  under  this  head  as  hopeless.  The  par 
liamentary  committee  of  1872  considered  that  legal  maximum  rates 
afforded  little  real  protection,  since  they  are  always  fixed  so  high  that 
it  was,  or  became  sooner  or  later,  the  interest  of  the  companies  to 
carry  at  lower  rates.  But  the  speaker  thought  that  a  uniform  maxi 
mum  passenger  rate  of  three  cents  per  mile  would  relieve  the  public 
and  prevent  a  good  deal  of  extortion,  without  much,  if  at  all,  diminish 
ing  the  gross  receipts  of  the  roads.  He  had  known  a  relatively  better 
business  to  follow  such  a  course.  If  the  Illinois  Central  were  legal 
ized  to  carry  at  three  cent  a  mile,  it  would  be  for  its  benefit.  The 
rates  on  freight,  especially  on  local  business,  were  far  above  a  reason 
able  maximum  rate.  They  were,  before  the  first  of  July,  4.72  cents 
per  ton  per  mile,  and  2.16  cents  for  through  rates,  so  that  as  a  tem 
porary  recourse  they  should  have  legislation  giving  reasonable  maxi 
mum  rates  on  freight.  They  wanted  the  cheapest  rates  obtainable. 
Any  thing  which  added  to  the  cost  of  transportation  aggravates  the 
tax,  and  any  thing  which  reduces  it,  removes  one  more  burden  from 
hnman  toil.  "  It  was  not  enough,"  says  Drake,  "  that  there  should  be 
free  movement  for  thought ;  free  movement  for  the  people  themselves 
was  equally  as  important."  Travel  increased  as  its  cost  diminished ; 
whatever,  therefore,  operated  as  a  tax  on  locomotion  is  inconsistent 
with  the  highest  principles  of  State  policy. 


350  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

There  was  a  need  for  something  more  flexible  than  statute  law  that 
can  adapt  rates  to  different  conditions  and  classes  of  railways.  This 
suggested  the  function  of  Eailway  Commissioners  assigned  to  our  new 
board,  of  making  up  schedules  of  maximum  rates  for  each  road.  This 
he  thought  was  the  best  thing  possible  under  the  present  circumstan 
ces,  but  its  sucess  was  not  yet  assured.  They  were  hampered  by  a 
pro  rata  requirement  that  compels  them  and  the  companies  to  fix 
rates  according  to  distance,  whereas  the  expense  of  carriage  depends 
upon  many  other  considerations.  But  they  had  a  chance  to  ascertain 
what  was  a  fair  compensation,  and  not  a  gross  extortion.  But  the 
great  difficulty  they  had  to  encounter  was  insufficient  and  vicious 
legislation,  and  the  limitation  of  their  power  by  State  laws.  There 
was  no  proper  legislation  regarding  reasonable  maximum  rates ;  none 
concerning  railways  as  public  highways.  There  was  a  disposition 
already  to  find  fault  with  the  commissioners,  but  it  was  unjust.  They 
were  making  the  most  of  the  laws  that  were  given  them.  But  the 
limitations  of  State  lines  would  be  a  difficulty  of  a  permanent  char 
acter.  The  Illinois  commissioners  wanted  cheap  freights  to  the  sea 
board,  but  they  were  powerless.  Indiana,  Ohio,  and  New  York  are 
in  the  way.  National  legislation  or  regulation  is  required. 

But  the  problem  would  increase  in  difficulty  when  the  whole  na 
tion  must  be  legislated  for,  or  when  the  commissioners  appointed  by 
government  attempt  to  fix  uniform  rates  for  the  Central  Pacific 
and  the  Old  Colony  railroads.  It  was  deemed  by  many  an  impossi 
ble  task. 

This  suggested  the  theory  of  the  government  ownership  of  roads, 
now  advocated  a  good  deal  in  England,  and  in  this  country  by  Mr. 
Andrews,  Prof.  Amasa  Walker,  and  others. 

Mr.  Hill,  whom  the  speaker  quoted,  argues  that  State  ownership 
will  alone  give  the  advantages  of  competition,  because  amalgamations 
and  agreements  are  soon  made  by  private  companies,  and  State  own 
ership  alone  furnishes  a  steady  opponent  to  combination.  The  exam 
ple  of  Belgium  was  cited  in  confirmation  of  the  soundness  of  the  prin 
ciple.  Mr.  Hill  was  of  the  opinion  that  State  control  furnishes  the 
only  approximation  to  free  trade  in  railway  service.  Prof.  Walker 
was  quoted  as  advocating  the  idea  that  the  United  States  Government 
should  buy  or  take  possession  of  all  the  roads  of  the  country,  under 
the  right  of  eminent  domain.  As  the  roads  would  save  the  interest 
on  the  expenditure,  he  holds  it  would  involve  really  but  little  ex 
pense  to  the  government.  Charles  Francis  Adams  was  in  favor  of 


HON.  w.  c.  FLAGG'S  ADDBESS.  351 

the  country's  owning  a  part  of  the  lines,  and  running  them  so  as  to 
compete  with  and  lower  the  rates  of  the  others. 

Eegulations  of  our  existing  through  rates  by  improving  and  in-* 
creasing  the  water  ways  of  the  country  was  a  favorite  idea  in  many 
quarters.  A  ship  canal  at  Niagara,  a  canal  connection  of  .the  Ohio 
and  James  rivers,  a  canal  connection  of  the  Tennessee  and  Savannah 
rivers,  the  improvement  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  are  among  the 
most  prominent ;  and  in  regulating  commerce  a  part  of  the  year,  it  was 
likely  they  could  be  made  effective.  But  water  evaporates  and  freezes, 
up  ;  iron  rails  do  not,  and  he  looked  to  them  as  the  future  carriers  even 
of  cheap  freights.  Mr.  Adams  had  said  that  steam  locomotion  abolished 
the  Mississippi.  But  it  did  not,  until  freight  could  be  carried  by  rail  for 
one  mill  per  ton  per  mile.  But  rivers,  and  lakes,  and  canals  had  lost 
their  prestige,  and  railways  alone,  he  thought,  could  regulate  railways. 

Regulation  was  again  sought  by  dividing,  practically,  the  road  and 
the  rolling  stock ;  making  one  company  owner  of  the  road,  and  per 
haps  of  the  motive  power,  and  another  owner  of  the  cars  carrying  the 
freight  and  passengers,  thus  securing  competition  of  different  trans 
portation  companies  on  the  same  road.  The  various  "  colored  "  lines, 
were  they  not  perverted  in  the  hands  of  rings  within  the  railway  cor 
porations,  would  speedily  become  something  of  this  kind,  if  they  had 
the  right  of  travel  over  all  roads. 

The  speaker,  after  the  above  general  history  of  experience  concern 
ing  railway  regulations,  said  he  wished  to  give  a  few  impressions  of 
his  own,  as  to  what  was  desirable  and  best. 

First.  He  would  favor  a  general  system  of  national  highways,  lim 
ited  at  present  to  three  north  and  south,  and  four  east  and  west ;  rail 
ways  generally  distributed  and  connecting  the  principal  centres  of 
business.  They  should  be  constructed  as  fast  as  the  States  through 
which  they  pass  can  assume  the  expense. 

At  present  the  great  need  was  for  a  new  northern  freight  route 
from  Omaha  to  the  seaboard.  No  entirely  new  route  to  the  east  had 
been  built  for  fifteen  years,  and  yet  the  local  railways  of  the  north 
west,  feeding  these  through  routes,  have  at  least  trebled  their  mileage. 
Hence  the  demand  made  at  Chicago  and  at  New  York  for  increased 
facilities ;  and  this  line,  in  some  shape,  would  be  built  before  many 
years.  The  commerce  of  the  Mississippi  was  controlled  by  monopo 
lies,  and  it  would  not  be  long  before  the  southern  trade  would  be 
compelled  to  ask  for  transportation  not  controlled  by  single  compan 
ies,  but  by  government. 


352  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

There  was  not  the  present  demand  for  north  and  south  lines  that 
will  exist  when  emigration  has  measurably  filled  up  the  country. 
Then  would  come  the  more  natural  exchange  of  products  between 
different  latitudes,— sugar  for  wheat,  and  cotton  for  corn;  and  the 
north  and  south  would  do  the  carrying  trade.  The  seven  roads  sug 
gested  would  have  a  mileage  of  8,000  miles,  and  would  intersect 
about  twenty-five  States.  These  States  would  own,  or  at  least  control, 
the  bonds  issued  to  build  their  respective  proportion  of  these  roads 
and  the  whole  system  be  managed  by  national  laws. 

He  would  like  to  see  the  State  have  the  power  to  build  such  roads 
as  might,  if  they  desired,  connect  them  with  these  main  arteries. 

The  power  ought  to  be  vested  in  every  town,  city,  and  county,  to 
build  tram,  horse,  and  steam  railways,  just  as  they  would  other  roads 
and  thoroughfares.  In  other  words,  carry  to  its  legitimate  conclu 
sion  the  principle  that  a  railway  is  a  highway,  and  just  as  much  to 
be  made  and  controlled  by  public  authority  as  our  public  roads. 

In  conclusion,  the  speaker  drew  a  glowing  picture  of  the  future 
under  just  and  equitable  legislation,  and  exhorted  the  convention  to 
work  that  the  end  might  soon  be  attained.  There  were  strong  objec 
tions  to  governmental  interference,  but  he  believed  a  happy  medium 
was  attainable. 


MR.  HOOTON  ON  RAILROAD  ABUSES. 

Mr.  M.  M.  Hooton  then  took  up  the  subject  of  railroads, 
and  said : 

Certain  great  questions,  relating  to  the  finance  of  the  world,  and 
more  especially  of  the  north-western  States  of  America,  seem  to  be 
pressing  with  unusual  force  at  this  time  for  a  correct  solution.  The 
present  money  panic  is  but  the  voice  of  justice,  demanding,  in  unmis 
takable  language,  that  the  laws  of  equity  and  fairness  shall  not  be 
violated,  and  wherein  they  have  been  infringed  that  just  retribu 
tion  shall  be  made. 

The  natural  forces,  always  at  work  in  a  well-regulated  community, 
make  ultimate  redress  for  great  wrongs  inevitable,  in  one  way  or 
another.  Hence,  when  a  government  and  people  have  permitted 
greedy  speculation  to  corrupt  all  the  channels  of  trade,  and  oppress 
the  great  mass  of  the  people  for  the  enrichment  and  aggrandizement 


ME.  HOOTON  ON  KAILROAD  ABUSES. 


353 


354  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

of  the  few,  as  has  been  the  case  in  this  country  for  the  last  twenty 
years,  the  exercise  of  ordinary  prudence  should  induce  them  to  pre 
pare  to  receive  the  punishment  which  must  come  sooner  or  later. 

I  have  said,  the  forces  which  make  the  punishment  inevitable,  are 
always  at  work.  In  order  that  we  may  see  more  clearly  how  they 
work,  it  will  be  necessary  for  us  to  take  into  consideration  the  varied 
relations  of  the  occupations  and  interests  of  the  people.  These  are 
all  represented  and  comprehended  in  two  great  classes,  which  we 
shall  denominate  productive  and  non-productive.  And  as  we  Amer 
icans  estimate  every  thing  in  dollars  and  cents,  we  will,  for  the  pur 
poses  of  this  work,  call  them  investments. 

The  productive  investments  are  those  which  create  and  increase  the 
aggregate  wealth  of  the  country.  The  non-productive  investments 
are  those  which  are  devoted  to  the  manipulation  of  industrial 
products. 

These  two  classes  of  investment,  when  properly  balanced,  are  alike 
essential  to  the  constitution  of  a  healthy  and  vigorous  political  soci 
ety.  But  when  this  healthy  balance  is  lost,  the  result  can  only  be 
detrimental.  To  illustrate  more  fully  the  relation  of  these  two  classes 
of  investments,  and  how  one  may  affect  the  other,  we  will,  figuratively, 
establish  a  new  community,  so  small  in  numbers  as  to  make  our  esti 
mates  and  illustrations  easy  of  comprehension  by  all.  Twenty  fam 
ilies  go  into  a  country  where  they  engage  in  all  the  pursuits  of 
civilized  society.  Ten  of  them,  with  a  capital  of  $100,000,  engage  in 
non-producing  enterprises.  They  lend  money,  establish  banks,  build 
telegraphs,  railroads,  establish  insurance  companies,  etc.  The  other 
ten,  with  a  like  capital,  engage  in  the  productive  industries.  They 
improve  farms,  raise  wheat,  corn,  and  cattle.  They  manufacture 
all  kinds  of  machinery,  etc.  They  dig  the  ore  from  the  ground, 
and  convert  it  first  into  iron,  then  into  steel,  and  then  again  into 
implements  of  industry.  At  the  end  of  each  year,  it  is  found  that 
with  their  utmost  industry  and  economy  they  have  been  able  to  in 
crease  the  aggregate  wealth  of  the  entire  community  three  per  cent, 
on  both  kinds  of  investments.  This  income  was  derived  from  indus 
try  and  fair  dealing  under  laws  that  bore  equally  upon  all. 

But  it  is  a  long  lane  that  has  no  turning.  In  the  course  of  years, 
the  non-producers,  having  more  leisure  time,  get  into  mischief,  as  idle 
hands  are  sure  to  do.  They  so  influence  the  government  as  to  get 
laws  made  which  give  them  an  advantage.  They  raise  the  rates  of 
interest,  and  expand  and  innate  all  their  sources  of  income,  Not 


MR.  HOOTON  ON  RAILROAD  ABUSES.        355 

satisfied  with  this  increased  income  on  their  legitimate  investment, 
they  issue  false  certificates  of  bank,  railroad,  and  telegraph  stocks  to 
an  equal  amount.  They  now  demand,  and,  by  skillful  manipulation 
of  Congress,  the  Legislature,  and  the  courts,  collect  ten  per  cent,  on 
both  true  and  false  investments.  The  general  prosperity  of  the 
country  is  unchanged. 

The  creation  of  new  wealth  amounts  to  three  per  cent.  But  one- 
half  of  the  community  receives  ten  per  cent,  on  their  real  values,  and 
ten  per  cent,  on  a  like  amount  of  false  certificates  of  value,  making 
their  income  equivalent  to  twenty  per  cent,  on  their  real  investment. 
Under  these  circumstances  what  must  be  the  condition  of  the  other 
half  of  the  community?  They  have  received  their  three  per  cent, 
on  the  one  hand,  but  on  the  other  they  have  paid  out  enough  to  raise 
the  income  of  the  non-producers  from  three  per  cent.,  and  are  there 
fore  losers  to  the  amount  of  seventeen  per  cent,  on  their  whole 
wealth.  The  question  naturally  arises  how  long  would  it  require  for 
the  producers  to  become  bankrupt,  and  their  entire  capital  to  be 
transferred  to  the  non-producers  ?  A  little  over  five  years  would  ac 
complish  this  result. 

General  bankruptcy  of  the  industrial  classes  or  repudiation  must 
follow.  But  these  are  not  the  only  resulting  evils,  for,  during  these 
years  of  rampant  speculation,  many  new  enterprises  have  been  put  on 
foot.  The  money  of  the  country  is  diverted  from  the  legitimate 
channels  of  trade,  and  invested  in  railroads  and  telegraphs  through 
uninhabited  regions  of  country,  where  the  investment  can  not  be  ex 
pected  to  pay  for  many  years. 

To  supply  this  demand  for  ready  cash,  the  banks  have  advanced 
all  the  money  in  their  vaults  on  false  and  true  certificates,  which  in 
time  of  a  panic  can  not  be  realized  upon;  Money  becomes  scarce  for 
legitimate  trade,  and  depositors  attempt  to  withdraw  their  money 
from  the  banks.  A  "run"  begins,  and  the  banks  must  fail,  bringing 
disaster  to  all  concerned.  This  is  but  a  picture  of  what  has  been 
transacted  in  this  country  in  the  last  few  years.  The  non-producers 
have  so  manipulated  the  government  as  to  get  from  it  vast  subsidies 
and  monopolies,  which  have  been  used,  not  for  the  public  good,  but 
to  corrupt  our  Legislatures  and  Congress.  Not  being  satisfied  with 
a  fair  income  on  their  investments,  they  have  watered  their  stock  in 
many  instances  to  more  than  double  the  real  value;  they  have 
diverted  the  money  of  the  country  from  its  legitimate  function ;  the 


356  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

crops  of  the  country  can  not  be  moved  at  remunerative  prices. 
Witness  the  corn  burned  for  fuel  in  Iowa,  and  the  pork  sold  in  Illi 
nois  for  three  and  three  and  one-half  cents  per  pound. 

The  industrial  classes  have  recently 
discovered  the  injustice  of  this  proced 
ure,  and  will  no  longer  pay  rates  on  these 
fraudulent  investments.  They  have 
come  to  their  "  bottom  dollar,"  and  are 
led  to  inquire  what  has  become  of  the 
price  of  all  their  toil.  They  have  dis 
covered  that  they  are  now,  and  have 

At  Three  Cents  a  Pound.   ,  _  .  , 

been   for    years,   paying   rates  on  the 

railroads  alone  of  near  $800,000,000  above  their  real  cost,  and  still 
a  larger  sum  more  than  they  ought  to  have  cost.  This  being  so,  who 
will  be  surprised  at  the  statement  that  these  frauds  cover  billions 
of  dollars,  held  for  private  gain  at  the  expense  of  the  industries  of 
the  country  ?  The  labor  of  this  country  can  and  will  pay  these  rates 
no  longer.  They  now  call  on  all  the  powers  of  government  to  protect 
them  from  the  injustice  thus  put  upon  them. 

The  result  is  what  the  bankers  and  public  journals  call  "  a  want, 
great  want,  of  confidence."  Confidence  in  what  ?  Simply  this :  That 
the  producers  of  this  country  will  be  stupid  enough  to  go  on  paying 
ten  or  fifteen  per  cent,  on  fraudulent  certificates  and  bonds  in  which 
there  was  never  one  dollar  invested.  "  Only  this,  and  nothing  more." 
This  is  a  big  confidence  game,  but  it  won't  win  any  longer.  The 
result  is,  that  capitalists  will  no  longer  invest  in  these  "bogus" 
securities,  arid  the  banks  that  have  advanced  largely  on  them  will 
be  compelled  to  break.  This  is  just  as  it  should  be.  There  is  no 
way  out  of  the  difficulty  but  to  wholly  purge  our  stock  market  and 
finance  of  every  dollar  of  these  false  stocks,  or  to  reduce  the  aggregate 
value  of  the  real  and  false  by  the  amount  of  the  false.  This  implies 
the  breaking  of  many  banks,  brokers,  and  dealers,  as  well  as  many 
innocent  laboring  men,  but  it  can  not  be  avoided.  To  continue  the 
present  state  of  things,  is  only  to  defer  the  inevitable  retribution,  and 
make  it  worse  when  it  does  come.  It  is  this  state  of  affairs  which 
has  swept  Jay  Cooke  &  Co.  from  the  boards,  and  shaken  to  its  founda 
tion  nearly  every  bank  in  the  country.  We  may  well  fear  that  the 
worst  of  the  crisis  has  not  yet  passed.  The  struggles  of  the  financial 
cormorants  that  have  amassed  millions  through  these  frauds  will  be 


ME.  HOOTON  ON  RAILKOAD  ABUSES.  357 

terrible  before  they  can  be  made  to  disgorge  $2,000,000,000 ;  and  to 
remove  these  false  stocks  from  the  business  of  the  country  will  nec 
essarily  cause  a  great  commotion.  But  it  must  be  done  before  we 
can  have  a  solid  basis  of  finance. 

But  this  terrible  ordeal  once  passed,  a  great  reward  may  be  ex 
pected  for  all  pains.  Money  will  cease  to  go  to  the  Northern  Pacific 
or  any  other  railroad  that  will  not  pay  interest  on  the  investment. 
It  will  cease  to  be  hoarded  for  speculation  in  fancy  stocks.  The 
money  of  the  country  will  be  used  in  legitimate  trade.  It  will  be 
sufficiently  abundant  to  enable  dealers  to  pay  fair  prices  for  agricul 
tural  products. 

When  we  have  passed  through  this  crisis,  we  may  be  expected  to 
enter  upon  an  era  of  prosperity  scarcely  equaled  in  our  history.  But 
before  this  good  time  can  be  fully  realized,  the  voters  must  see  to  it 
that  every  office-holder,  whose  hands  are  tarnished  with  monopolies, 
Credit  Mobiliers,  salary-grab,  back  pay  or  forward  pay,  is  finally 
retired  to  private  life  or  the  penitentiary.  Reforms  necessarily  move 
slowly  when  the  officers  of  the  government  may  be  bought  and  sold 
like  cattle  in  the  open  market. 

In  conclusion,  I  wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Convention  to  a 
term  just  now  becoming  very  popular  in  connection  with  railroad  in 
comes.  All  parties  agree  that  the  owners  of  these  roads  are  entitled 
to  a  "reasonable"  income  on  their  real  investments.  The  chief 
difficulty  seems  to  be  in  determining  the  basis  of  reasonableness.  It 
is  plain,  from  what  has  been  said  in  regard  to  the  relations  of  pro 
ductive  and  non-productive  investments,  that,  as  the  producers  of  the 
country  must  pay  the  income  on  the  non-productive  investments, 
that  any  rate  which  exceeds  the  producer's  rate  of  income  must  be 
unreasonable. 

Therefore,  if,  when  the  country  is  specially  unprosperous,  and  the 
industrial  interests  suffer  loss,  the  capitalists'  rates  of  income  on  cash 
investments  become  so  that  he  suffers  loss  in  sympathy  with  the 
general  adversity,  he  has  no  right  to  complain. 

This  is  the  only  true  basis  of  reasonableness,  the  adoption  of 
which — in  my  opinion — can  save  a  nation  from  financial  convulsions. 
It  is  claimed  that  the  legal  rate  of  interest  should  be  accepted  as 
reasonable.  But  it  is  plain  that  this  may  be  too  high  or  too  low,  as  it 
is  entirely  arbitrary,  and  has,  therefore,  none  of  the  elements  of  rea 
sonableness  in  it. 


358 


THE   GROUNDSWELL. 


THE  RESOLUTIONS  AND  THEIR  CONSIDERATION. 

The  Committee  on  Eesolutions  reported  the  following  pre 
amble  and  resolutions  : 

It  is  the  duty  of  every  government  to  protect  its  people.  But  cap 
ital,  directed  by  unscrupulous  minds,  reaps  the  profits  of  their  labor. 
Men  of  great  wealth  revel  in  luxury,  while  those  who  earn  the 
money  are  destitute  of  many  of  the  comforts  of  life.  Our  State  Leg 
islatures  have  made  laws  depriving  us  of  our  land,  for  which  we  have 
a  title  from  the  General  Government,  for  the  benefit  of  railroad  com 
panies,  because  it  seemed  for  the  public  good.  Subsidies  have  been 
granted  them,  and  Congress  has,  with  a  lavish  hand,  given  them  pub 
lic  lands — the  people's  inheritance ;  and  the  result  is  extortion  and 
oppression.  Therefore,  be  it 


"  Pay  as  you  go."     Live  in  the  old  house  till  the  farm  is  all 
paid  for. 

Resolved,  By  this  Convention  that  we  most  respectfully  but  ear 
nestly  request  Congress,  without  needless  delay,  to  pass  a  maximum 
freight  and  passage  law  regulating  traffic  between  the  States,  and  our 
Legislatures  a  law  regulating  it  within  the  States ;  and  we  hereby  pro 
test  against  the  further  granting  of  any  subsidies  whatever  to  private 
corporations  of  any  kind. 


THE  &£soLtmotfs;  ETC.  359 

Resolved,  That  experience  has  proved  that  freight  by  water  is  the 
cheapest,  and  we  most  respectfully  ask  that  Congress,  in  order  to  re 
lieve  us  of  our  burdens,  speedily  take  measures  to  open  water  routes 
from  the  Mississippi  to  the  seaboard. 

Resolved,  That  to  lessen  the  burdens  of  transportation  is,  as  far  as 
possible,  to  do  without  transportation,  and  therefore  we  ask  and  urge 
our  people  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  create  and  sustain  by  their  pat 
ronage  home  manufactures. 

Resolved,  That  we  hail  with  pleasure  the  prospect  of  the  early  com 
pletion  of  the  double-track  Continental  Freight  Railway  from  the  city 
of  New  York  to  Omaha,  which  promises  that  grain  shall  be  trans 
ported  over  said  railway  at  a  cost  not  exceeding  eight  mills  per  ton 
per  mile. 

Resolved,  That  debt  should  ever  be  held  as  one  of  our  greatest  ene 
mies  ;  that  it  deprives  us  of  manliness,  and  in  a  measure  makes  us 
slaves ;  that  to  live  within  our  means,  however  small,  and  to  pay  as 
we  go,  will  contribute  to  our  success.  Recognizing  the  fact  that  the 
people  are  in  earnest,  we  would  urge  them  to  free  themselves  of  this 
curse,  so  that,  if  a  final  struggle  must  come  between  the  people  and 
monopoly,  our  houses  may  be  in  order,  and  we  the  better  able  to 
withstand  it. 

Resolved,  That  no  one  industry  can  be  protected  by  legislation,  ex 
cept  at  the  expense  of  all  other  industries,  and  that  we  are  opposed 
to  all  special  legislation. 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  the  thorough  organization  of  the 
farmers  of  the  country  in  local,  county,  and  State  organizations,  for 
the  purpose  of  reforming  the  great  abuses  now  existing,  and  dealing 
out  equal  justice  to  all  men. 

Considerable  discussion  arose  on  the  adoption  of  the  reso 
lutions.  The  preamble  and  first  resolution  were  adopted 
without  remarks. 

The  transportation  clause  was  the  occasion  of  a  spirited  de 
bate,  in  which  Mr.  Morton,  of  Nebraska,  Mr.  H.  C.  Wheeler, 
of  Illinois,  Mr.  Beman,  of  Iowa,  and  other  delegates  partici 
pated.  The  debate  showed  the  Convention  to  be  divided  in 
opinion  in  respect  tq  this  question.  Finally,  a  substitute,  as 
follows,  was  adopted : 


360  THE  GROUNBSWELL. 

We  demand  the  construction  of  railroads,  and  the  improvement  of 
water  communications,  between  the  interior  and  seaboard,  the  same 
to  be  owned  and  operated  by  the  General  Government,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  affording  cheap  and  ample  transportation,  and  to  protect  the 
people  from  the  exactions  of  monopolies. 

The  third  resolution,  relating  to  home  manufactures,  was 
carried. 

The  fourth  resolution,  relating  to  the  double-track  conti 
nental  freight  railroad  from  New  York  to  Omaha,  was  con 
sidered.  A  substitute  was  offered  that  it  is  imperatively 
necessary  that  the  people  obtain  from  the  National  Govern 
ment  assistance  for  building  a  double-track  freight  railroad 
from  near  the  line  of  the  Kansas  &  Nebraska,  as  nearly  in  air- 
line  as  possible,  to  the  city  of  New  York.  The  substitute  was 
again  read,  put,  and  laid  on  the  table.  The  fourth  or  orig 
inal  resolution  was  then  put,  and  lost  by  a  unanimous  vote, 
and  the  substitute  carried.  The  fifth,  the  sixth,  and  the  last 
resolutions  were  carried  unanimously. 

Mr.  Lawrence,  of  Illinois,  offered  two  resolutions  recom 
mending  the  State  Farmers'  Association  of  Illinois  to  fur 
nish  such  information  to  the  Kailway  Commissioners  as 
will  warrant  the  prosecution  of  suits  against  the  defaulting 
companies,  and  advising  the  farmers  of  other  States  to  ob 
tain  a  similar  law  from  their  Legislatures.  The  resolutions 
were  adopted. 

Mr.  F.  C.  Capreol,  of  Canada,  President  of  the  Huron  and 
Ontario  Ship  Canal,  in  an  elaborate  address  presented  the 
merits  of  the  great  scheme  for  water  communication  between 
the  ocean  and  the  West,  by  which  sea-going  vessels  of  1,200 
tons  burden  might  pass  directly  to  the  upper  lake  ports.  He 
stated  that  the  construction  of  the  canal  would  lessen  the 
length  of  route  by  some  800  miles,  and  increase  the  value  of 
grain  ten  per  cent,  a  bushel.  He  showed  that  almost  all  the 


EXPORT  Otf  THE  ILLINOIS  HAILHOAD  LAW. 


361 


benefits  arising  from  such  a  canal  would  go  to  the  Western 
agriculturists ;  the  only  profit  accruing  to  the  Canadians 
would  be  the  toll  charged  for  passing  vessels. 

On  motion,  Mr.  Capreol  was  requested  to  present  his  plans 
for  cheap  transportation  in  such  form  that  they  may  be  in 
corporated  in  the  printed  proceedings  of  the  Convention. 


PORK  TO  BE  HELD  FOR  A  RISE. 

After  a  short  address  from  Rev.  W.  R.  Alger,  of  Massachur 
setts,  Mr.  Hunter,  of  Illinois,  offered  the  following  resolu 
tion,  which,  after  a  spirited  but  principally  one-sided  debate, 
was  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention 
recommend  to  the  farmers  of  the 
North-west  that,  in  order  to  carry 
out  in  a  practical  manner  the  spirit 
and  the  letter  of  co-operation,  they 
will  withhold  from  the  market  their 
live  products  until  the  price  shall 
reach  such  a  figure  that  the  producer 
shall  receive  the  legitimate  fruits 
of  his  labor ;  and  we  consider  that 
$5.00  per  100  pounds,  gross,  is  a  just 
and  fair  price,  both  to  producer  and 

consumer. 

Held  for  $B.OO  per  1OO. 


REPORT  ON  THE  ILLINOIS  RAILROAD  LA  W. 

The  Committee  on  Railway  Legislation  submitted  the  fol 
lowing  report,  which  was  adopted  : 

The  committee  appointed  to  report  to  the  Convention  the  effect 
upon  producers  and  shippers  of  the  legislation  on  railways  in  Illi 
nois,  and  whether  they  advise  similar  legislation  in  all  the  States, 
kave  had  the  subject  under  consideration,  and  would  report  that  its 
16 


$62  THE  GROUNBSWELL. 

cost  of  transportation  has  not  yet  been  reduced  to  the  extent  that 
effect  has  not  yet  been  such  as  its  friends  contemplated;  that  the 
was  expected  when  the  law  was  first  passed ;  but  when  the  railroads 
of  the  State  are  compelled  to  a  strict  observance  of  the  same,  it  is 
believed  that  favorable  results  will  follow.  Your  committee  repect- 
fully  represent,  on  the  advisory  portion  of  the  resolution,  that  they 
are  not  yet  prepared  to  advise  other  States,  but  believe  that  the 
people  of  the  other  States  in  the  Union  would  be  benefited  by  the 
passage  of  a  law  similar  to  the  law  of  Illinois,  or  a  better  one  if 
they  can. 

It  was  moved  that  when  the  Convention  adjourn,  it  be  sine 
die.  Mr.  Boone,  of  Jo  Daviess  County,  111.,  said  they  could 
not  afford  to  adjourn  sine  die.  The  producing  classes  sustain 
the  same  relations  in  modern  society  as  serfs  did  in  the  days 
of  history.  This  was  to  be  considered  as  an  agricultural 
congress.  He  proposed  an  adjournment  for  one  year,  to  the 
same  time  and  place. 

An  adjournment,  subject  to  the  call  of  the  President  of 
the  Illinois  State  Farmers'  Association,  was  then  proposed, 
and  adopted. 


CHAPTEK  XXX. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  WILLIAM  SAUNDERS. 


ONE  OF  THE  FATHERS  OF  THE  PATRONS  OF  HUS 
BANDRY. 

William  Saunders  has  been  termed  the  father  of  the 
Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry.  He  was  one  of  the 
originators  of  the  ideas  upon  which  the  Order  is  founded. 
He  wrote  the  preamble  to  the  Constitution  of  the  National 
Grange,  and  enunciated  the  principles  upon  which  the 
organization  is  based.  Although  he  never  took  the  field  as 
an  organizer  of  Granges,  not  being  personally  calculated  for 
that  work,  nevertheless,  he  has  allowed  no  opportunity  to 
pass  of  asserting  the  importance  of  the  organization  and 
the  good  that  might  be  accomplished  through  its  means. 

His  standing  throughout  the  entire  country  as  a  working 
horticulturist  and  landscape  gardener,  the  importance  of 
his  experiments,  and  the  elucidation,  through  his  writings, 
of  various  subjects  connected  with  practical  horticulture, 
have  placed  him  at  the  head  of  his  profession.  His  retiring 
manners  never  allowed  him  to  place  himself  conspicuously 
before  the  public,  and  yet  no  person  can  converse  with,  or 
listen  to,  him  for  five  minutes  without  being  aware  that  his 
is  a  master  mind,  which  works  only  to  bring  out  results. 
Hence,  all  who  know  him,  either  personally  or  by  reputa 
tion,  have  felt  that  if  he  recommended  the  Order  of  Patrons 

(363) 


364  ^HE  UROUNDSWELL. 

of  Husbandry,  that  organization  could  not  be  very  far 
wrong ;  and  it  is  acknowledged  that,  without  his  influence 
and  aid,  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  establish  the  Order 
in  the  confidence  of  the  agricultural  masses — if,  indeed,  it 
could  have  continued  to  exist  at  all. 

EARLY  CAREER. 

Mr.  Saunders  was  born  at  St.  Andrews,  Fifeshire,  Scot 
land,  in  December  of  1822,  and  was  educated  in  that  city 
of  universities.  After  leaving  college,  in  his  sixteenth  year, 
he  was  articled  as  an  apprentice  to  a  gardener,  and  has  fol 
lowed  that  business,  in  its  various  branches,  up  to  the  pres 
ent  time.  After  serving  out  his  apprenticeship,  he  engaged 
as  a  journeyman,  working  under  first-class  instructors,  both 
in  Scotland  and  England,  and  ultimately  attaining  the 
responsible  management  of  an  important  establishment. 

Early  in  1848,  Mr.  Saunders  left  London  for  New  York. 
His  letters  of  introduction  immediately  secured  him  employ 
ment  in  his  profession.  He  was,  for  some  time,  employed 
as  overseer  of  the  extensive  farm  and  garden  of  John  Hop 
kins,  Esq.,  of  Baltimore,  MdL,  where  he  introduced  import 
ant  improvements.  He  erected  a  cold  grapery,  three  hun 
dred  feet  in  length  ;  formed  flower  gardens,  artificial  lakes,  and 
other  landscape  adornments ;  introduced  thorough  draining  on 
the  farm,  fall  plowing  of  the  clayey  soils,  and  deep  plowing 
of  all.  Finishing  his  work  there,  he  was  next  employed  in 
laying  out  the  grounds  of  Thomas  Winans,  of  Baltimore. 
From  thence  he  went  to  Germantown,  Pa.,  and  devoted 
himself  exclusively  to  landscape  gardening,  the  laying  out 
of  cemeteries  and  extensive  public  and  private  grounds  being 
among  his  specialties. 

In  treating  cemeteries,  Mr.  Saunders  introduced  a  system 


LITERARY    LABORS.  365 

.  of  combining  the  effect  of  landscape  gardening  with  the 
more  utilitarian  purposes  of  the  grounds.  In  the  arrange 
ment  of  the  grounds  of  suburban  and  country  residences, 
he  introduced  the  planting  of  useful  fruit-bearing  trees,  as 
being  ornamental  objects  as  well.  In  order  to  study  the  hab 
its,  forms,  and  outlines  of  the  various  fruit  trees,  he  visited 
orchards  in  many  parts  of  the  country.  Mr.  Saunders  also 
combined  garden  architecture  with  other  professional  duties — 
among  other  things,  introducing  the  now  common  mode  of 
building  glass  greenhouses  with  fixed  roofs,  instead  of  the 
older  mode  of  sliding  sashes. 

An  early,  devoted  attention  to  foreign  grape  culture  in 
duced  the  study  of  mildew  and  its  causes.  In  this  he  was 
led  to  the  conclusion,  which  he  afterward  demonstrated  as 
fact,  that  this  mildew  was  mainly  produced  by  injudicious 
ventilation.  As  a  remedy,  he  advocated  the  admission  of  air 
from  the  top  only,  and  built  many  houses  without  any  other 
means  of  ventilation — none  being  provided  at  the  bottom. 

LITERARY  LABORS. 

In  1850,  Mr.  Saunders,  in  a  paper  written  for  Hoveys 
Magazine,  showed  the  principles  governing  plant  growth  in 
propagating  from  cuttings — that  of  keeping  the  bottoms  of 
the  cuttings  from  thirty  to  forty  degrees  Fahrenheit  warmer 
than  the  buds  exposed  above  the  surface — thus  exciting  the 
root-forming  process,  while  bud-growth  was  retarded.  This 
paper  was  widely  copied  in  European  horticultural  journals. 
The  practice  thus  recommended  is  now  universally  followed. 
A  suggestion  that  the  rooting  of  cuttings  was  in  a  great 
measure  dependent  upon  the  amount  of  starch  contained  in 
them  was,  twenty  years  later,  demonstrated  as  fact  by  the 
investigations  of  German  physiologists. 


366  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

"While  engaged  as  a  landscape  gardener,  Mr.  Saunders' 
attention  was  early  called  to  the  lack  of,  and  necessity  for, 
proper  ornamentation  in  the  grounds  surrounding  the  public 
schools,  seminaries,  and  .colleges  of  the  country.  He  has 
long  and  urgently  advocated,  both  by  precept  and  example, 
this  great  necessity.  The  growth  of  the  public  taste  and 
effort  in  this  direction  is  largely  due  to  his  efforts. 

Mr.  Saunders  has,  first  and  last,  furnished  much  practical 
matter  for  the  rural  press.  He  was  a  frequent  contributor 
to  Hoveys  Magazine  of  Horticulture  and  the  Horticulturist, 
and  furnished,  for  several  years,  a  comprehensive  monthly 
calendar  of  operations  for  the  vegetable  garden,  orchard, 
forcing  houses,  and  the  conservatory,  in  the  last  named 
journal.  Besides  writing  much  on  landscape  gardening,  in 
architectural  and  horticultural  journals,  he  has  also  edited 
and  adapted  various  foreign  works  on  horticulture  and  land 
scape  gardening  for  publication  in  this  country.  He  also 
edited,  for  some  years,  the  Farmer  and  Gardener,  of  Phil 
adelphia  ;  in  addition  to  which,  his  labors  on  other  period 
icals  have  been  considerable. 


CONNECTION  WITH  THE  AGRICULTURAL  DEPARTMENT. 

Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  he  was  in 
trusted,  by  the  Governors  of  various  States,  to  lay  out  the 
Soldiers'  National  Cemetery  at  that  place,  being  the  first 
cemetery  of  the  kind  formed  during  or  immediately  after 
the  war. 

While  practicing  landscape  gardening,  the  services  of 
Mr  Saunders  were  in  great  demand,  involving  so  much 
travel,  and  so  great  demands  upon  his  time,  that,  his  health 
giving  way,  he  was  obliged  to  abandon  active  labor  in 
direction, 


FUTURE   PROJECTS.  367 

Shortly  after  the  organization  of  the  Department  of 
Agriculture,  at  Washington,  Mr.  Saunders  undertook,  tem 
porarily,  the  superintendence  of  the  gardens  of  this  depart 
ment,  but  resigned  the  position  after  a  few  months'  service. 
He  subsequently  undertook  the  work  again,  under  a  perma 
nent  arrangement.  Since  the  Autumn  of  1862,  he  has 
been  retained  as  Superintendent  of  the  grounds,  and  has 
constantly  labored  for  their  extension,  securing,  in  1864, 
the  grounds  now  occupied  by  the  Department,  and  furnish 
ing  the  designs  for  laying  out  and  ornamenting  the  grounds, 
including  the  terraces,  conservatories,  etc.  He  has  regularly 
furnished  his  quota  to  the  reports,  besides  contributing  many 
other  articles  for  its  pages  on  landscape  gardening,  etc. 

FUTURE  PROJECTS. 

One  of  the  important  endeavors  which,  for  years  past, 
has  especially  engaged  the  attention  of  Mr.  Saunders,  is  to 
procure  for  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  a  complete  col 
lection  of  economic  plants,  both  native  and  foreign.  An 
other  is  to  plant  and  form  a  complete  arboretum,  represent 
ing  every  tree  and  shrub  that  is  hardy,  from  all  quarters  of 
the  globe,  in  the  latitude  of  Washington.  Both  of  these 
great  enterprises  are  fully  under  way,  and  the  collections, 
even  now,  are  the  most  complete  in  the  country,  that  of  St. 
Louis'  most  liberal  citizen,  Mr.  Shaw,  coming  next. 

Another  noteworthy  project  for  which  Mr.  Saunders  is 
especially  solicitous,  is  to  secure,  for  the  Department,  suffi 
cient  land  to  plant  a  specimen  of  every  fruit-bearing  tree, 
shrub,  and  vine  that  can  be  procured.  This,  if  it  can  be 
carried  out,  will  greatly  assist  correct  pomological  nomen 
clature,  and  also"  prove,  in  many  other  respects,  of  inestim 
able  value  to  the  fruit-producing  interests  of  the  country  at 


368  THE   GKOUNDSWELL. 

large.  Mr.  Saunders,  since  his  connection  with  the  Depart 
ment,  has  been  indefatigable  in  introducing  and  disseminat 
ing  a  large  number  of  useful  plants.  Some  of  these  have 
not  proved  valuable ;  many  have  not  realized  the  full  ex 
pectation  that  was  hoped  for ;  but  enough  has  been  done  to 
satisfy  the  most  skeptical  that  the  effort  in  this  direction  is 
of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  nation.  It  requires  time 
to  acclimatize  these  exotics,  and  constant  attention  to  be 
come  acquainted  with  the  mode  of  culture  necessary  for 
them.  It  is  a  work  that  only  the  Government  can  properly 
carry  out,  and,  while  his  efforts  in  this  and  other  directions 
are  fully  appreciated  by  the  people  of  the  country,  it  is 
hoped  the  Government  will  take  no  steps  calculated  to  dis 
appoint  the  wishes  of  the  agricultural  masses  in  respect  to 
these  matters. 


CHAPTER   XXXI. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  GEN.  W.  H.  JACKSON, 


EARLY  LIFE. 

William  H.  Jackson  was  born  in  Paris,  Henry  Co.,  Tenn., 
Dec.  1st,  1835.  His  father,  Dr.  A.  Jackson,  and  his  mother, 
Mary  W.  Hunt,  both  natives  of  Virginia,  were  married  in 
1829,  and  removed  to  West  Tennessee  in  1830.  The  only 
surviving  children  of  this  marriage  were  Wm.  H.  and 
Howell  E.  Jackson,  the  latter  now  an  eminent  lawyer  of 
Memphis,  Tenn. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch  was  reared  amid  good  and 
wholesome  precepts  in  the  home  circle,  and  sound  instruc 
tion  in  the  school  and  church.  He  gained  fast  friends  for 
his  high  spirit  and  the  zeal  with  which  he  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  weak  or  younger  children  in  his  schoolboy  days. 
His  school  broils  all  originated  in  his  fervor  in  defending 
the  weak  against  the  strong.  Naturally  of  a  sanguine 
temperament,  it  required  the  severe  military  training  of 
West  Point,  where  he  graduated,  to  subdue  this  fiery  spirit. 
The  future  of  his  manhood  was  early  foreshadowed  in  the 
impetuous  youth,  noted  more  for  energy  of  action  than 
intensity  of  application.  His  fondness  for  field  sports  often 
conflicted  with  the  strict  discharge  of  the  duty  required  in 

his  early  school  days. 

16*  '  (309) 


370  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

AT  WEST  POINT  AND  IN  THE  ARMY. 

In  the  spring  of  1852,  being  at  that  time  a  member  of 
lie  senior  class  of  the  West  Tennessee  College  at  Jackson, 
xie  received  the  appointment  of  cadet  at  West  Point.  This 
change  brought  about  higher  aspirations,  stronger  efforts, 
and  new  associations.  In  1856,  he  graduated  with  the 
very  large  class  of  that  year,  his  standing  being  highly 
creditable. 

After  enjoying  at  home  the  usual  furlough  of  graduated 
cadets,  he  reported,  in  the  autumn  of  1856,  to  the  cavalry 
school  of  instruction,  at  Carlisle,  Pa.,  to  Colonel  Charles 
May,  of  Mexican  war  fame.  He  remained  there  one  year, 
and,  in  the  fall  of  1857,  as  second  Lieutenant,  he  joined  his 
regiment  of  Mounted  Rifles,  in  the  United  States  Army, 
then  stationed  at  various  points  in  Texas  and  New  Mexico. 
Lieutenant  Jackson  was  on  this  service  under  Col.  W.  W. 
Loring  from  1857  to  the  spring  of  1861,  giving  full  scope  for 
adventures  in  following  Indian  trails,  and  in  the  pleasures 
of  the  chase. 

During  this  time  he  was  frequently  complimented,  not 
only  from  the  headquarters  of  his  regiment,  but  also  from 
general  headquarters,  for  persistence  in  duty  and  gallantry 
in  action. 

WAR  BREAKS  OUT. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  Civil  War,  he  was  operating 
against  the  Apaches  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Staunton,  New 
Mexico.  In  the  breaking  up  of  old  relations  incident  to  the 
struggle  between  the  North  and  South,  our  then  young 
cavalry  officer  was  actuated  by  motives  which,  from  the 
stand-point  of  that  day,  were  most  honorable.  His  parents, 
relatives,  and  dearest  friends  were  all  Southerners;  and, 
while  separating  with  regret  from  companions  in  arms  who 


WAR  BREAKS  OUT. 


371 


OEN.   W.  H.  JACKSON, 
President  National  Agricultural  Congress. 


372  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

had  with  him  stood  the  brunt  of  many  an  Indian  onslaught, 
or  had  participated  with  him  in  the  fierce  attack  on  savage 
hordes,  without  hesitation  he  decided  to  go  with  his  native 
State  in  the  conflict.  Many  of  us  now  feel  that  the  mere  ac 
cident  of  birth  has  more  to  do  in  shaping  our  destinies  than 
we  might  before  have  realized.  The  past  has  been  fought 
out,  and  the  honest  and  earnest  men  of  North  and  South 
alike  are. again  united  in  fostering  the  true  aims  and  integ 
rity  of  the  reunited  nation,  and  in  developing  the  resources 
of  the  country. 

In  pursuance  of  the  resolve  to  aid  his  native  State,  Lieut 
enant  Jackson  tendered  his  resignation,  turned  over  to  the 
proper  officer  of  the  United  States  Army  every  cent  of 
government  funds  and  every  description  of  public  property 
in  his  possession,  and,  in  company  with  Col.  Crittenden,  of 
Kentucky,  made  his  way  into  Texas,  ran  the  blockade  at 
Galveston,  arrived  in  New  Orleans,  sent  in  the  tender  of  his 
services  through  Major  Longstreet,  to  the  Confederate 
Government,  and  was  at  once  commissioned  captain  of  ar 
tillery  by  the  governor  of  Tennessee. 

After  performing  various  duties,  he  was  assigned  at  New 
Madrid,  in  1861,  to  the  command  of  a  battery  of  light 
artillery.  At  the  battle  of  Belmont,  his  battery  having  been 
disabled,  Captain  Jackson,  by  order  of  his  general,  led  an 
infantry  charge  against  a  portion  of  the  United  States  troops 
and  was  wounded  in  the  side  with  a  Minie  ball,  which  he 
still  carries — a  striking  reminiscence  of  the  horrors  of  war. 
After  recovering  from  what  at  the  time  was  supposed  to 
be  a  mortal  wound,  he  was  promoted  to  a  colonelcy,  and  as 
signed  to  the  command  of  the  Sixth  Tennessee  and  First 
Mississippi  Cavalry,  operating  in  West  Tennessee  and  North 
ern  Mississippi. 

At  the  taking  of  Holly  Springs,  Col.  Jackson,  for  gallant 


HIS   PAET  IN  THE  WAR.  373 

conduct,  was  promoted  brigadier-general,  and  in  command 
of  cavalry  took  part  in  all  the  various  movements  of  Gen 
erals  Hardee,  Polk,  and  Joe  Johnston,  commanding  the 
cavalry  on  the  left  wing  in  the  memorable  Georgia 
campaign. 

HIS  PART  IN  THE  WAE. 

General  Jackson  is  a  true  gentleman,  urbane,  self  sacrific 
ing,  and  forbearing  to  his  fellows.  He  is  also  a  strict  dis 
ciplinarian,  and  his  command  was  noted  for  their  dash  and 
daring  in  the  field.  While  in  battle  he  was  ever  foremost, 
his  high  natural  sense  of  honor,  intensified  by  his  early 
associations  and  military  training,  ever  led  him  to  exercise  a 
chivalrous  forbearance  and  clemency  to  those  whom  the  fate 
of  war  threw  into  his  power. 

While  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  South,  from  what  to 
him  seemed  an  imperative  duty,  he  exercised  no  feeling 
of  personal  hostility  to  the  people  of  the  North,  to  whom  he 
accorded  the  same  sense  of  right  to  battle  for  principle  as  he 
claimed  for  himself.  If  all  had  been  actuated  by  the  same 
humane  feelings,  how  much  bitterness  would  have  been 
smoothed  over,  and  how  much  misery  and  suffering  would 
have  been  obviated.  His  strong  personal  attachment  to  his 
many  old  chums  in  the  Federal  army,  perhaps,  aided  his 
strong  sense  in  conducting  his  share  of  the  struggle  upon 
principles  of  civilized  usage,  and  with  as  little  severity  and 
harshness  as  possible. 

Among  the  services  performed,  was  his  engagement  with 
the  dashing  Kilpatrick,  at  Lovejoys'  Station,  leading  with 
Forrest  the  Confederate  advance  into  Tennessee,  and  cover 
ing  the  retreat  of  Hood.  For  this  he  was  recommended 
for  promotion  to  a  division,  and  was  assigned  to  the  com- 


374  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

mand  of  Forrest's  old  division,  with  the  Texas  brigade 
added.  With  this  fine  command,  he  operated  until  the  close 
of  the  war,  when  he  was  assigned  by  General  Dick  Taylor, 
on  the  part  of  the  Confederates,  and  General  Dennis,  of  the 
United  States  Army,  as  Commissioner  for  the  parole  of 
troops,  at  Gainesville,  Ala.,  and  Columbus,  Miss. 

AFTER  THE  WAR. 

The  war  closed,  and  with  the  same  resolute  purpose  that 
had  always  actuated  his  life,  General  Jackson  engaged  in  ag 
riculture.  Taking  charge  of  his  father's  planting  interest, 
he  managed  two  farms,  organizing  a  mixed  force  of  white 
and  colored  laborers,  and  superintending  their  work  with 
judgment  and  profit,  thus  cheerfully  exchanging  the  excite 
ment  of  the  camp  for  the  quietude  of  the  farm.  He  went 
into  the  new  service  with  ardent,  energetic  purpose,  bringing 
to  bear  a  quick  and  observant  mind  in  the  new  field  of  em 
ployment,  which  has  gained  for  him  a  distinction  in  agricul 
ture  not  inferior  to  the  fame  which  he  earned  for  himself  in 
the  profession  of  arms'.  For  three  or  four  years  he  thus  su 
perintended  the  culture  of  cotton  in  West  Tennessee.  The 
life  of  this  gentleman  since  the  war  has  amply  disproved  the 
paragraph  contained  in  one  of  General  Sherman's  letters  to 
General  Grant,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  assigning  a  reason 
why  liberal  terms  should  be  granted  on  surrender :  "  For," 
said  he,  "  if  we  do  not  pursue  this  course, 'such  men  as  For 
rest,  Mosby,  and  Bed  Jackson  [the  subject  of  this  sketch], 
who  know  not,  or  care  not,  for  danger  and  its  consequences, 
will  break  off  in  command  of  guerrilla  parties,  and  give  the 
country  great  trouble." 

In  December,  1868,  he  married  Miss  Selene  Harding,  thb 
daughter  of  General  W.  G.  Harding,  of  Belle  Meade,  near 


THE   WARRIOR   AS   FARMEE.  375 

Nashville,  Tennessee,  one  of  the  most  eminent  agriculturists 
and  stock  raisers  of  Tennessee.  For  this  happy  change 
of  life,  habits,  and  taste,  he  is  indebted  to  the  Lost  Cause, 
to  his  connection  with  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  and 
to  his  marriage,  and  his  consequent  intimate  association 
with  his  father-in-law,  one  of  the  most  extensive  and  suc 
cessful  farmers  of  Tennessee. 

THE  WARRIOR  AS  A  FARMER. 

This  rare  opportunity  General  Jackson  fully  improved, 
and  this  improvement,  with  his  enthusiasm  in  all  enterprises 
inaugurated  for  the  advancement  of  agriculture,  and  the 
elevation  of  the  farmer  to  his  proper  position,  has  been  so 
appreciated  that  he  now  fills  the  offices  of  President  of  the 
National  Agricultural  Congress,  President  of  the  Farmers' 
Association  of  Tennessee,  President  of  the  Bureau  of  Agricul 
ture  of  the  State,  and  President  of  the  Executive  Board  of 
the  "Rural  Sun  Publishing  Company/'  a  weekly  journal 
devoted  to  Southern  agriculture.  He  is  also  Master  of 
the  Heart  of  Oak  Grange  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  at  Nash 
ville,  Tennessee. 

Since  the  close  of  the  war,  General  Jackson  has  been  one 
of  the  foremost  men  in  the  South  in  all  that  tends  to  ele 
vate  the  profession,  and  to  unite  the  North  and  South  as 
one  fraternity,  in  order  that  the  delvers  of  the  soil  might 
realize  their  full  importance  as  a  great  factor  in  the  scale  of 
national  power. 

The  connection  of  this  gentleman  with  the  Farmers' 
Movement  is  already  a  matter  of  history.  It  is  due  to  him 
here,  however,  to  say  that,  at  the  meeting  of  the  National 
Agricultural  Congress,  at  St.  Louis,  in  1872,  he  was  ten 
dered  the  presidency  of  the  National  Agricultural  Congress, 


376  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

but  declined,  preferring  that  the  office  should  go  to  the 
North-west.  His  name  as  Vice-President  for  Tennessee,  and 
also  his  election  to  the  presidency  of  the  association  at  the 
second  annual  meeting  at  Indianapolis,  in  1873,  have  been" 
given  elsewhere  in  this  work,  in  the  history  of  the  Farmers' 
Movement. 

General  Jackson  has  always  been  firm  in  the  belief  (so 
frequently  reiterated  in  this  work  as  the  writer's  own  opin 
ion)  that  co-operation,  to  be  successful,  must'be  through  the 
unity  in  one  parent  society  of  every  association  in  the 
land. 

One  of  the  mottoes  of  General  Jackson  is,  "  Festina  Lente" 
which  might  be  translated  for  the  benefit  of  railroad  monop 
olies,  "  Go  slow  up  grade."  Its  literal  translation,  "  Make 
haste  slowly,"  is  applicable  to  his  efforts  is  this  Movement. 
A  convincing  debater,  a  pleasant  orator,  a  will  strong  for 
his  conviction  of  right,  he  does  not  hold  the  plow  and  look 
back,  but  drives  a  steady  team  straight  to  the  landmark, 
laying  his  furrow  true  and  even,  and  without  skips  or  turn- 
furrows.  This  is  his  conception  of  "Festina  Lente." 


CHAPTER   XXXII. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  JOHN  DAVIS. 


EARLY  PIONEER  LIFE. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch  was  born  in  a  log  cabin,  fifteen 
miles  south  of  Springfield,  Illinois,  in  the  year  1826. 
When  three  years  of  age,  his  father,  Mr.  Joseph  Davis,  re 
moved  to  Macon  County,  Illinois,  near  Decatur,  where  he 
still  resides. 

This  removal  took  place  during  the  Black  Hawk  war, 
when  settlements  in  central  Illinois  were  few  and  far  be 
tween,  when  Chicago  was  a  mere  trading  village,  and  the 
whole  northern  portion  of  Illinois  was  an  untilled  and  wild 
prairie  region,  except  here  and  there,  where  a  few  hardy 
pioneers  had  formed  settlements.  Indians  were  plenty  and 
on  the  war  path.  Troops  and  prairie  scouts  were  actively 
engaged  in  guarding  the  sparse  settlements,  or  pursuing  the 
savages.  Mills  were  situated  at  wide  intervals,  and  the  suf 
ferings  of  the  hardy  settlers  were  such  as  to  leave  a  vivid 
remembrance  of  those  old  days. 

The  winter  of  1830-31  will  long  be  remembered  by  the 
pioneers  of  central  and  southern  Illinois,  as  the  winter  of 
deep  snows.  During  two  terrible  storms  in  December,  the 
snow  fell  to  the  depth  of  three  feet  over  the  surface,  and 
drifted  to  great  heights,  covering  fences,  corn-fields,  small 
stacks,  and  even  the  cabins  of  the  settlers.  Live  stock  and 

(377) 


378  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

wild  animals  died  in  great  numbers,  and  the  ingenuity  and 
endurance  of  men  were  taxed  to  the  utmost  to  save  their 
families  and  teams  from  perishing  from  cold  and  famine. 

Among  these  hardy  frontiersmen,  none  were  more  con 
spicuous  for  spirit  and  enterprise  than  good  old  Joe  Davis, 
of  Macon.  When  a  neighbor  was  to  be  assisted,  or  help 
was  wanted  in  any  direction,  he  was  always  "  to  the  fore,"  with 
his  heavy  ox  team. 

GRINDING  AT  THE  HORSE  MILL. 

At  last  the  pioneer  father  became  possessed  of  a  mill, 
where  was  ground  the  grain  brought  from  a  radius  of  over 
thirty  miles,  this  method  giving  entire  satisfaction  in  that 
primitive  age.  Pay  was  taken  in  kind,  one-sixth  of  the 
corn  and  one-seventh  of  the  wheat  being  the  rule,  But, 
then,  there  were  few  monopolies. 

In  due  time,  young  John  was  promoted  from  driving  the 
plow  to  driving  the  mill,  and  as  principal  miller  became  a 
somewhat  important  personage  in  the  rising  community. 
Always  earnest  and  studious,  when  the  day's  work  was  done 
he  would  seize  the  "  Life  of  Marion,"  or  some  other  work  of 
similar  kind,  and  read  aloud  to  those  whose  business  kept 
them  at  the  mill,  and  who,  seated  around  the  blazing  log-heap 
in  the  ample  fire-place,  were  wont  to  regard  the  fluent  and 
earnest  youth  with  admiration,  his  elocutionary  powers  often 
eliciting  such  remarks  as  this:  "I'd  give  my  best  hoss  if 
my  Jim  could  read  like  the  miller." 

The  mother  of  Mr.  Davis  was  a  woman  of  strong  will  and 
moral  character,  who  accomplished  much  good  in  moulding 
the  characters  of  the  rough  young  men  always  found  grow 
ing  up  in  frontier  settlements.  Many  a  man,  now  past  his 
prime;  thanks  "Aunt  Sally  "  for  the  advice  and  moral  influ- 


380  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

ence  that  saved  him  from  strong  drink,  and,  perhaps,  a 
drunkard's  grave. 

Mr.  Davis'  father  was  a  stock-farmer,  breeding  horses, 
mules,  cattle,  and  swine,  and  selling  the  same  for  breeding 
purposes,  as  well  as  for  food.  The  subject  of  our  sketch 
continued  working  at  the  farm  until  reaching  his  twenti 
eth  year,  acquiring  that  strength,  nerve,  and  constitution 
that  were  to  enable  him,  in  after  life,  to  study  and  store  his 
mind  with  the  knowledge  that  makes  the  cultured  man.  It 
is  this  early  culture  that  has,  more  than  any  thing  else, 
perhaps,  given  him  the  practical  ability  for  which  he  is 
remarkable. 

GETTING  AN  EDUCATION  AND  START  IN  LIFE. 

At  nineteen,  Mr.  Davis  left  the  farm  and  set  about  get 
ting  an  education,  spending  two  years  as  a  student  and  clerk 
in  a  drug  store  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  and  attending  the 
academy  of  Professor  Esterbrook.  From  thence  he  went 
to  Jacksonville,  and  entered  Illinois  College.  After  leaving 
college,  he  became  one  of  Professor  Turner's  agents  in  intro 
ducing  the  growth  of  the  Osage  orange  on  the  prairies.  This 
connection  continued  three  or  four  years,  leading  to  a  close 
intimacy  which  was  never  sundered.  Their  minds  worked 
in  perfect  accord  in  relation  to  education  to  the  industries. 
The  general  ideas  with  the  early  agitators,  on  this  subject, 
to  use  Mr.  Davis'  words,  were,  "To  discard  the  obsolete 
and  useless  branches  of  education,  and  to  adopt  the  modern 
and  practical  subjects  in  their  stead." 

In  May,  1851,  Mr.  Davis  was  married  to  Miss  Martha 
Ann  Powell,  of  Wisconsin,  daughter  of  Eev.  Joseph  Powell, 
and  sister  to  Major  J.  "W.  Powell,  who  is  now  widely  known 
as  the  explorer  of  the  Colorado  River.  About  1S53;  Mr, 


WESTWARD,    HO!  881 

I)avis  and  Major  Powell  entered  into  business  relations  with 
the  lamented  C.  R.  Overman,  then  of  Fulton  County,  Illi 
nois,  and  started  a  branch  nursery  in  Macon  County,  under 
the  firm  name  of  "  Davis  &  Powell."  This  relationship  was 
mutually  pleasant  to  all  the  parties,  and  lasted  for  several 
years. 

While  engaged  as  a  nurseryman — a  business  which  he 
continued,  on  a  limited  scale,  after  the  termination  of  the 
partnership  above  named — Mr.  Davis  made  himself  a  most 
comfortable  home,  about  five  miles  east  of  Decatur,  where 
he  reared  a  family  of  six  boys  and  three  girls,  devoting 
himself,  on  his  home  farm,  to  the  raising  of  fruit  and  stock. 

During  his  whole  life,  Mr.  Davis  has  been  an  indefatigable 
planter  of  trees,  and  has  found  it  pay.  Several  places 
which  he  has  improved  for  sale  have  brought  more  money 
than  other  places  naturally  as  good,  with  better  buildings, 
but  lacking  orchards  and  shade. 

"WESTWARD,  HOf" 

At  length,  a  growing  family  induced  Mr.  Davis,  in  1869, 
to  visit  Kansas,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  homes  for  his 
children;  and  he  is  now  engaged  in  improving  a  farm  of 
four  hundred  and  eighty  acres,  near  Junction  City,  Davis 
County,  old  Fort  Eiley  being  in  full  view  from  his  premises. 
His  entire  family  removed  to  their  new  home  in  Kansas, 
where  they  are  all  now  permanently  located,  in  1872. 

Mr.  Davis  is  a  good  speaker  and  a  forcible  writer,  and  in 
his  new  home  he  could  not  long  remain  in  obscurity.  In 
January,  1873,  at  the  invitation  of  President  Dennison,  of 
the  State  Agricultural  College,  he  delivered  an  address  on 
the  "  Transportation  of  American  Products,"  which  was 
favorably  noticed  by  the  press. 


382  THE  GfcOUNDSWEtL. 


PRESENT  PROMINENCE  AND  LABORS. 

In  March,  1873,  Mr.  Davis  became  President  of  the 
newly-formed  Agricultural  Society  of  Davis  County,  and 
went  as  a  delegate,  in  company  with  Mr.  John  K.  Wright, 
to  the  Farmers'  State  Convention,  held  on  the  26th  and 
27th  of  the  same  month,  at  Topeka.  He  was  elected  Presi 
dent  of  the  Convention,  and,  at  the  organization  of  the  State 
Farmers'  Association,  was  chosen  President  of  that  body. 

Thus  this  earnest  and  untiring  worker  was  happily  har 
nessed  into  the  traces  in  this  young  State,  to  help  roll  for 
ward  the  car  of  progress. 

He  has  been  an  indefatigable  worker  in  the  cause  of  in 
dustrial  education  in  Kansas,  pitting  himself  fearlessly 
against  the  sectarian  cliques  who  sought  to  gain  control  of 
the  Agricultural  College  of  that  State,  to  the  exclusion  of 
agriculture  and  mechanics. 

One  of  his  most  characteristic  efforts  was  an  open  letter, 
on  the  subject  of  such  education,  to  the  Governor  of  the 
State,  published  in  the  Kansas  Farmer,  early  in  1873. 
This  drew  out  some  able  criticisms  from  the  editor  of  that 
journal,  and  an  attack  upon  Mr.  Davis  by  Rev.  L.  Stern- 
berg.  The  discussion  was  sharp,  spirited,  and  interesting, 
and  has  accomplished  its  full  quota  of  good  in  moulding 
public  opinion  on  the  subject  of  industrial  education  in 
Kansas.  It  has  also  assisted  in  bringing  Mr.  Davis  promi 
nently  before  the  people  of  the  West,  as  an  able  and  fear 
less  champion  of  their  rights. 


CHAPTEB   XXXIII. 


BIOGRAPHICAL   SKETCH   OF   HON.  W.  C.  FLAGG. 


PARENTAGE  AND  EDUCATION. 

Willard  Cutting  Flagg  was  born  September  16,  1829, 
on  the  farm  where  he  now  resides,  in  what  was  then  known 
as  Paddock's  Settlement,  Madison  County,  Illinois.  He  is 
the. son  of  Gershom  Flagg  and  Jane  Paddock,  both  natives 
of,  and  early  emigrants  from,  Vermont. 

Attending  the  local  school  and  doing  the  usual  work  of  a 
farmer's  boy  until  1844,  he  thereafter  spent  the  winters  at  a 
first-class  English  and  classical  high-school  in  St.  Louis,  Mis 
souri,  until  1850,  when  he  entered  Yale  College  as  freshman, 
graduating  in  course  in  1854,  and  taking  the  rank  of  an 
"oration  man"  in  scholarship.  He  was  awarded. two  prizes 
in  English  Composition  in  the  sophomore  year.  In  the 
junior  year  he  took  the  Yale  Literary  Gold  Medal  for  Eng 
lish  Composition,  and  was  chosen  one  of  the  five  editors  of 
the  Yale  Literary  Magazine  for  senior  year. 

After  graduating,  he  returned  home  and  commenced  work 
upon  the  farm,  continuing,  however,  to  intersperse  a  good 
deal  of  reading  and  some  magazine  writing  with  his  labors. 
On  the  13th  of  February,  1856,  he  married  Miss  Sarah 
Smith,  of  St.  Louis,  Missouri.  Entering  into  the  political 
canvass  of  that  year,  in  support  of  Fremont  and  the  Ee- 

(383) 


384  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

publican  ticket,  he  wrote  earnestly  for  the  political  press. 
In  1857,  after  the  death  of  his  father,  he  devoted  himself 
exclusively  to  farming,  and  in  1858  and  succeeding  years, 
besides  building,  planting,  and  fencing  fields,  old  and  new, 
he  commenced  orchard  planting.  During  the  next  ten  years, 
he  planted  about  one  hundred  acres  of  orchard,  principally 
apple,  but  also  comprising  a  good  many  peach  and  other 
fruit  trees,  besides  a  pretty  extensive  collection  of  experi 
mental  varieties  of  nearly  all  sorts  of  fruits. 


CONNECTION  WITH  ILLINOIS  HORTICULTURAL  SOCIETY. 

In  1860,  as  a  member  of  the  ^Republican  State  Central 
Committee  'and  the  County  Committee,  he  took  an  active 
part  in  politics,  and  wrote  some  political  pamphlets. 

In  1861  he  was  elected  Secretary  of  the  Illinois  State 
Horticultural  Society,  a  position  which  he  held  until  1869, 
bringing  to  this  position  an  untiring  industry,  and  a  large 
and  varied  experience.  The  volumes  of  that  society  at 
tracted  the  attention  of  horticulturists  all  over  the  country. 
In  this  position  he  continued  until  1869,  most  of  the  time 
serving  without  compensation,  when  the  Society  most  re 
luctantly  accepted  his  resignation,  and,  in  appreciation  of 
his  earnest  and  self-sacrificing  labors  in  its  behalf,  unani 
mously  elected  him  their  President  for  1871. 

In  1862,  Mr.  Flagg  introduced  into  Madison  County,  Illi 
nois,  a  herd  of  Devon  cattle,  having  previously  bred  grades 
of  this  stock,  and  now  has  a  herd  of  about  twenty  "  pure 
bred,"  besides  grades.  The  same  year  he  was  appointed 
United  States  Collector  of  the  Twelfth  District  of  Illinois,  a 
position  which  he  held  until  January,  1869,  when  he  re 
signed  it  in  order  to  take  his  seat  in  the  State  Senate,  to 


LEGISLATIVE   CAEEES.  385 

which  he  was  elected  from  the  counties  of  Madison  and  St. 
Glair,  in  1868. 

In  1864,  he  published  a  pamphlet  on  the  Agricultural 
College  question,  then  beginning  to  awaken  a  renewed  inter 
est  in  our  State,  and  joined  with  other  friends  of  the  move 
ment  in  opposing  the  attempt  to  divide  the  agricultural  and 
mechanical  grant  between  the  existing  colleges. 

In  1867,  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  first  Board  of  Trus 
tees  of  the  Illinois  Industrial  University,  and  elected  Cor 
responding  Secretary  of  the  Board,  a  position  which  he  has 
held  since  that  time. 


LEGISLATIVE  CAREER. 

In  1868,  Mr.  Flagg  was  nominated  and  elected  State  Sen 
ator  from  the  counties  of  Madison  and  St.  Clair,  and  served 
in  the  sessions  of  1869  and  1871,  the  special  sessions  of  1871 
and  the  adjourned  session  of  1872,  during  which  period  he 
had  an  opportunity,  in  connection  with  his  fellow-members 
from  that  locality,  of  breaking  down  the  Wiggins'  Ferry 
monopoly  at  East  St.  Louis.  He  voted,  though  unsuccess 
fully,  against  the  infamous  Lake  Front  Bill  and  the  "  Grab 
Law  "  of  1869,  by  which  the  railroads  combined  to  rob  Chi 
cago  of  her  frontage  to  Lake  Michigan. 

In  the  session  of  1871,  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Education,  he  reported  a  revision  of  the  school  law,  and  in 
troduced  the  clause  for  the  study  of  the  elements  of  the  nat 
ural  sciences  as  a  requirement  in  the  qualification  of  teach 
ers,  and  as  a  possible  study  for  pupils.  In  both  sessions  his 
attention  was  called  to  the  railway  question.  His  opinions 
on  the  subject  are  briefly  expressed  in  an  address  before  the 
literary  societies  of  Shurtleff  College,  in  June,  1869. 

"  The  association  of  capital  in  this  country,"  said  Mr. 


386 

Flagg,  "  as  well  as  others,  is  going  on  rapidly  in  partial  oppo 
sition  to  the  organization  of  labor,  and  often  with  bad  effects  on 
the  State.  Capital,  in  the  hands  of  a  few,  is  organized  with 
facility,  handled  rapidly,  and  used  unscrupulously.  It  may 
do  more  mischief  in  a  democracy  than  elsewhere  in  corrupt 
ing  persons  in  power.  '  In  democracies,'  said  De  Tocqueville, 
'  statesmen  are  poor,  and  have  their  fortunes  to  make.'  It 
is  inimical  to  the  virtue  of  a  democracy  in  aggregating 
wealth  in  the  hands  of  men  who  are  uneducated,  immoral, 
and  extravagant ;  who  bring  upon  us  the  vices  and  corrupt 
ing  influences  of  an  aristocracy,  without  its  culture  or  its 

vices. 

"These  evils,  though  general  in  the  case  of  associated 
capital,  are  more  peculiarly  and  specially  the  result  of  our 
railway  corporations.  They  ask,  and  often  by  fraud  obtain, 
unwarrantable  franchises.  They  are  unscrupulous  in  extor 
tion  when  they  have  the  opportunity,  and  truckling  under 
competition;  they  consolidate  and  water  stock, and  compel  the 
traveling  public  to  pay  twenty-five  per  cent  on  the  real  cap 
ital  under  the  guise  of  eight  or  ten  on  the  nominal  capital ; 
they  violate  even  the  rule  of  honor  among  thieves,  and 
stockholder  cheats  stockholder  in  the  election  of  directors  to 
get  control  of  the  management." 

In  an  address  on  "  Our  Bailways  and  Our  Farmers,"  de 
livered  before  the  Pike  County,  Illinois,  Farmers'  Conven 
tion,  in  1872,  these  views  were  elaborated  and  supplemented 
with  other  matter. 


AGRICULTURAL  EDUCATION  FROM  A  SCHOLARS 
STAND-POINT. 

In  1870,  in  an  address  on  "  the  Education  of  the  Farmer," 
before  the  St,  Glair  County,  Illinois,  Farmers'  and  Fruit- 


AGRICULTURAL   EDUCATION.  S87 

Growers'  Association,  lie  gave  his  views  upon  agricultural 
education,  taking  the  ground,  in  common  with  other  prac 
tical  minds  "  that  the  young  men  most  earnest  in  getting  an 
education,  although  farmers'  sons,  look  forward  to  other 
pursuits  than  farming  as  the  goal  of  their  desires.  These 
are  evidently  neither  of  them  necessary  results;  but  they 
must  affect  our  theory  and  practice  of  agricultural  educa 
tion. 

"  Those  of  us  who  have  gone  through  the  prescribed  drill 
of  our  college  courses  have  generally  formed  the  habit  of 
getting  our  knowledge  by  the  study  of  text-books,  rather 
than  by  original  research,  or  even  by  the  accurate  observa 
tion  of  things.  We  have  formed  sedentary  habits.  We 
would  rather  read  up  Allen  on  the  '  points '  of  the  short 
horn  than  go  to  the  field  and  examine  the  animal.  In 
other  words,  whilst  the  farmer's  is  an  active  and  practical 
life,  we  have  been  educated  to,  and  formed  the  habits  of,  a 
literary  and  sedentary  life. 

"  The  education  of  the  farmer,  and  probably  that  of  all 
men  engaged  in  active  pursuits,  should  be  conducted  with  a 
view  to  avoid  it.  So  far  as  possible,  text-books  should  be 
used  mainly  for  reference,  and  *  object- teaching'  substituted. 
Botany  should  be  studied  by  dissection  of  the  plant  in  the 
class-room,  or  by  rambles  in  the  fields  and  forests.  Chem 
istry  should  be  taught,  as  it  now  is  getting  to  be,  by  imme 
diate  resort  to  the  laboratory.  If  breeds  of  animals  be  the 
topic,  the  lecturer  should  have  them  at  hand,  and  take  his 
class  to  study  their  points  ;  if  pruning,  the  students  should 
go  to  the  orchard  and  see  the  work  done,  and  help  do  it;  if 
varieties  of  fruit,  the  fruit  itself,  or  casts  of  it,  should  be  at 
hand,  and  the  tree  that  bears  them  in  the  experimental  or 
specimen  orchard." 


388  THE  GROUNDSWELL, 


EDITORIAL  CONNECTIONS  AND  FURTHER  HONORS. 

In  1869,  Mr.  Flagg  became  editorially  connected  with 
Hearth  and  Home,  as  its  western  correspondent,  and  since 
1872  has  edited  the  horticultural  department  of  the  Prairie 
Farmer.  In  1872,  at  the  meeting  of  Farmers'  Clubs,  held 
in  Kewanee,  Illinois,  he  was  appointed  on  the  State  Central 
Committee,  and  in  pursuance  of  the  duties  assigned  him, 
and  in  association  with  Mr.  S.  M.  Smith,  General  L.  F. 
Boss,  and  others,  aided  in  calling  the  Bloomington  Conven 
tion,  at  which  the  Illinois  State  Farmers'  Association  was 
organized,  and  of  which  association  Mr.  Flagg  is  now  Presi 
dent. 

At  the  late  biennial  meeting  of  the  American  Pomological 
Society,  held  at  Boston,  Mr.  Flagg  was  unanimously  elected 
Secretary  for  the  ensuing  two  years. 

Such,  in  brief,  are  a  portion  of  the  life  and  services  of  one 
who  unites  to  high  culture  a  most  practical  view  of  that 
which  interests  men  in  every-day  life.  Always  willing  to 
acknowledge  a  wrong,  but  strong  in  his  convictions  of  what 
constitutes  right,  as  he  himself  acknowledges,  his  education 
had  tended  to  lead  astray  from  rural  life ;  nevertheless,  his 
honest  mind  has  always  kept  him  in  the  ranks  of  the  people 
battling  for  right,  although  his  wealth,  inherited  as  well  as 
earned,  has  never  made  him  feel  the  need  of  labor  to  supply 
either  the  necessities  or  elegancies  of  life. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 


THE  PEOPLE  VERSUS  RAILWAY  MONOPOLIES. 


BY  HON.  W.  C.  FLAGG,  PRESIDENT  ILLINOIS  STATE  FARMERS' 
ASSOCIATION. 


A   GREAT  PUBLIC  DANGER. 

During  the  last  fifteen  years,  there  has  grown  up  in 
America  a  distrust,  which,  at  first  felt  by  a  few,  merged  into 
the  fear  and  finally  into  the  denunciation  of  railway  corpo 
rations  by  a  large  majority  of  the  increasing  number  who, 
for  any  considerable  time,  have  been  subjected  to  the  extor 
tionate  rates,  the  deliberate  violation  of  moral  and  legal 
obligations,  and  the  corrupting  influence  in  public  and  private 
station  that  have  characterized  our  railway  monopolies.  Ad 
mitting  freely,  to  begin  upon,  that  railway  managers  and 
owners  are  not  necessarily  nor  per  se  worse  than  other  men, 
it  must  be  just  as  frankly  stated  that  railway  corporations, 
as  such,  have  proved  one  of  the  worst  influences  in  our  State 
and  national  affairs. 

Henry  C.  Carey,  the  political  economist,  was  one  of  the 
few  who  early  saw  the  danger.  Writing  to  the  Hon.  L. 
Sherwood,  in  1867,  he  said:  "Nearly  twenty  years  have 
passed  since,  without  having  the  smallest  personal  interest 
in  the  question,  I  spent  two  years  in  the  effort  to  free  New 
Jersey  from  the  tyranny  that  had  been  there  established," 
alluding  to  the  railroad  monopoly  of  New  Jersey.  In  his 

(389) 


390  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

"  Social  Science,"  published  in  1858,  speaking  of  the  political 
power  of  railway  corporations  in  Great  Britain,  he  says : 
"So  it  is  even  now  in  these  United  States ;  railroad  com 
panies  are  already  controlling  the  legislation  of  many  of  the 
States,  the  day  for  general  combination  having  not  yet  ar 
rived;  but  there  are  many  evidences  of  its  near  approach. 
When  it  shall  arrive  it  will  furnish  new  proof  to  the  fact, 
that,  of  all  governments,  the  most  exhausting  and  oppressive 
is  that  of  the  transporters." 

PRIVATE  CORPORATIONS  GOVERNING  STATES. 

G-eo.  P.  Marsh,  alike  eminent  in  the  annals  of  diplomacy 
and  of  philology,  in  a  note  to  his  "  Man  and  Nature "  ex 
pressed  himself  as  follows,  in  1862 :  "  I  shall  harm  no  honest 
man  by  endeavoring,  as  I  have  often  done  elsewhere,  to  ex 
cite  the  attention  of  conscientious  and  thinking  men  to  the 
dangers  which  threaten  the  great  moral  and  even  political 
interests  of  Christendom,  from  the  unscrupulousness  of  the 
private  associations  that  now  control  the  monetary  affairs, 
and  regulate  the  transit  of  persons  and  property  in  almost 
every  civilized  country.  More  than  one  American  State  is 
literally  governed  by  unprincipled  corporations,  which  not 
only  defy  the  legislative  power,  but  have,  too  often,  corrupted 

even  the  administration  of  justice. 

#  #  #  #  # 

"  The  example  of  the  American  States  shows  that  private 
corporations — whose  rule  of  action  is  the  interest  of  the  as 
sociation,  not  the  conscience  of  the  individual — though  com 
posed  of  ultra-democratic  elements,  may  become  most  dan 
gerous  enemies  to  national  liberty,  to  the  moral  interests  of 
the  commonwealth,  to  the  purity  of  legislation  and  of  judicial 
action,  and  to  the  sacredness  of  private  rights," 


PEIVATE   CORPORATIONS  GOVERNING  STATES.          391 


Hon.    WILLARD    C.    FLAGG, 
President  Illinois  State  Farmers'  Association. 


392  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

These  words  of  warning  were  unheard  by  a  nation  enter 
ing  upon  a  struggle  with  the  other  and  greater  vested  wrong 
of  slavery ;  and  it  was  not  until  after  the  war  for  the  Union 
closed,  during  which  time  the  chartering  and  construction 
of  railways  went  briskly  on,  that  such  men  as  Lorenzo  Sher 
wood,  Josiah  Quincy,  and  the  younger  Charles  Francis 

Adams  could  have  an  attentive  hearing. 

• 

RAILWAY  CORPORATIONS  DEFIANT. 

By  this  time  railway  corporations  had  grown  bold  and 
defiant.  Fisk,  Gould,  Vanderbilt,  and  Drew  warred  among 
themselves,  and  were  more  or  less  afraid  of  one  another ;  but 
they  evidently  regarded  the  New  York  legislature  and  judi 
ciary  as  their  tools.  Their  armed  minions,  like  the  following 
of  mediaeval  lords,  broke  the  peace  and  one  another's  heads 
with  impunity.  In  other  quarters,  it  was  reported  that  the 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  and  several  southern 
legislatures  and  State  goverments  were  the  facile  tools  of 
other  corporations.  The  Union  Pacific  and  its  Credit  Mo- 
bilier  ring  invaded  the  halls  of  Congress,  and  brought 
scandal  upon  national  as  well  as  State  governments.  The 
so-called  "  Farmer's  Movement"  did  not  begin  an  hour  too 
soon. 

Attempts  are  made  to  falsify  the  issue,  and  to  assume  that 
this  is  a  war  of  farmers  against  railroads — a  class  pitted 
against  a  useful  invention — but  they  who  make  this  attempt 
and  the  assumption  lack  either  clear  heads  or  fair  minds. 
It  is  the  eternal  warfare  of  popular  rights  against  privilege, 
in  a  new  shape — a  conflict  just  as  irrepressible  and  inevitable 
in  its  results,  as  that  other  conflict  which  absorbed  the 
energies  and  sacrificed  the  youthful  life  of  the  nation  for 
four  years, 


FACTS  AND  FIGURES.  393 

I  shall  attempt  to  state  the  case  of  the  people  in  this  con 
troversy  by  the  affirmation  of  a  few  propositions  that  I 
think  no  unprejudiced  person  will  deny. 

RAILWAYS  THE  PUBLIC  HIGHWAYS. 

Kailways  are  the  highways  of  the  country,  and  year  by 
year  absorb  the  business  of  transportation  from  earth  roads, 
canals,  rivers,  and  lakes,  unless  their  charges  are  exorbitant. 
They  took  the  business  of  the  common  road  immediately 
on  their  completion,  except  for  short  distances ;  and  it  is  only 
lately,  when  the  charges  of  transportation  by  rail  became 
prohibitory,  that  we  hear  again  of  wagons  being  brought  into 
use  for  distances  of  fifty  to  one  hundred  miles.  The  Erie 
Canal  carries  less  flour  from  Buffalo  eastward  by  far  than 
the  railways  competing  with  it. 

"  In  1861,"  says  Harpers  Magazine  for  November,  1873, 
"the  canals  of  New  York  transported  2,144,373  tons  of 
Western  products,  and  the  three  trunk  railroads,  the  New 
York  Central,  Erie,  and  Pennsylvania  railroads,  905,521. 
In  1871,  the  canals  carried  only  1,863,868  tons,  and  the 
railroads  3,057,168.  The  Grand  Trunk,  of  Canada,  and  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  railroads  must  add  about  40  per  cent, 
to  the  latter  amount,"  "Steam,"  says  Charles  Francis 
Adams,  "  abolishes  the  Mississippi  Kiver." 

In  1872,  St.  Louis  received  2,838,364  tons  of  freight  by 
railroad,  against  863,919  by  river,  and  shipped  1,204,604 
tons  by  rail,  against  805,282  by  river.  The  lakes  still  carry 
a  large  part  of  the  grain,  shipped  from  Chicago,  but  not  of 
the  flour. 

Every-where  transportation  by  rail  seems  to  successfully 
compete,  if  it  will,  with  transportation  by  any  other  method. 
In  other  words,  year  by  year  the  railroads  of  our  country 


394  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

replace  the  old-fashioned  turnpike  or  highway  and  its 
wagons,  and  even  the  natural  and  artificial  water  ways  of 
the  country  to  an  extent  that  makes  them  even  now,  and  yet 
more,  prospectively,  the  great  thoroughfares  of  the  country. 
Now,  if  our  county,  town,  or  other  municipal  authorities, 
when  a  road  was  to  be  established,  were  in  the  habit  of 
giving  over  to  some  person,  or  persons,  not  public  officers, 
the  privilege  of  building  such  road,  with  the  right  to  con 
demn  the  land  of  persons  through  whose  farms  the  road 
passed,  and  of  remunerating  himself  by  putting  up  turnpike 
gates  and  charging  whatever  toll  he  pleased  of  travelers, 
they  would  be  doing  what  many  of  our  legislatures  have 
been  doing  for  years  with  railways,  and  would  be  taken  to 
task  as  not  protecting  the  public  interest.  It  would  be 
claimed  that  public  travel  and  trade  were  such  a  public  ne 
cessity  that  they  should  be  blocked  just  as  little  as  practi 
cable  by  hig1  es;  and  hence,  that  the  man  who  would 
build  and  keep  the  turnpike  in  order  for  the  lowest  toll, 
or  perhaps  the  public  authorities  themselves,  should  take 
charge  of  the  road. 

HIGHWAYS  OF  TRANSPORTATION  SHOULD  BE  GOVERNED 
BY  THE  PUBLIC  AUTHORITIES. 

This  brings  me  to  my  second  proposition  which  is 
this :  That  the  highways  of  our  transportation  and  travel 
should  so  far  be  controlled  by  the  public  authorities  as  to 
furnish  transportation  of  persons  and  property  at  the  lowest 
rate  practicable.  This  is  readily  seen  and  admitted  when 
we  talk  of  the  wagon  roads  from  our  farms  to  the  nearest 
market;  it  is  not  less  true  of  the  longer  railroads  to  the 
more  distant  market.  Cheap  transportation  makes  cheap 
food,  not  only  in  Illinois,  but  in  Georgia  and  Massachusetts. 


ACTUAL  COST  OF  CARRYING  PASSENGERS.  395 

It  makes  fuel  cheap  not  only  in  Pennsylvania,  but  in  Con 
necticut.  It  distributes  those  necessaries  of  life  all  over  the. 
land,  and  gives  equal  advantages  to  all  sections.  It  permits 
the  free  movement  of  the  people  one  among  another,  so  that 
a  more  general  and  continuous  commingling  of  blood,  of 
habits,  and  ideas  ensues. 

We  admit  the  proposition  of  carrying  at  cost  also  when 
the  matter  of  postal  carriage  comes  up.  We  admit  and 
approve  the  principle  that  the  general  government  should 
take  the  risk  of  carrying  the  mails,  based  on  the  idea  that 
such  carriage  shall  be  nearly  or  quite  self-supporting. 

But  the  proposition  can  be  put  in  more  general  and  equally 
forcible  terms,  and  I  do  it,  using  the  language  of  our  present 
minister  to  Italy,  George  P.  Marsh,  as  written  ten  years  ago 
("  Man  and  Nature,"  page  54) :  "  It  is,  theoretically,  the 
duty  of  government  to  provide  all  those  public  facilities  of 
intercommunication  and  commerce  which  are  essential  to 
the  prosperity  of  civilized  commonwealths,  but  which  indi 
vidual  means  are  inadequate  to  furnish,  and  for  the  due 
administration  of  which  individual  guaranties  are  insufficient. 
Hence,  public  roads,  canals,  railroads,  postal  communications, 
the  circulating  mediums  of  exchange,  whether  metallic  or 
representative,  armies,  navies,  being  all  matters  in  which  the 
nation  at  large  has  a  vastly  deeper  interest  than  any  private 
association  can  have,  ought  legitimately  to  be  constructed 
and  provided  for  by  that  which  is  the  visible  personification 
and  embodiment  of  the  nation,  namely,  its  legislative  head." 

ACTUAL   COST  OF  CARRYING  PASSENGERS. 

This  intervention  of  the  public  authorities  I  justify  by 
a  third  proposition,  viz. :  That  the  cost  of  railway  transpor 
tation  is,  or  may  be,  far  below  the  charge  now  collected  from 


396  THE   GROTJNDSWELL. 

the  producer  and  consumer.  To  show  this,  let  us  see  how 
cheaply  passengers  and  freight  have  been  carried,  and, 
again,  how  much  they  are  charged  under  existing  manage 
ment. 

Take,  first,  passenger  rates.  We  have  the  statement  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Company,  for  1872,  that  it  costs  that  Company 
1.837  cents  to  carry  a  passenger  one  mile.  The  same  state 
ment  admits  a  charge  of  2.45  cents  per  mile,  or  thirty-three 
and  one- third  per  cent,  above  cost.  I  have  no  means  of 
testing  the  accuracy  of  this  report,  or  ascertaining  whether 
the  items  of  cost  are  legitimate,  but  I  presume  that,  considering 
the  fact  that  the  Pennsylvania  Company  includes  a  large 
number  of  short  lines,  in  somewhat  remote  and  comparatively 
sparsely  settled  districts,  that  it  is  probable  there  are  many 
"  oads  whose  transportation  costs  less  to  the  railway  com 
pany  and  more  to  the  shipper.  Examining  the  report  of 
the  State  Engineer  of  New  York,  I  find  that,  assuming  cost 
of  maintenance  of  roadway  (including  taxes),  cost  of  re 
pairs  and  machinery,  and  cost  of  operating  the  roads,  to  be 
the  items  of  cost,  that,  in  1872,  it  cost,  according  to  the  re 
turns  given,  an  average  of  1.645  cents  per  passenger  per 
mile  in  New  York,  while  the  charge  was  2.3801  cents,  or 
nearly  forty-five  per  cent,  in  advance  of  cost. 

These  are  about  all  the  attainable  figures  of  cost  to  rail 
way  companies,  excepting  that  we  know  that,  in  England, 
passengers  have  been  carried  at  .42  of  a  cent  per  mile  in, 
first-class  carriages,  not  only  without  loss,  but  with  a  loss 
of  only  one-half  of  one  per  cent,  in  the  dividends,  and  in 
another  case  at  .54  of  a  cent  absolutely  without  loss,  even  in 
the  dividends. 


TRANSPORTATION  RATES.  397 


TRANSPORTATION  RATES  IN  EUROPE  AND  THE  UNITED 

STATES. 

Compare  these  figures,  now,  with  what  the  public  is  re 
quired  to  pay.  In  Belgium,  where  we  find  the  cheapest 
known  rates  of  regular  passenger  traffic,  we  find  that,  on 
railroads  costing  one  hundred  and  six  thousand  dollars  per 
mile,  the  charge  for  first-class  rates  is  one  dollar  and  fifty- 
eight  cents  per  hundred  miles,  or  1.58  cents  per  mile.  This 
seems  to  be  a  partial  result  of  the  fact  that  the  government 
there  owns  and  operates  forty-two  per  cent  of  the  railroads. 

The  charge  is  2.52  in  Italy,  3.12  in  Prussia  and  Austria, 
and  finally,  and  greatest  of  European  rates,  in  the  United 
Kingdom,  where  competition  has  been  relied  on,  the  Eng 
lishman,  traveling  on  a  road  costing  one  hundred  and 
seventy-five  thousand  dollars  per  mile,  pays  4.50  cents  per 
mile  for  first-class  rates. 

In  Massachusetts  the  average  rates  for  1872  were  2.426 
cents  per  mile;  in  New  York,  2.3801  cents;  in  Ohio,  3.18; 
and  in  Illinois,  as  nearly  as  I  can  make  it  out,  3.43  for 
through  rates,  and  3.95  for  local,  or  3.75  for  both.  These 
are  the  averages  of  large  and  populous  States,  in  which, 
and  through  which  the  current  of  travel  flows  broad  and 
strong;  and  which,  consequently,  give  the  more  favorable 
charges  for  railroad  travel,  although  even  these  are  far 
above  cost. 

But  here  is  a  table  of  prices  "  adopted,"  we  are  told,  but 
not  by  whom,  from  St.  Louis  to  the  different  cities  of  the 
country.  You  can  reach  Boston  at  2.3  cents  per  mile, 
Quebec  at  2.6,  and  Lynchburg,  Va.,  at  2.7.  To  New  Or 
leans,  Atchison,  Cairo,  Chicago,  and  Memphis  you  must  pay 
4  cents  ;  to  Fort  Scott,  4.6,  and  to  San  Francisco,  4.8  cents 
per  mile,  over  a  road  built  by  government  gratuities, 


398  THE  GBOUNDSWELL. 

granted,  it  was  supposed,  in  the  interest  of  the  people. 
Over  the  same  road  you  can  reach  Sacramento,  one  hundred 
and  thirty-eight  miles  nearer  than  San  Francisco,  by  paying 
a  like  sum,  or  more  than  5  cents  a  mile ;  while  it  will  cost 
you  5.8  cents  per  mile  to  reach  Denver,  and  the  extortionate 
charge  of  6  cents  per  mile  to  go  to  Salt  Lake,  on  a  railroad 
given  by  the  government. 

Thus  much  for  passenger  rates.  Let  us  now  look  at  freight 
rates,  which  is  a  more  important  question.  The  men  who 
need  cheap  food,  cheap  clothing,  and  cheap  fuel,  are  less  in 
terested  in  travel  than  in  keeping  the  wolf  from  the  door. 
They  ought  to  travel,  but  they  can  not.  Bread,  clothing, 
and  fuel  they  must  have. 

WHAT  FREIGHTS  COST,  AND  WHAT  IS  CHARGED. 

Going  back  to  the  Pennsylvania  Company,  we  find  it 
admits  being  able  to  carry  freight,  in  1872,  at  .886  of  a 
cent  per  ton  per  mile,  but  charged  1.4163  cents,  an  advance 
of  nearly  sixty  per  cent,  over  the  actual  cost.  The  Syra 
cuse,  Binghampton,  and  New  York  admits  carrying  at  a 
cost  of  .75  of  a  cent;  the  Lake  Shore  and  Michigan  South 
ern  at  .95,  and  the  Erie  Railway  at  .98,  according  to  the 
New  York  report. 

The  actual  cost  of  carrying  coal  on  the  Providence  and 
Worcester  Railroad,  according  to  the  report  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  Railroad  Commissioners,  was  six  mills  per  ton  per 
mile.  The  Syracuse,  Binghampton,  and  New  York  Railway 
carried  freight,  through  1862,  at  a  cost  of  .41  of  a  cent  per 
ton  per  mile,  and  in  England  coal  has  been  carried  at  an 
actual  cost  of  .32  of  a  cent  per  ton  per  mile. 

This  is  what  has  been  done  and  can  be  done  again,  with 
due  economy  in  management,  but  the  charge  that  must 


WESTERN   EXPERIENCE.  399 

be  paid  by  the  shipper  or  consignee  is  a  very  different 
affair. 

The  lowest  average  of  freight  charges  for  1872  that  I 
find  credited  to  any  extensive  system  of  roads,  is  that  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Company,  given  already  at  1.4163  cents 
per  ton  per  mile.  The  average  amount  received  on  the 
New  York  roads  was  1.6645  cents ;  on  the  Massachusetts 
roads  (for  local  freights),  2.81 ;  on  the  Ohio  roads,  2.55 ; 
and  on  the  Illinois  roads,  2.16  for  through  freights,  and 
4.72  for  local  freights,  so  far  as  I  am  able  to  figure  averages 
from  the  Illinois  Railway  Commissioners'  reports.  The 
lowest  of  these  rates  leaves  a  wide  possible  margin  of  profits, 
and  in  some  cases  we  can  say  how  much. 

When  the  Syracuse,  Binghampton,  and  New  York  Rail 
way  carried,  at  a  cost  of  .75  of  a  cent  per  ton  per  mile,  it 
received  1.42  cents,  or  an  advance  of  nearly  ninety  per 
cent.;  when  it  carried  at  a  cost  of  .41,  it  received  1.26 
cents,  or  an  advance  of  more  than  two  hundred  per  cent. 
The  Providence  and  Worcester,  carrying  at  an  actual  cost 
of  six  mills  per  ton  per  mile,  received  from  coal  consumers 
an  advance  of  over  two  hundred  and  thirty-six  per  cent,  on 
cost,  or  about  two  cents  per  ton  per  mile.  These  wide  mar 
gins  are  shown,  it  will  be  noticed,  from  what  we,  with  our 
western  experience,  would  call  very  reasonable  local  rates; 
and  some  would  be  glad  to  get  as  favorable  rates,  even  on 
long  hauls. 

WESTERN  EXPERIENCE. 

If  we  examine  into  our  western  experience,  we  find  that 
still  more  extortionate  charges  are  made.  Taking  the 
cheapest  freights  known  to  our  western  commerce — grain  in 
bulk,  shipped  from  Chicago  to  New  York  by  rail — we  find, 
from  figures  given  by  the  Railroad  Gazette,  of  Chicago, 


400  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

that  the  average  rate  on  fourth-class  freight  for  nine  years, 
beginning  with  1864  and  ending  with  1872,  was  seventy- 
two  cents  per  hundred  pounds,  or,  calling  the  distance  one 
thousand  miles,  1.44  cents  per  ton  per  mile. 

This  is  about  the  average  charge  on  all  the  freights  on 
the  compartively  local  routes  of  the  Pennsylvania  Central, 
and  is  forty-three  cents,  and  more,  on  every  bushel  of  wheat. 
First-class  freights,  to  the  same  point,  averaged,  during 
this  nine  years,  one  dollar  and  eighty-seven  cents  per  hun 
dred  pounds,  or  nearly  3.38  cents  per  ton  per  mile.  From 
St.  Louis,  so  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  the  average  rates  have 
been  rather  less  favorable. 

In  1872,  the  rail  rate  from  Chicago  to  New  York,  on 
fourth-class  freight,  was,  according  to  the  Railroad  Gazette, 
fifty-eight  and  two-thirds  cents  per  hundred  pounds— 1.17 
cents  per  ton  per  mile — or  a  little  over  thirty-five  cents  per 
bushel  of  sixty  pounds.  Supposing  this  freight  to  have 
been  carried  at  a  cost  of  six  mills  per  ton  per  mile,  it  would 
amount  to  thirty  cents  per  hundred,  or  eighteen  cents  per 
bushel,  a  difference  of  seventeen  cents  per  bushel ;  and  on 
the  two  hundred  million  bushels  we  may  suppose  to  have 
been  shipped  from  the  West,  and  to  have  been  affected  in 
cost  of  transportation  and  in  price,  this  would  amount  to 
thirty-six  million  dollars,  drawn  from  the  pockets  of  producer 
and  consumer. 

EXCESSIVE  CHARGES  IN  TENNESSEE  AND  IOWA. 

These  overcharges,  however,  are  moderate  compared  with 
the  local  charges  made  at  non-competing  points,  when  no 
"contract "  is  made.  Here  the  charge,  in  many  cases,  is  lim 
ited  and  fixed,  not  with  any  reference  to  the  cost  of  trans 
portation  by  rail,  but  by  the  inability  of  the  shipper  or  con- 


EXCESSIVE  CHARGES   IN   TENNESSEE  AND   IOWA.       401 

signee  to  do  better.  A  Tennessee  farmer  writes  the  Prairie 
farmer  that  he  is  charged  seven  cents  a  bushel  on  corn, 
transported  by  the  car  load,  twenty-six  miles  to  Nashville. 
This  is  nine  cents  per  ton  per  mile,  or  at  least  nine  times' 
the  cost. 

Suel  Foster,  of  Muscatine,  Iowa,  a  gentleman  well  and 
favorably  known  among  our  Iowa  fruit  growers,  was  charged 
the  same  or  a  higher  rate  for  three  times  the  distance.  On 
bulky  and  cheap  products,  such  as  corn  in  a  productive 
season,  hay,  oats,  etc.,  the  rates  are  often,  in  many  places, 
prohibitory. 

According  to  Poor,  there  were  carried  in  the  United 
States,  in  1872,  not  less  than  two  hundred  million  tons  of 
freight,  at  a  charge  to  the  producer  and  consumer,  in  round 
numbers,  of  three  hundred  and  forty  million  dollars.  As 
suming  this  freight  to  have  been  carried  at  the  moderate 
charge  of  fifty  per  cent  above  cost,  the  railway  companies 
levied  a  tax  for  transportation  of  more  than  one  hundred 
and  twelve  million  dollars,  on  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  over  and  above  the  necessity  of  the  case. 

Transportation  is  simply  a  necessary  evil  in  the  case  of 
freight.  It  adds  nothing  to  the  feeding  power  of  grain,  the 
warming  power  of  coal,  or  the  clothing  capacity  of  cotton; 
and  all  charges  levied  for  profit,  over  and  above  a  fair  rate 
of  interest  on  the  amount  actually  invested  in  transporta 
tion,  is  contrary  to  the  public  interest,  and,  in  many  locali 
ties,  crushes  out  enterprise  and  prosperity. 

SELF-INTEREST  THE  RAILWAY  RULE  OF  ACTION. 

Not  only,  however,  is  the  railway  an  expensive  necessity, 
which  farmers  near  a  market  learn  to  discard,  although  it 
could  serve  them  also  to  mutual  advantage,  but  the  railway 


402  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

corporation  is,  in  many  instances,  a  capricious  master. 
Having  a  practical  monopoly  of  the  business  of  the  country 
through  which  it  runs,  except  at  competing  points,  it  illus 
trates  the  truth  above  stated,  by  Mr.  Marsh,  that  its  interest 
is  its  rule  of  action.  We  might  add  that  self-interest  is  its 
highest  rule  of  action;  for,  in  many  cases,  the  capriciousness 
of  officials,  their  individual  piques  or  private  profit,  have 
been  allowed  to  interfere  with  the  true  policy  of  the  best 
interests  of  the  railway  company. 

In  any  event,  the  relative  prosperity  of  communities  of 
traders  and  manufacturers,  established  at  different  stations 
along  the  company's  line,  is  made,  for  one  reason  or  another, 
a  secondary  and  trivial  consideration.  The  result  of  this  is 
what  is  known  as  "  unjust  discrimination,"  whereby  one 
community  is  impoverished  and  its  business  men  bank 
rupted,  or  driven  away  at  a  loss,  its  real  estate  depreciated, 
and  its  agriculture  diminished,  while  another  is  unduly  favored 
and  prosperous,  though,  of  course,  not  in  an  equal  ratio. 
The  misfortune  of  one  community  is  never  correspondingly 
to  the  advantage  of  another,  however  close  its  rivalry. 

EVILS  OF  UNJUST  DISCRIMINATION. 

The  evils  of  unjust  discrimination  are  not  fully  recog 
nized,  because  we  do  not  clearly  see  what  they  have  prevented. 
We  see  and  understand  the  ruin  of  the  enterprising  manu 
facturer,  who  has  established  a  desirable  business  in  a 
country  town,  and  is  then  driven  from  it  by  the  superior 
"  special  rates  "  granted  by  the  same  road  to  his  competitor 
in  business  at  a  competing  station.  But  we  do  not  know 
the  amount  of  business  that  this  short-sighted  policy  of  the 
railway  company  has  prevented  from  coming  to  the  same 
town — the  general  distrust  and  fear  of  engaging  in  impor- 


BAILWAY   INTERFERENCE  WITH   LEGISLATION.          403 

tant  enterprises  that  it  excites  in  every  community  similarly 
situated.  Hence,  the  anxiety  of  town  communities  having 
one  railway,  to  add  another,  on  the  supposition — often  a 
false  one — that  they  will  thus  have  competition  in  carry 
ing,  and  relief. 

Unjust  discrimination  is  also  a  demoralizing  evil.  It 
tempts  those  who  fear  it  to  bribe  officials,  to  court  favors, 
and  use  other  undue  influences,  injurious  to  their  own  self- 
respect  and  that  of  the  railway  employes.  It  begets  the 
un-republican  vices  of  fawning,  subservience,  and  venality. 

RAILWAY  INTERFERENCE  WITH  LEGISLATION. 

• 

Another  evil,  that  seems  to  be  the  special  fruit  of  railway 
corporations  in  the  United  States,  is  improper  interference 
with  legislation  and  other  functions  of  government.  As 
has  been  already  noticed,  it  is  a  widely-spread  belief  that 
railway  corporations  control,  or  have  controlled,  the  legisla 
tion  of  several  States,  and  have  tampered  with  executive 
and  even  judicial  officers.  Unfortunately,  there  are  many 
reasons  for  the  suspicion,  and  the  fact  is  not  denied.  Other 
corporations  have  been  by  no  means  immaculate,  but  rail 
way  corporations,  for  some  cause,  lend  themselves  more 
readily  than  any  other  to  the  base  uses  of  soulless  and  con 
scienceless  power.  Some  say  it  is  in  self-defense,  but  an 
examination  of  the  facts  disproves  that  statement,  or  shows 
it  to  be,  at  most,  but  partially  true. 

The  railway  corporation  invades  the  halls  of  legislation, 
seeking,  first,  special  privileges,  that  shall  give  it  the  ad 
vantage  in  the  race  for  gain  over  individuals ;  then  exemp 
tion  from  its  responsibilities,  the  prevention  of  the  extension 
of  its  privileges  to  its  rivals,  and  the  addition  of  new  privi 
leges  and  gifts  to  its  own  existing  privileges. 


404  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

There  has  hardly  been  a  State  of  the  Union  in  which  the 
attempt  has  not  been  made,  by  railway  corporations,  to  in 
fluence  railway  legislation.  The  legislature  of  New  York, 
and  the  judiciary  and  bar  of  New  York  City,  have  been 
disgraced  by  the  machinations  of  Fisk,  Gould,  Drew,  Van- 
derbilt,  Field,  Barnard,  and  others.  New  Jersey,  under 
the  less  neutralized  influence  of  the  Camden  and  Amboy 
and  its  successors,  and  Pennsylvania,  under  the  guidance  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Central,  have  been  largely  controlled  and 
directed  by  railway  influence.  Maryland,  Alabama,  Cali 
fornia,  and  other  States,  have  also  felt  the  hand  of  iron 
under  the  velvet  glove  of  railway  corruption ;  and  the  annals 
of  Congress  already  teem  with  railway  schemes,  and  "  com 
mittees  of  investigation,"  of  which  the  devices  and  derelic 
tions  of  "  railroad  men  "  are  a  prominent  feature. 

THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  END. 

The  experience  of  the  last  twelve  months  has  proved,  how 
ever,  the  virtue  inherent  in  the  people ;  that  the  boldness 
and  effrontery  of  railway  corporations  have  reached  a  point 
beyond  which  they  can  not  go;  and  that  railway  corpora 
tions  must  surrender  a  part  of  their  assumed  prerogatives, 
or  fare  worse.  New  Jersey  has  so  far  got  out  of  the  control 
of  railway  influence  as  to  pass  a  general  railroad  law. 
Pennsylvania  has  formed  a  new  Constitution,  in  which  rail 
way  corporations  receive  special  attention.  California, 
under  the  lead  of  her  gallant  governor,  Booth,  rebels  en 
masse  against  her  railway  despotism.  The  day  of  deliver 
ance  seems  near  at  hand,  when  railway  as  well  as  other 
corporations  shall  be  held  to  a  direct  responsibility  to  gov 
ernment;  when  the  rates  for  the  transportation  of  persons 
and  property  shall  be  based  on  the  correct  business  theory 


THE  BEGINNING  OP  THE  END.  405 

of  "  large  sales  and  small  profits ; "  when  all  who  trade  or 
travel  shall  be  treated  with  the  same  impartiality  that  the 
patrons  of  the  post-office  receive ;  and  when  men  who  give 
or  take  bribes  in  legislation  shall  not  be  held  worthy  of 
place,  either  as  railway  officials,  or  as  representatives  of  the 
people  and  of  their  interests. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 


RAILWAY  LEGISLATION  AT  HOME  AND  ABROAD? 


CONTRIBUTED  BY  J.  W.  MIDGLEY,  ESQ.,  CHICAGO,  PRESIDENT'S 
SECRETARY  NORTH-WESTERN  RAILWAY. 


The  science  of  transportation  has  become  a  popular  study. 
Agitation  has  made  it  so.  Always  interesting  to  a  few,  it 
has  recently  excited  many,  whose  zeal  has,  perchance,  out 
run  their  knowledge.  Impatiently,  they  have  told  all  they 
know,  and  more,  about  the  railway  system.  That  system 
is  not  faultless;  neither  has  its  giant  growth  been  wholly 
natural.  But  when  men  not  yet  grown  old  recall  the 
America  of  their  youth — before  the  locomotive  created  a 
way  over  the  trackless  West — they  can  hardly  regard  its 
inroads  in  the  light  of  unmitigated  evils. 

Every  country  has  its  bane.  Europe  is  dwarfed  by  landed 
aristocracy,  military  despotism,  and  superstition,  forms 
of  oppression  here  unknown.  But  are  we  quite  exempt? 
Have  we  not  a  legislature  in  every  State  that  can  offset 
the  advantage?  And  are  not  its  specifics  the  inevitable 
panacea  prescribed  for  every  ill,  real  or  fancied  ?  Like  the 
credulous  patient  who  resorts  to  the  one  patent  medicine 

*  The  three  chapters  next  following  present  the  "  Kailroad  Side "  of 
course,  and  with  signal  ability,  as  the  careful  reader  will  perceive, 
(406) 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE.-^CONTINUED.  407 

for  every  ailment,  the  "  free  and  enlightened/'  on  the  first 
symptom,  cry  out  for  legislation  as  the  unfailing  remedy. 

The  disposition  to  "  regulate  "  the  railways  is  not  a  new 
manifestation.  It  began  with  the  inception  of  the  system. 
Through  all  the  years  intervening,  wherever  railways  have 
been  run,  legislative  control  has  been  variously  threatened. 
In  England,  the  results  of  these  experiments  are  recounted 
in  more  than  a  score  of  ponderous  reports  to  Parliament,  in 
which  are  embodied  the  experiences  of  continental  Europe ; 
and  it  is  significant  that  each  Royal  Commission,  after  un 
wearied  labor  and  exhaustive  research,  unanimously  reported 
against  legislative  interference  with  the  railways.  Perhaps 
an  ambition  to  succeed  where  older  countries  have  invaria 
bly  failed,  whets  our  appetite  for  coercive  legislation.  Of 
one  thing  we  can  rest  assured,  that  our  statute  books  will 
never  again  be  clear  of  some  attempt  to  regulate  the  rail 
ways  ;  and  as  the  repeal  of  each  ineffectual  measure  will 
only  give  place  to  new  experiments,  with  a  view  to  profit 
by  the  lessons  of  history,  an  epitome  of  railway  legislation 
is  herewith  presented.  The  experience  of  Great  Britain  is 
particularized,  because  railways  there  originated,  and  now, 
as  in  all  periods,  their  system  most  closely  resembles  our  own. 

The  first  railway  charter  was  granted  in  1801,  for  the 
construction  of  a  railway  from  Wyandsworth  to  Croydon. 
It  empowered  the  company  to  adjust  their  tariff  within  the 
maximum  rate  of  6d.  per  ton  per  mile  for  merchandise,  and 
4d.  for  coal,  flour,  iron,  and  corn.  All  persons  were  privi 
leged  to  use  the  railway  at  the  prescribed  rates,  with 
horses,  cattle,  and  carriages,  subject  to  the  regulations  of 
the  company.  Authority  was  given  the  company  to  acquire 
the  right  of  way  on  payment  of  compensation.  At  each 
subsequent  session  new  railways  were  chartered  for  the 
transportation  of  goods  at  maximum  rates. 


408  THE 

The  acts  provided  only  for  horse  power.  But  the  advan 
tages  of  steam  locomotion  were  so  urgently  represented  by 
George  Stephenson  that,  in  1823,  Parliament  amended  the 
charter  of  the  Stockton  &  Darlington  Railway,  granted  two 
years  before,  giving  power  to  use  steam-engines.  In  view 
of  the  fact  that  no  feature  of  railway  management  is  so  ob 
jectionable  as  discrimination  in  favor  of  through  freight,  it 
is  noteworthy  that,  in  order  to  prevent  this  becoming  a  coal 
line  to  shipping  ports,  a  clause  was  inserted  in  its  charter 
limiting  the  charge  for  hauling  coal  to  Stockton  for  ship 
ping  purposes  to  Jd.  per  ton  per  mile,  whereas  the  rate 
allowed  for  all  transportation  of  local  traffic  was  continued 
at  4d.  It  was  believed  such  a  low  rate  would  entirely  stop 
the  through  trade ;  yet,  not  only  did  it  prove  profitable,  but 
it  established  a  precedent  in  favor  of  lower  rates  for  large 
quantities  of  the  same  through  freight  that  has  since  been 
a  source  of  increasing  complaint. 

Ten  years  afterward,  on  the  passage  of  the  Liverpool  & 
Manchester  Railway  Act,  in  addition  to  the  maximum  rate 
clause,  another  was  inserted  that,  if  the  dividend  should  ex 
ceed  ten  per  cent.,  an  abatement  should  be  made  from  the 
maximum  tonnage  rates  of  five  per  cent,  on  the  amount 
thereof  for  each  one  per  cent,  which  the  company  might  divide 
over  and  above  a  dividend  of  ten  per  cent,  on  its  capital. 

Although  owning  the  roads,  railway  companies  were  not 
originally  intended  to  have  a  monopoly  or  preferential  use 
of  the  means  of  communication  on  their  lines.  Provision 
was  made  enabling  all  persons  to  use  the  road  as  canals  are 
used.  So  long  as  cattle  and  horses  supplied  the  motive 
power  this  was  practicable,  but  the  application  of  steam 
created  a  revolution  in  transportation.  It  was  found  im 
practicable  for  any  or  every  man  to  run  his  own  cars ;  and, 
In  order  to  insure  a  profit,  the  companies  v^rc-  forced  to 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE.— CONTINUED.  409 

monopolize  the  conduct  of  the  lines  and  become  common 
carriers. 

Considerable  stress  has  recently  been  laid  upon  the  public 
character  of  the  first  railways,  and  the  original  charters 
have  been  quoted  to  show  that  they  were  not  designed  to 
be  monopolies.  The  people  are  reminded  that  they  still 
have  the  right  to  run  their  own  cars  upon  the  several  rail 
roads.  Let  us  consider  the  feasibility  of  the  plan.  A  man 
goes  into  the  Lake  Shore  Eailway  office,  at  Chicago,  and 
says :  "  I  want  to  start  a  daily  train  for  New  York,  at  11 
A.  M;"  another,  "I  want  to  start  a  train  at  3  o'clock;" 
and  a  third  wants  to  start  one  at  5  o'clock.  "  Very  well, 
gentlemen,"  remarks  the  officer ;  "  start  them  as  you  wish." 
But  the  man  whose  train  leaves  at  11  o'clock  will  find  that 
he  has  not  patronage  enough  to  pay  expenses,  and  the  one 
who  selected  3  o'clock  will  fare  little  better,  while  the  5 
o'clock  train  is  crowded.  Why  ?  Simply  because  to  start 
at  11  or  3  o'clock  breaks  into  a  day,  whereas  5  o'clock  is  at 
the  close  of  office  hours,  is  the  most  convenient  time,  and, 
perforce,  monopolizes  the  travel.  The  11  and  3  o'clock  men 
then  demand  that  their  trains  shall  be  started  at  5  o'clock. 
And  they  are  denied,  simply  because  a  railway  track  is  not 
like  an  old  turnpike  road,  where  vehicles  turn  out  to  allow 
others  to  pass.  The  train  going  at  a  fixed  time  has  the 
right  of  way,  and,  to  prevent  collision,  becomes  a  monop 
oly.  Were  every  one  allowed  common  use  of  the  single 
track,  in  the  manner  of  a  highway — to  start  out  at  their 
pleasure — some  one's  car  that  could  not  get  out  of  the  way 
would  be  getting  run  into  continually.  This  certain  result 
was  so  apparent  to  a  select  committee  of  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  appointed  in  1840  to  investigate  the  subject,  that 
they  concluded  the  public  right  to  run  their  own  cars  on  the 
railways  was,  practically,  a  dead  letter  for  three  sufficient 
18 


410  THE  GHOtJNDSWELL. 

reasons :  "  (1.)  Because  no  provisions  had  been  made  for 
insuring  to  independent  trains  and  engines  access  to  sta 
tions  and  watering  places  along  the  lines.  (2.)  Because  the 
rates  for  toll  limited  by  the  act  were  almost  always  so  high 
as  to  make  it  difficult  for  independent  persons  to  work  at  a 
profit.  (3.)  Because  the  necessity  of  placing  the  running 
of  all  trains  under  th^  complete  control  of  one  head  inter 
posed  numerous  difficulties  in  the  way  of  independent  trad 
ers."  To  which  conclusions  the  committee  sensibly  added  : 
"  That,  however,  improvidently  Parliament  may,  in  the  first 
instance,  have  granted  to  the  railway  companies  such  ex 
tensive  powers,  it  is  now  advisable  to  interfere  with  them  as 
little  as  possible." 

Complaints  against  the  railways  still  being  persistently 
urged,  in  1844  another  Select  Committee,  after  giving  the 
question  a  more  thorough  consideration  than  it  had  hitherto 
received,  observed  that  "the  complaint  of  monopoly  urged 
against  railways  was  an  indication  of  the  benefits  they  had 
conferred  on  the  country,  as  it  was  not  by  force  of  special 
privileges  bestowed  upon  them,  but  by  superior  accommoda 
tion  and  cheapness,  that  they  had  acquired  the  command  of 
traveling  in  their  district ;  that  railway  enterprise  should  be 
encouraged ;  that  the  country  still  afforded  great  scope  for  the 
extension  of  the  railway  system  ;  that  Parliament  should  take 
no  step  which  would  induce  so  much  as  a  reasonable  suspi 
cion  of  its  good  faith  with  regard  to  the  integrity  of  privileges 
already  granted,  because  one  of  the  elements  of  encouragement 
to  future  undertakings  was  just  and  equitable  dealings  with 
those  already  established."  The  foregoing  italicised  words, 
taken  "from  the  Parliamentary  Blue  Book  of  1867,  page  11, 
are  as  pertinent  as  though  written  yesterday  for  the  infatu 
ated  people  of  Illinois  to  ponder  over  to-day.  Disastrous 
will  it  be  alike  for  us  and  the  too-confiding  foreigners,  whosQ 


MR.  MIDQLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED.  411 

money  rendered  the  West  habitable,  if  the  admonitions  of 
recorded  experience  are  blindly  disregarded. 

In  the  earlier  days  the  cars  of  one  company  were  not  trans 
ferred  to  the  tracks  of  another ;  consequently  the  expense  and 
inconvenience  of  making  the  change  were  very  great,  to  ob 
viate  which,  a  railway  clearing-house  was  established  in 
London  by  voluntary  association  of  the  companies,  and  was 
afterward  recognized  by  Parliamentary  act  of  Incorporation, 
in  1850.  One  delegate  from  each  company  constituted  a 
committee  who  were  empowered  to  recover  all  balances  due 
from  the  companies. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  tendency  to  consolidate 
became  alarming.  The  first  railways  were  very  short  lines. 
The  one  extending  from  London  to  Liverpool  was  owned  by 
three  separate  companies ;  disagreements  between  the  several 
managements  were  frequent,  to  the  great  inconvenience  of 
the  public.  "When,  therefore,  the  interests  of  both  the  com 
panies  and  the  public  suggested  unity  of  management,  Par 
liament  freely  bestowed  authority  to  consolidate. 

As  the  localities  increased  in  population,  additional  rail 
roads  were  constructed,  creating  such  active  competition  that 
the  stronger  companies  found  it  expedient  to  buy  up  their 
rivals.  This  "  offensive  and  defensive  "  policy  aroused  pub 
lic  hostility,  because  it  deprived  the  people  of  competition — 
their  only  hope  of  protection  from  monopoly.  Parliament 
was  importuned  to  restrict  amalgamation.  Various  expedi 
ents  were  suggested.  The  one  finally  adopted  empowered 
Parliament  to  determine  the  conditions  upon  which  the 
future  consolidations  should  be  made.  But  the  principle 
thus  laid  down  was  practically  ignored.  Consolidations  con 
tinued  to  be  made  whenever  the  interests  of  corporations 
drew-  them  together.  Failing,  therefore,  to  prevent  them, 
Parliament  sought  to  insure  such  advantages  as  would  in- 


412  THE  QROUNDSWELL. 

duce  the  companies  to  remain  separate.  Inability  to  secure 
good  running  arrangements  with  connecting  lines  was  the 
great  disadvantage  under  which  the  separate  lines  labored. 
This  difficulty  the  most  stringent  legislation  failed  to  remove. 
No  legal  enactment  could  impel  the  roads  to  work  as  har 
moniously  as  single  ownership :  and  the  result  was  that  the 
route  managed  by  one  directory  possessed  advantages  over 
that  composed  of  several  disjointed  lines  separately  owned. 
Still  the  public  would  not  accept  the  situation ;  and,  so 
recently  as  last  year,  a  Royal  Commission,  appointed  to  in 
vestigate  the  subject,  made  their  report  in  a  blue  book, 
containing  over  one  thousand  pages,  in  which  the  present 
system  of  railway  management  throughout  Europe  is  com 
prehensively  reviewed.  The  evidence  of  some  fifty  experts, 
and  several  unprejudiced  witnesses  is  given  verbatim;  the 
experiences  of  France,  Belgium,  Austria,  and  Prussia  are 
succinctly  stated ;  and  the  conclusions  arrived  at  are  summed 
up  by  the  Commissioners,  in  a  statement  of  which  the  open 
ing  words  are  an  index  of  the  whole :  "  Past  amalgama 
tions  have  not  brought  with  them  the  evils  which  were 
anticipated." 

The  policy  of  the  French  Government  averted  consolida 
tion  by  preventing  the  construction  of  more  railways  than 
would  adequately  accommodate  the  districts.  Thus,  while 
in  France  there  was  only  one  mile  of  railway  open  to  twen 
ty-six  square  miles  of  country,  in  England  there  was  one  to 
about  six  miles  of  territory.  The  result  was  that  rail 
ways  in  France  were  assured  all  the  business  they  could 
handle. 

In  Belgium,  many  of  the  lines  were  constructed  by  the 
State  and  leased  to  individuals,  who  are  guaranteed  the  same 
protection  assured  in  France. 

In  Prussia,  competing  lines  are  not  allowed  until  thirty 


ME.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED.  413 

years  after  the  opening  of  a  railway.  There,  and  in  Austria, 
concessions  are  granted  by  the  Emperor,  and  the  State  un 
dertakes  the  construction  of  many  of  the  railways. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  a  comparison  of  the  continental 
systems  are  of  little  practical  use  to  us ;  while  the  English 
railroads,  being  conducted  on  the  same  general  principles  as 
our  own,  are  especially  deserving  of  study. 

The  history  of  American  railways  is  a  familiar  story. 
They  have  grown  up  within  the  memory  of  men  still  in  their 
prime.  When  inaugurated,  the  system  was  one  of  complete 
freedom.  Every  facility  for  the  construction  of  railways, 
and  every  inducement  to  invest  in  them,  was  lavishly  ex 
tended.  Doubtless,  no  other  policy  would  have  fostered  the 
system.  Without  them,  the  great  West  would  still  have 
been  a  wilderness,  and  the  populous  East  the  scattered  home 
of  a  straggling  people.  Vast  outlays  of  .money  wrought  the 
wondrous  transformation.  Such  incalculable  wealth  no  new 
country  ever  possessed.  It  had  to  be  drawn  from  abroad, 
and  superior  inducements  were  necessary  to  bring  it  here. 
Confiding  in  our  integrity,  and  believing  our  contracts  valid, 
the  unsuspecting  capitalists  built  our  railways,  reclaimed  the 
waste  places,  and  caused  "  the  wilderness  to  blossom  as  the 
rose." 

To  enumerate  the  incessant  attempts  at  railway  legislation 
in  this  country,  would  be  a  desultory  task.  Measures  in 
numerable  have  been  discussed.  The  one  most  frequently 
urged  is  the  pro  rata  or  equal  mileage  plan ;  yet  no  theory 
is  more  easily  refuted.  In  the  older  States,  it  seems  buried 
beyond  the  probability  of  resurrection;  but  in  the  inland 
States,  where  its  application  would  be  most  disastrous,  it 
still  has  stubborn  adherents. 

The  principle  of  charging  for  each  class  of  passengers  and 
freight  in  proportion  to  the  distance  carried,  sounds  very 


414  THE  GEOUNDSWELL. 

plausible ;  but  a  select  committee  of  the  British  Parliament, 
after  thoroughly  investigating  the  question,  last  year;  came 
to  the  deliberate  conclusion,  and  so  reported  to  Parliament, 
that  "  to  impose  equal  mileage  on  the  companies  would  be 
to  deprive  the  public  of  the  benefit  of  much  of  the  competi 
tion  which  now  exists,  or  has  -existed;  to  raise  the  charges, 
on  the  public  in  many  cases  where  the  companies  now  find 
it  to  their  interest  to  lower  them ;  and  to  perpetuate  monopoly 
in  carriage,  trade,  and  manufacture,  in  favor  of  those  routes 
and  places  which  are  nearest  or  least  expensive,  where  the 
varying  charges  of  the  companies  now  create  competition. 
And  it  will  be  found  that  the  supporters  of  equal  mileage, 
when  pressed,  often  really  mean,  not  that  the  rates  they 
themselves  pay  are  too  high,  but  that  the  rates  which  others 
pay  are  too  low. 

"  Pressed  by  these  difficulties,  the  proposers  of  equal  mile 
age  have  admitted  that  there  must  be  numerous  exceptions ; 
e.  g.j  where  there  is  sea  competition:  where  low  rates  for 
long  distances  will  bring  a  profit ;  or  where  the  article  car 
ried  at  a  low  rate  is  a  necessary,  such  as  coal.  It  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  observe  that  such  exceptions  as  these,  while 
inadequate  to  meet  all  the  various  cases,  destroy  the  value 
of  equal  mileage  as  a  principle,  or  the  possibility  of  apply 
ing  it  as  a  general  rule." 

Ohio  has  particularly  distinguished  herself  in  special  en 
actments  ;  with  what  success  may  be  inferred  from  the  State 
Eailroad  Commissioner's  report  in  1870.  Speaking  of  the 
nine  different  tariffs  prescribed  for  the  transportation  of 
passengers  and  freight,  he  pronounces  these  intended  bene 
fits  "the  most  fruitful  source  of  complaint;"  and  of  one  ex 
isting  law,  the  Commissioner  further  remarked,  that  its  strict 
enforcement  would  compel  "  some  companies  ultimately  to 
suspend  business,  prohibit  the  transportation  of  certain  arti- 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED.  415 

cles  by  rail,  and  compel  their  transportation   below  actual 
cost." 

Despite  the  admonitions  of  history,  the  demands  for  aggres 
sive  legislation  increased  in  fierceness,  until,  under  the  un 
controllable  pressure  of  the  "  Farmer's  Movement,"  they  cul 
minated  in  the  Illinois  law  against  discrimination.  In  the 
clamor  for  its  passage,  the  calm  voice  of  experience  was  un 
heeded.  Under  the  shadow  of  the  Capitol  an  angry  assem 
blage  dictated  the  provisions  of  a  prescriptive  law.  In  vain 
a  few  independent  members  strove  to  stem  the  torrent. 
Their  appeals  were  drowned  in  the  turbulent  roar.  "  Down 
with  the  monopolies  "  was  the  popular  cry.  To  such  a  pitch 
were  the  unthinking  people  wrought,  that,  in  some  sections, 
the  man  who  would  have  dared  to  extenuate  the  railroads 
would  have  been  lynched.  The  outgrowth  of  this  spirit  is 
the  Illinois  law  to  prevent  discrimination. 

Dispassionately  regarded,  does  it  not  seem  like  a  mockery 
of  justice?  The  corporations  were  impeached  with  " high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors,"  yet  no  opportunity  was  given 
them  to  put  in  a  defense.  The  avenues  to  public  attention 
were  closed  against  them.  ]STo  influential  journal  dared  to 
espouse  their  cause,  or  accord  them  a  fair  hearing.  The 
warnings  of  men  whose  counsel  directed  the  investment  of 
surplus  capital  were  scouted  and  suppressed,  while  flaming 
head  lines  announced  the  incendiary  declamations  of  lily- 
handed  demagogues  suddenly  become  "hard-fisted  patrons 
of  husbandry."  And  this  monopoly  of  public  attention  was 
an  outcry  against  monopoly ! 

The  Illinois  railroad  law  is  an  anomaly.  It  is  entitled, 
"An  Act  to  prevent  unjust  discriminations/'  etc.,  while  its 
application  countenances  unjust  and  prohibits  just  discrim 
inations.  This  construction  of  it  is  easily  indicated,  which 
is  not  a  pleasing  reflection  for  the  Solons  who  sought  to  ren- 


416  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

der  impossible  what  their  handiwork  makes  quite  possible. 
The  third  section  tolerates  the  wrong.  It  was  the  one  most 
wrangled  over,  and  was  the  joint  product  of  both  Houses. 
It  was  thrown  out  as  a  soothing  concession  to  the  "'poor 
farmer."  Carried  into  effect,  he  will  find  it  allows  discrim 
inations  in  favor  of  one  who  can  ship  a  large  quantity — 
giving  a  man  an  advantage  over  his  neighbor  proportionate 
to  his  means ;  or,  in  other  words,  creating  a  privileged  class, 
of  which  wealth  is  the  distinctive  trait.  True,  there  are  con 
ditions  under  which  it  is  perfectly  sound  and  proper  that  a 
discrimination  should  be  made  when  large  amounts  are 
shipped;  but  as  to  the  articles  whose  transportation  chiefly 
interests  farmers,  viz.:  grain,  cattle,  and  lumber,  it  is  clearly 
meant  to  legalize  preferential  advantages  to  the  one  man 
merely  because  he  has  great  possessions.  The  articles  enu^ 
merated  are  carried  by  the  car  load,  and  the  charge  should 
be  so  made ;  then  the  man  who  ships  one  hundred  car  loads 
will  have  to  pay  the  same  price  per  car  load  as  the  man  that 
ships  but  ten.  Otherwise,  the  small  dealer  has  not  an  equal 
chance  in  the  market.  If  a  man  can  ship  one  hundred  car 
loads  for  five  dollars  less  than  the  man  who  can  only  ship 
ten,  the  former  can  afford  to  do  his  business  for  five  dollars 
per  car  less  profit,  which  might  leave  no  margin  to  the  small 
shipper.  Should  both  have  to  buy  from  the  same  producer, 
the  man  of  small  means  is  unable  to  compete  against  his 
rich  neighbor.  Granted  that  men  of  large  means  always 
have  the  advantage  over  those  less  favored,  the  wrong  con 
sists  in  authorizing  railroad  companies  to  widen  the  differ 
ence,  by  giving  a  preference  to  the  rich  man  who  does  not 
need  it.  This  unjust  principle  the  law  specially  counte 
nances,  working  injustice  to  the  poor  man  by  placing  the 
control  of  the  market  for  grain,  lumber,  and  stock  within 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED.  417 

the  grasp  of  a  favored  few,  and  thus  creating  the  worst  form 
of  monopoly. 

For  instance,  Alexander  or  Sullivant,  or  any  large  ship 
per,  having  secured  a  special  rate  for  fifty  or  one  hundred 
car  loads,  may  go  to  his  poorer  neighbors,  who  wish  to  ship 
but  a  few  car  loads  each,  and  say :  "  Look  here,  I've  got  a 
rebate  of  ten  dollars  per  car ;  I  can  ship  that  much  cheaper 
than  you  can ;  now,  you  give  me  five  dollars  per  car,  and  I 
will  ship  your  freight  along  with  mine  at  my  special  rate." 
The  small  shippers  accept  the  offer,  because  thereby  they 
gain  five  dollars  per  car;  but,  in  the  name  of  justice,  why 
should  they  be  compelled  to  pay  a  tax  to  their  richer  neigh 
bor  ?  Under  such  a  law,  are  the  days  of  feudalism  gone  by  ? 
Surely,  if  there  is  a  statute  that  ought  to  be  blotted  out  by 
any  means  known  to  freemen,  it  is  one  that  prostrates  the 
poor  man  under  the  heel  of  the  rich. 

Circumstances  and  conditions,  however,  daily  arise,  under 
which  it  is  eminently  fair  to  all  that  discrimination  for  the 
quantity  shipped  should  be  allowed.  It  is  one  of  the  first 
principles  of  commercial  law.  The  man  who  buys  a  hogs 
head  of  sugar  gets  it  at  a  cheaper  rate  than  the  man  who 
buys  only  one  pound.  If  the  principle  is  sound,  should  it 
not  equally  apply  to  transportation  ?  The  dealer  who  can 
give  a  train  load  of  freight  to  a  railroad  company  is  cer 
tainly  entitled  to  a  lower  rate  than  the  man  who  merely 
offers  half  a  car  load,  provided  the  distance  carried  is  the 
same ;  were  the  full  cargo  destined  to  a  point  only  three  or 
four»miles  distant,  and  the  half  car  load  three  hundred  miles, 
the  case  would  be  reversed,  because  transportation  can  be 
conducted  one  hundred  miles  much  cheaper,  per  mile,  than 
for  ten  miles,  provided  all  other  things  are  equal. 

The  further  west  we  go  the  less  travel  and  freighting  is 
seen.  The  first  twenty-five  miles  or  more  out  of  Chicago 
18* 


418  THE  GROUNBSWELL. 

the  passenger  cars  of  the  North-western,  Burlington,  Alton, 
and  Eock  Island  Eoads  are  crowded.  Thereafter,  the  passen 
gers  thin  out  and  cars  are  dropped  off,  but  the  cost  of  hauling 
the  lighter  trains,  per  mile,  is  only  a  trifle  less  than  on  the 
heavy  "runs."  Yet,  despite  this  indisputable  fact,  the  present 
law  compels  Illinois  railway  companies  to  carry  passengers 
at  the  same  price  on  branches  of  their  road,  where  there  is 
seldom  one  car  load  and  never  more  than  two,  as  upon  their 
main  or  through  lines,  where,  on  account  of  there  being 
more  passengers,  they  can  well  be  carried  at  less  cost  per 
passenger.  This  forces  railway  companies  to  extort  from 
main  line  passengers  compensation  for  work  done  for  branch 
patrons.  And  this  results  from  a  law  enacted  to  prevent 
extortion ! 

Eeference  is  often  made  to  the  two-cent-per-mile  rate  on 
the  New  York  Central  Eailroad.  That  line  is  dotted  with 
populous  cities  its  entire  length,  which  yield  it  such  an 
enormous  travel  that  the  company  can  afford  to  take  passen 
gers  at  a  much  lower  rate  than  any  western  railroad  can. 
The  same  reason  enables  leading  Chicago  railroads  to  carry 
passengers  at  less  cost  on  their  main  lines  than  upon  their 
branches.  Trains  are  sometimes  discontinued  on  these 
branch  roads  because,  at  the  rate  of  fare  usually  charged,  it 
does  not  pay  to  run  the  trains,  whereas,  if  the  people  would 
pay  what  they  could  afford  rather  than  not  have  the  accom 
modation,  the  trains  could  be  profitably  run.  Should  this 
pernicious  principle  of  the  law  be  sustained,  the  companies 
will  be  compelled  to  run  a  lesser  number  of  trains  on  their 
branch  roads,  and  thus  incommode  the  people ;  for  it  is  plain, 
people  must  go  without  what  they  are  not  willing  to  pay  for.  . 

The  second  clause  of  our  criticism  charges  that  the  law 
prohibits  just  discrimination.  The  Act  says:  " It  shall  not 
be  deemed  a  sufficient  excuse  or  justification  of  such  discrim- 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED.  419 

ination  that  the  point  is  one  at  which  there  exists  competi 
tion  with  any  other  road  or  means  of  transportation."  This 
dismisses  the  idea  that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  just  discrim 
ination.  Is  it  a  correct  view  ?  The  rate  on  corn  from 
Springfield  to  Chicago,  we  will  say,  is  fifteen  cents  per 
bushel;  to  carry  out  the  illustration,  suppose  that  four  cents 
per  bushel  is  the  profit  over  and  above  the  actual  expense 


Homestead  on  the   River. 


of  transporting  the  grain,  and  that  this  amount  is  only  just 
enough  to  pay  a  reasonable  return  upon  the  company's  in 
vestment.  Further  south  on  the  same  line,  at  St.  Louis, 
there  is  a  powerful  competitor — the  Mississippi  Kiver,  down 
which  lumber  from  Minnesota,  and  grain,  are  floated  to 
New  Orleans.  The  river  fixes  the  rate  at  which  transporta 
tion  shall  be  done.  Having  no  expensive  track  to  lay  and 


420  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

maintain,  the  steamboats  with  their  capacious  barges  can 
move  cheaper  than  any  railroad  cari,  bat  not  so  cheap  as  to 
leave  no  profit  whatever  to  the  railroad  if  it  carries  freight 
at  the  rate  thus  fixed  by  the  river.  Is  it  not  clearly  better 
for  the  people  of  Springfield,  or  any  intermediate  station, 
that  the  company  should  take  the  produce  and  merchandise 
from  St.  Louis  to  Chicago  at  a  profit  of  one  cent  or  even 
one-half  cent  .per  bushel  (provided  that  is  the  largest  profit 
the  rate  fixed  by  the  river  will  allow),  and  thus  be  enabled  to 
do  the  local  business  a  trifle  cheaper  than  it  would  otherwise 
be  forced  to  demand,  if  the  whole  burden  of  paying  the  in 
terest  on  the  cost  of  the  road  were  thrown  upon  the  local 
business  ?  Were  all  the  traffic  of  the  several  roads  to  be 
done  on  the  low  basis  of  the  river  rates,  the  railroads  could 
not  be  maintained;  nor  would  any  one  have  been  rash 
enough  to  build  our  railroads  had  they  expected  to  do  all 
the  business  at  the  prices  fixed  by  the  river.  It  was  just 
because  there  was  no  navigable  river  running  across  the 
State  that  the  prairie  was  almost  unoccupied  until  the  rail 
roads  were  built.  If  the  companies  are  not  to  be  permitted 
to  get  from  the  river  business  whatever  profit  they  can,  un 
der  existing  circumstances,  there  seems  no  other  way  than 
to  forego  that  business,  and  let  the  local  business  pay  all  the, 
expenses  of  the  road.  This  statement  is  likely  to  call  out 
the  query:  "How  is  it,  if  you  can  afford  to  do  a  particular 
item  of  business  at  a  low  rate,  you  can  not  afford  to  do  all  at 
the  same  price?"  Precisely  for  the  same  reason  that  a 
farmer  can  not  afford  to  have  a  bad  crop  on  every  acre  of 
his  land ;  though  it  would  not  seriously  affect  him  to  have  a 
bad  crop  on  one  acre,  if  there  were  many  acres  of  good  crops; 
and  he  would  generally  prefer  to  have  a  bad  crop  on  the  one 
acre  rather  than  have  no  crop  at  all. 

The  law  discriminates  in  another  way  that  is  flagrantly 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED.  421 

unjust.  It  annihilates  legitimate  competition  by  taking  the 
business  from  north  and  south  lines  having  their  termini  in 
Illinois,  and  gives  it  wholly  to  east  and  west  lines  termi 
nating  in  Ohio  and  Indiana.  To  illustrate :  the  Illinois  Gen-, 
tral,  between  Chicago  and  Cairo,  is  crossed  by  eight  lines 
having  through  Eastern  connections.  From  their  points  of 
junction  with  the  Central  to  the  State  line  is  an  average  of, 
perhaps,  sixteen  miles.  These  lines  can  comply  with  the 
Illinois  law  until  they  cross  the  border,  where  they  can 
make  the  rate  as  low  as  they  please,  while  the  Central,  being 
amenable  to  the  pro  rata  law  its  entire  length  of  seven  hun 
dred  and  seven  miles  in  Illinois,  is  unable  to  take  a  pound 
of  freight  from  any  competing  point.  Moreover,  it  is  quite 
possible  for  the  Toledo,  Wabash  &  Western  Railroad,  ex 
tending  from  Toledo  to  the  Mississippi,  to  take  the  business 
of  Decatur  at  a  less  rate  than  that  of  Springfield  as  far  as 
the  State  line,  then  make  the  balance  in  favor  of  Spring 
field  on  the  rate  between  the  State  line  and  Toledo.  Con 
ditions  might  arise  under  which  the  company  would  be  jus 
tified  in  taking  advantage  of  the  law ;  for  it  should  never 
be  forgotten  that  commercial  laws  are  as  positive  and  bind 
ing  as  physical  laws.  Each  navigable  river  is  as  much  a 
fact  controlling  railroad  companies  commercially  as  are  the 
laws  of  gravitation  and  other  natural  forces  facts  that  have 
to  be  considered  in  determining  how  trains  can  be  hauled. 
One  other  objectionable  feature.  Congress  interdicts  the 
interposition  of  any  obstruction  to  commerce  between  States. 
A  bridge  can  not  be  thrown  across  the  Mississippi  or  Ohio 
until  government  has  located  it  where  its  existence  will  not 
obstruct  navigation.  Yet  this  law  plainly  violates  that 
principle.  It  instructs  the  Eailroad  Commissioners  to  pre 
pare  pro  rata  schedules  of  rates,  and  force  their  adoption 
upon  the  companies.  Illinois  is  in  the  direct  line  of  the 


422  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

world's  highway.  The  rich  products  of  China  and  Japan 
have  been  diverted  from  their  former  channel  around  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  are  daily  being  carried  over  the 
Pacific  Eailroads  en  route  to  the  Atlantic,  and  beyond. 
The  rate  upon  these  cargoes  of  tea  is  made  in  Yokohama. 
Each  of  the  companies  forming  the  through  line  accept 
their  pro  rata  of  the  through  rate.  Shall  this  magnificent 
traffic,  for  which  empires  long  and  desperately  fought,  be 
halted  at  the  Mississippi  Eiver,  and  be  made  to  pay  toll  as 
three  men  at  Springfield  shall  dictate  ?  Or  is  it  too  palpa 
bly  absurd  that  the  commerce  between  the  Old  and  New 
Worlds  should  be  regulated  from  the  Illinois  State  House  ? 

Other  reasons,  good  and  sufficient,  might  be  advanced; 
but  from  those  cited  it  will  be  evident  that  the  law,  in  its 
present  shape,  is  impracticable,  unwarrantable,  and  unjust, 
and  can  not  be  productive  of  aught  but  harm. 

What  is  a  reasonable  rate  ?  Two  generations  have  tried 
to  settle  this  question,  and  failed.  Their  successors  have 
now  attacked  it  with  somewhat  dubious  prospects.  Yet  the 
problem  is  not  a  poser.  Were  law  makers  to  approach  it  as 
students  do  geometry,  the  correct  solution  would  soon  be 
reached.  In  that  art  are  axioms  whose  truth  is  self-evident. 
Accepting  these  without  cavil,  and  applying  the  rules  that 
follow,  the  most  difficult  problems  are  worked  out.  The 
same  principles  govern  the  science  of  transportation  and 
solve  its  intricacies.  Until  this  truth  is  recognized,  satis 
factory  results  never  will  be  reached.  At  present,  the  mo 
nopolist  and  anti-monopolist  occupy  different  stand-points. 
Although  regarding  the  same  matter,  they  see  only  the  side 
nearest  each  other.  The  one  views  it  from  the  top  of  his 
wheat-stack,  and  the  other  from  the  treasurer's  office. 
Then  the  political  umpires  step  in  and  increase  the  trouble. 
Their  efforts  have  had  the  one  merit  of  persistency.  It 


ME.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE.— CONTINUED.  423 

matters  not  how  wretched  their  failures,  renewed  attempts 
are  made.  Experience,  however,  has  developed  considera 
tions  that  must  be  admitted  in  determining  what  is  a  rea 
sonable  rate.  Let  us  note  a  few  : 

Every  railroad  undertaking  involves  two  sorts  of  expend 
itures;  investments,  which  includes  the  cost  of  the  road 
way,  rolling  stock,  depots,  etc.;  and  expenditures,  which 
cover  outlays  for  labor  and  material  consumed  in  the  daily 
service  of  transportation  or  in  maintaining  the  property. 
No  one  will  deny  that  the  charges  should  be  made  to  yield 
a  remunerative  return  upon  the  investment  over  and  above 
all  working  and  incidental  expenses.  Ordinary  foresight 
dictates  that  the  receipts  should  so  far  exceed  expenses  as 
to  induce  capital  to  make  the  necessary  investments.  This 
excess  is  commonly  designated  as  a  certain  per  centage  on 
the  investment,  a  fixed  interest  on  the  borrowed  principal, 
and  dividends,  fluctuating  with  prosperity,  on  the  contribu 
ted  part,  represented  by  shares.  No  other  result  is  satis 
factory,  either  to  the  owners  or  patrons  of  the  road.  But 
the  benefits  of  a  good,  well-managed  railroad  accrue  more 
directly  to  the  community  than  to  the  stockholders. 

Every  railroad  is  worth  what  it  would  cost  to  replace 
it,  and  upon  that  valuation  the  company  are  entitled  to  a 
fair  return.  In  sparsely  settled  localities  this  policy  might 
establish  rates  deemed  exorbitant.  But  is  it  not  a  fact,  too 
often  lost  sight  of,  that  it  costs  just  as  much  to  construct 
a  railway  across  a  new  territory  as  it  does  through  a  densely 
populated  district  ?  It  may  cost  more.  The  iron,  material, 
and  supplies  have  to  be  transported  so  much  further ;  and 
the  capital  which  furnished  them  commands  interest  upon 
its  outlay  as  imperatively  as  if  expended  where  the  return 
would  be  surer  and  more  speedy.  In  the  nature  of  things, 
therefore,  the  rates  exacted  must  be  gauged  to  yield  the 


424  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

necessary  return.  So  long  as  the  charges  are  such  as  to 
render  transportation  by  rail  preferable  to  any  other  mode, 
they  are  reasonable.  If  any  one  is  assured  that  existing 
rates  are  too  high,  the  liberty  to  build  a  rival  line  is  free 
to  all.  There  is  no  monopoly  in  this  country  of  the  right 
to  construct  railways. 

The  actual  cost  of  operating  the  road  should  be  ascer 
tained.  Experts  only  could  perform  the  task.  Novices 
would  not  think  of  one-half  the  items  of  expense.  This 
statement  the  history  of  railway  legislation  confirms. 

Has  American  legislation  ever  considered  the  question  of 
speed  while  framing  pro  rata  and  non-discriminating  laws  ? 
Yet,  it  is  a  well-established  law  of  railroad  economics  that 
speed  is  the  essence  of  expense.  The  recognized  rule  is, 
that  the  cost  of  transportation  increases  as  the  square  of 
the  velocity.  Thus,  a  speed  of  ten  miles  per  hour  would 
be  equal  to  one  hundred,  twenty  to  four  hundred,  and  fifty 
to  two  thousand  five  hundred.  In  all  enactments  hitherto 
perpetrated  or  threatened,  this  startling  difference  in  the 
cost  of  moving  trains,  being  as  $16  to  $4  between  an  ex 
press  and  an  ordinary  accommodation  train,  has  been  wholly 
ignored,  doubtless  never  thought  of. 

This  principle  was  recognized  by  the  British  Parliament 
when,  in  1844,  being  urged  to  protect  the  poorest  classes, 
they  required  all  railway  companies,  one-third  of  whose 
gross  earnings  were  derived  from  passengers,  to  run  one 
train  daily,  each  way,  upon  which  passengers  should  be 
carried  at  Id.  per  mile,  at  a  rate  not  less  than  twelve  miles 
an  hour.  The  slow  rate  for  third-class  trains  is  still  main 
tained,  although  express  trains  average  forty  miles  an  hour, 
including  stops.  In  addition  to  this  just  recognition  of 
speed  as  one  item  of  expense,  Parliament  excepted  the  earn 
ings  of  these  slow  trains  from  taxation. 


ME.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED.  425 

Motive  power  is  another  leading  item  of  expense.  This 
is  largely  dependent  upon  the  character  of  the  route.  If 
fuel  is  abundant,  the  operating  expenses  are  correspondingly 
reduced.  But  if,  as  in  the  case  of  the  North-western  and 
Milwaukee  &  St.  Paul,  there  is  scarcely  a  coal  mine  or  a 
forest  within  reach  of  their  far-extending  systems,  their  cost 
per  mile  run  is  considerably  increased,  and  should  be  taken 
into  account  in  adjusting  rates.  Other  roads  again  have 
heavy  grades,  up  which  engines  of  the  largest  capacity  can 
not  haul  more  than  ten  or  fifteen  cars  at  a  time,  while  the 
same  engines  on  other  lines  could  easily  draw  fifty  or  sixty 
car  loads. 

A  still  more  apparent  consideration  is,  that  the  facilities 
provided  are  only  partially  used.  The  current  of  eastward 
trade  largely  exceeds  that  running  in  the  opposite  direc 
tion,  and  it  sets  most  heavily  eastward  when  the  return  flow 
is  the  slightest,  and  vice  versa.  Empty  cars,  therefore, 
abound  each  way.  This  disproportion  is  so  great  that,  upon 
a  leading  trunk  line,  of  the  track  and  rolling  stock  there  is 
frequently  employed  about  sixty  per  cent,  in  one  direction, 
and  twenty  per  cent,  in  the  opposite.  The  waste  of  expendi 
ture  becomes  an  extra  charge  upon  the  freight  actually  car 
ried;  and  the  drawback  will  continue  until  wise  measures 
shall  tend  more  equally  to  diffuse  the  trade  currents  and 
balance  their  volume  in  opposite  directions.  For,  it  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that,  whether  a  freight  engine  runs  with  a 
full  or  a  partial  load,  the  items  of  expense  are  the  same. 

Expenses  are  lessened  when  the  volume  of  freight  in 
creases.  This  is  a  fundamental  principle  of  cheap  transpor 
tation.  To  forward  a  single  letter,  by  special  messenger,  to 
California  would  cost  hundreds  of  dollars ;  but,  deposited  in 
the  government  mails,  three  cents  pays  for  its  transporta 
tion.  This  cheap  service  is  possible,  because  simultaneously 


426  THE  GIIOUNDSWELL. 

a  like  service  is  performed  for  the  thousands  of  other  pa 
trons.  Freight  transportation  is  subject  to  the  same  law. 
Is  any  one  stupid  enough  to  murmur  because  the  govern 
ment  carries  one  man's  letter  to  San  Francisco  for  three 
cents,  while  another  is  charged  as  much  for  having  a  letter 
carried  four  or  five  miles  ?  What  matters  it  how  cheap  an 
other  man's  letter  is  carried  so  long  as  mine  is  taken  at  a 
reasonable  rate  ?  And  if  the  rule  holds  good  in  regard  to 
letters,  why  should  it  not  embrace  parcels  and  packages,  etc.  ? 
The  principle  is  so  plain,  when  applied  to  postal  service, 
that  no  word  of  complaint  against  its  discrimination  is  ever 
heard;  but  when  applied  to  property  transportation,  which 
is  subject  to  precisely  the  same  law,  what  a  fearful  commo 
tion  is  raised ! 


CHAPTEE   XXXVI. 


CONCERNING  RATES  AND  GOVERNMENTAL  RAIL 
WAYS. 


CONTINUATION  OF  CONTRIBUTED  ARTICLE,  BY  J.  W.  MIDGLEY, 
ESQ.,  CHICAGO. 


Much  as  we  claim  to  be  in  advance  of  the  "  old  country," 
in  the  recognition  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  cheap 
transportation,  we  are  still  far  behind.  This  deplorable  con 
dition  is  begotten  of  that  selfish  determination  not  to  let 
others  get  the  "  start."  The  grievous  bubbles  which  stump 
orators  and  the  country  press  are  inflating  are  not  novelties. 
They  were  pricked  years  ago  in  Europe.  Inequality  of 
charges  is  one  of  them.  Parliament  disposed  of  it  in  the 
Railway  Clauses  Consolidation  Act,  by  declaring  it  "  expedi 
ent  that  the  companies  should  be  enabled  to  vary  the  tolls 
upon  the  railways  so  as  to  accommodate  them  to  the  circum 
stances  of  the  traffic,"  and  pronounced  it  lawful  for  the  com 
panies  "  from  time  to  time  to  alter  or  vary  the  tolls,  either 
upon  the  whole  or  any  particular  portions  of  their  railways, 
as  they  shall  think  fit."  The  people  still  harboring  the  belief 
that  unequal  rates  were  unreasonable,  a  Royal  Commission, 
comprising  Lord  Stanley,  Robt.  Lowe,  Chancellor  of  tha 
Exchequer,  Sir  Rowland  Hill,  Postmaster-General,  Mr. 
Ayrton,  Commissioner  of  Public  Works,  and  ten  other  influ- 

(427) 


428  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

ential  members,  investigated  the  subject  in  all  its  bearings, 
and  reported  that  "inequality  of  charge  in  respect  of  dis 
tance,  besides  being  a  necessary  consequence  of  competition, 
is  an  essential  element  in  the  carrying  trade ;  that  is  to  say, 
the  principle  which  governs  a  railway  company  in  fixing  the 
rate  is  that  of  creating  a  traffic  by  charging  such  a  sum  for 
conveyance  as  will  induce  the  produce  of  one  district  to 
compete  with  another  in  a  common  market.  The  power  of 
granting  special  rates  permits  a  development  of  trade  which 
would  not  otherwise  exist ;  and  it  is  abundantly  evident  that 
a  large  portion  of  the  trade  of  the  country,  at  the  present 


"Speed,   Comfort,   Safety." 

time,  has  been  created  by,  and  is  continued  on  the  faith  of, 
special  rates."  And  they  dismissed  the  suggestion  of  inter 
ference  by  adding:  "  The  conditions  under  which  such  rates 
are  granted  are  so  numerous  that  no  special  law  could  be 
framed  to  regulate  them." 

Their  comprehensive  view  of  the  question  was  sustained 
by  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  which  distinctly  recognized 
the  right  of  a  company  to  charge  unequal  rates.  In  the  case 
of  Eansome  v.  Eastern  Counties  Eailway,  the  court  held  that 
a  company  may  charge  different  rates  for  transportation 
where  the  expenses  thereof  are  different ;  and,  as  the  Com 
mission  remarked,  in  citing  this  decision;  "As  the  expense 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARtiCLE.— CONTINUED.  429 

of  starting  a  train  is  the  same  for  a  large  or  small  distance, 
this  may  be  fairly  taken  into  account  and  justify  an  inequal 
ity  in  the  rates  of  carriage  between  different  places." 

To  load  a  freight  car  consumes  twenty-four  hours,  and  to 
unload  it  and  get  it  into  use  again  a  corresponding  period. 
Freight  trains  usually  run  about  ten  miles  an  hour,  includ 
ing  stops,  and  a  car  carries  about  ten  tons  of  freight.  Sup 
pose  the  rate  2c  per  ton  per  mile,  and  the  distance  to  be 
hauled  ten  miles,  the  time  consumed  would  be  forty-nine 
hours,  and  the  compensation  for  the  service  $2.00,  or  96c 
per  day.  But  were  the  car  sent  on  a  continuous  run  of 
1,000  miles  at  the  same  rate,  it  would  occupy  148  hours, 
and  would  yield  the  company  $32.50  per  day.  The  illus 
tration  conveys  its  own  comments. 

If  each  local  station  could  make  up  a  train  of  freight,  the 
case  might  be  different ;  but  such  condition  is  not  possible, 
only  at  terminal  points.  For  instance,  Joliet  is  much  nearer 
Chicago  than  is  Bock  Island,  and  would,  apparently,  be  en 
titled  to  better  rates.  Yet  its  business  costs  a  mere  trifle 
less.  The  train  of  empty  cars  leave  Chicago,  the  required 
number  are  dropped  off  at  Joliet  and  other  way  stations, 
and,  at  Rock  Island,  the  return  trip  is  commenced,  upon 
Which  the  cars  left  off  to  be  loaded  are  picked  up.  Mean 
time,  these  cars  have  been  standing  idle,  during  which  time 
they  have  earned  nothing;  and,  as  cars  earn  money  only 
when  in  motion,  a  reasonable  rate,  to  insure  a  profitable  re 
turn,  must  be  sufficiently  large  to  balance  the  unemployed 
time. 

The  unauthorized  statement  that  rates  have  been  steadily 
increased  throughout  the  State  of  Illinois,  during  the  past 
few  years,  is  maliciously  untrue.  The  tendency  has  been 
continually  downward,  as  the  following  comparative  state 
ment  of  the  average  earnings  per  ton  per  mile  will  show : 


430 


THE  GHOUKDSWELL. 


Lake  Shore  & 
Mich.  South- 
era  Hallway. 


Mich.  Central 
Railway. 


Chicago,  Bur 

lington   & 

Quincy    Rail 

way. 


Chicago  <fe 

North-west' 

Railway. 


1868 
1869  - 
1870 
1871  - 
1872 


cts. 


CtS. 


cts. 

" 


3  T^TY  CtS. 

3 

2 


In  flat  contradiction  of  popular  statements  is  the  fact  that 
the  cost  of  transportation  has  steadily  decreased,  notwithr 
standing  the  "  watering  "  of  stock.  Thus,  in  1863,  the  New 
York  Central  Eailroad  carried  312,000,000  tons  at  a  cost  of 
2  .J^L.  Cents  per  ton  per  mile,  and  the  Erie  404,000,000  tons 
at  2TfTr.  In  1872  the  earnings  for  transporting  1,020,000,- 
000  tons  over  the  Central,  were  I  -f^  per  ton  per  mile,  and  on 
the  Erie  1  ^V  for  950,000,000  tons.  Meantime,  the  stock 
and  certificates  of  the  former  road  had,  in  the  same  period, 
increased  from  $23,631,000  to  $89,428,000,  while  the  "stock, 
bonds,  and  debt "  of  the  latter  had  increased  from  $40,000, 
000  to  $118,000,000.  These  figures,  which  are  absolutely 
correct  and  can  not  lie,  conclusively  annihilate  one  of  the 
most  pretentious  and  favorite  accusations  of  the  anti-railroad 
agitator.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  the  adjustment  of  rates 
is  seriously  affected  by  two  conditions  :  1.  Economy  in  orig 
inal  outlay.  2.  Economy  in  current  expenditures. 

The  people  are  responsible  for  the  magnitude  of  these 
items.  It  is  a  notorious  fact  that  exorbitant  prices  are  ex 
torted  for  right  of  way.  As  soon  as  it  becomes  known  that 
a  railway  is  to  be  run  through  a  certain  district,  several 
times  the  antecedent  value  of  the  selected  land  is  demanded, 
and  generally  awarded  by  commissioners ;  and  if  any  addi 
tional  legislation  is  required,  the  companies  have  to  pay  for 
it.  Our  Legislatures  are  not  exceptions.  Some  years  ago 
it  was  estimated  that  Parliamentary  contests  and  concessions 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED,  431 

had  cost  the  British  railway  companies  $350,000,000. 
These  expenses  are  mainly  incurred  in  averting  threatened 
legislation.  This  single  item  absorbs  a  very  considerable 
portion  of  the  profits.  Political  cormorants  long  since  dis 
covered  it,  and  worry  the  funds  out  of  the  companies.  Then 
there  are  numerous  lines  projected  by  speculators,  with  no 
view  to  public  benefit,  but  originated  simply  to  prey  upon 
existing  companies  by  forcing  the  latter  to  purchase  them. 
Effete  politicians  and  glutted  lawyers  also  oleed  the  com 
panies  profusely;  but  it  all  eventually  comes  out  of  the 
"dear  people"  in  the  form  of  rates.  The  money  must  be 
had,  and  the  public  have  to  advance  it. 

These  remarks  apply  specially  to  the  compensation  awarded 
for  injuries.  No  observer  of  current  events  will  question 
the  assertion  that  railway  companies  are  "  salted  "  whenever 
a  petit  jury  gets  a  chance  at  them.  In  such  cases  the  juries 
are  like  the  Donnybrook  Irishman,  who  could  not  resist  the 
temptation  of  whacking  every  head  within  reach  of  his 
shillaleh,  his  best  friends  sharing  his  most  willing  attentions.1 
It  may  be  "  fun  "  for  the  time  being,  but  who  pays  for  it  in 
the  end  ?  Every  outrageous  verdict — such  as  have  become 
common-place  exceptions — means  sufficiently  increased  rates 
to  pay  the  costs.  The  press  urges  the  people  to  pursue  this 
vindictive  policy,  and  readily  have  they  responded.  It  mat 
ters  not  how  flimsy  the  pretext,  the  verdict  in  every  Western 
State  is  a  foregone,  heavy  conclusion. 

In  agitating  for  reform,  the  people  forget  that  it  must 
begin  with  themselves.  It  is  the  maddest  folly  to  demand 
cheap  rates,  and  yet  force  the  railroads  into  excessive  ex 
penses;  and  it  is  the  baldest  falsehood  propagated  by  the 
press  to  say  that  the  courts  are  corrupted  into  acquitting 
the  companies.  The  outrageous  verdicts  recorded  in  almost 
every  county  in  the  West  prove  its  falsity  and  burlesque 


432  THE  GROWDSWELL. 

justice.  Long  since  the  corporations  have  ceased  to  trust  in 
appeals  to  juries,  such  as  are  commonly  impaneled.  For 
•what  man  competent  to  weigh  evidence  does  not  evade  the 
jury  box  if  he  can? 

These  questions  intrude  themselves  in  determining  what 
is  a  reasonable  rate.  The  companies  are  mulcted  upon  every 
opportunity,  and  the  numerous  depletions  necessitate  the  im 
position  of  high  rates. 

The  people  complain  of  being  overtaxed.     Then,  why  do 
they  create  the  necessity  ?    However  flatly  the  leaders  of  the 
anti-railroad  agitation  may  deny  that  their  misguided  action 
has  precipitated  the  existing  crisis,  it  is  none  the  less  a  fact. 
Their  threatening  attitude  destroyed  confidence  in  American 
securities.    Why  should  a  foreign  capitalist  invest  in  a  West 
ern  railroad  in  whose  management  the  owners  are  told  they 
shall  have  no  voice?     Practically,  the  farmers  of  Illinois, 
Iowa,  and  Wisconsin  say  to  the  capitalists,  "  Come,  and  build 
us  railroads ;  then  we  will  run  them,  and  you  shan't  put  in 
a  word."     The  moneyed  men  are  not  such  fools.     They  are 
independent ;  we  are  not.     They  can  live  without  us ;  but 
can  we  thrive  without  their  help  ?     They  gave  us  the  start. 
Have  we  enough  to  carry  us  through  ?     The  vast  territory 
west  of  the  Alleghanies  is  comparatively  undeveloped.    There 
is  ample  room  for  millions  more  of  industrious  men.     How 
can  they  be  induced  to  come  ?     What  agency  has  made  the 
country  inhabitable?     What  has  shortened  distances  and 
lengthened  life  by  saving  time  ?     What  has  enabled  us  to 
compass  in  one  day  what  consumed  a  season  in  the  time  of 
our  fathers  ?     The  steam-engine.     Who  now  shall  run  it  ? 
Shall  experts,  who  comprehend  the  laws  of  motion,  or  shall 
it  be  left  to  men  whose  primal  qualification  is  that  they  can 
distinguish  a  short-horn  from  a  Galloway  ? 

Ignorance  and   folly  never  exalted    a   nation.      Certain 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE — CONTINUED.          433 

Would  be  our  downfall  if  passion  were  to  displace  experience. 
Misguided  and  rash  attempts  have  been  often  made  to  decree 
a  schedule  of  rates,  but  the  statesmen  conceded  their  ina 
bility,  and  were  wisely  willing  to  let  those  who  had  grown 
up  with  the  system,  and  mastered  its  principles,  decide  what 
is  a  reasonable  rate. 

Forced  to  admit  the  failure  of  legislation,  "the  dissatisfied  " 
demand  that  government  shall  purchase  the  railways.  Per 
haps  the  corporations  would  not  seriously  object,  for  it  is 
very  probable  they  would  be  the  greatest  gainers  by  the 
transfer.  Is  it  at  all  likely  that  government  officials  of  the 
stripe  we  now  have  would  possess  superior  fitness  for  rail 
way  management  ?  Economy  is  our  pressing  want.  Is  it  a 
distinguishing  trait  of  the  Caseys,  Murphys,  Butlers,  et  al  f 
The  proposition  premises  that  the  State  would  lease  the 
railroads.  In  that  event  the  lessees  would  have  to  be  respon 
sible  parties,  who  could  give  ample  security.  This  would 
necessitate  their  being  either  stock  companies  or  wealthy 
capitalists.  In  either  case,  they  might  be  inexperienced  in 
railroad  affairs,  which  would  doubtless  cause  the  control  to 
fall  upon  the  old  working  force,  thereby  increasing  the  num 
ber  of  salaries  and  adding  materially  to  the  necessary  oper 
ating  expenses  of  the  lines. 

Besides,  the  lessees  would  incur  risks.  Should  the  net 
earnings  exceed  the  rent,  the  surplus  would  afford  a  toler 
ably  good  dividend  upon  their  comparatively  small  invest 
ment  ;  but  should  the  results  be  reversed,  they  would  have 
no  dividend  whatever.  Therefore,  it  is  certain  the  lessees 
would  accept  the  risk  only  at  a  rental  insuring  them  against 
loss,  but  so  low  as  not  to  reimburse  the  State  for  the  outlay 
in  purchase.  Neither  is  it  likely  the  lessees  would  cramp 
their  operations  by  agreeing  to  reduce  rates,  irrespective  of 
the  course  their  own  interests  would  dictate;  consequently, 
19 


434  THE  GROUNBSWEtt. 

they  would  be  in  no  better  condition  to  reduce  than  are  the 
present  directors. 

This  experiment  has  been  tried  in  Europe.  It  has  worked 
successfully  in  Belgium.  That  kingdom  is  densely  popu 
lated,  and  comprises  a  total  area  much  less  than  half  of  any 
single  Western  State.  They  have  all  the  railroads  the  coun 
try  needs.  Only  small  branch  lines,  or  "  by-ways,"  as  they 
are  termed,  will  be  built.  The  same  limitations  apply  to 
Great  Britain  and  France.  The  State  can  easily  build  these 
little  side-lines.  Our  country  does  not  afford  a  parallel 
case.  Does  any  reformer  wish  to  see  the  government  un 
dertake  the  construction  of  a  trunk  line  across  half  a  dozen 
States  ?  What  a  chance  for  jobs  and  fat  contracts !  One 
Credit  Mobilier  operation  should  satisfy  us. 

As  owner  of  so  vast  a  property,  the  government  would  be 
obliged  to  employ  a  retinue  of  skilled  officers  to  supervise  it, 
and  see  that  the  lessees  maintained  it  properly.  The  im 
portance  of  their  duties  would  command  large  salaries, 
which,  considering  the  number  needed,  would  draw  heavily 
upon  the  receipts  from  the  lessees.  The  economy  of  the 
plan  is,  therefore,  open  to  considerable  doubt.  Another  pos 
sibility  might  arise.  However  admirably  the  terms  of  the 
lessees  should  be  drawn,  in  view  of  the  great  political  influ 
ence  the  companies  could  wield,  these  conditions  might  be 
modified.  Common  interest  would  dictate  that  their  polit 
ical  power  should  be  ranged  on  the  side  of  the  government; 
and,  when  the  millions  of  railroad  employees  are  taken  into 
consideration,  this  view  of  the  question  becomes  alarming 
and  sufficient  of  itself  to  defeat  the  scheme. 

The  subject  carries  us  still  further.  Railway  enterprise 
has  extended  to  numerous  accompanying  undertakings— to 
car  shops  and  locomotive  works,  to  stations,  warehouses, 
docks,  harbors,  vessels,  transit  steamers,  bridges,  and  other 


MB.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE— CONTINUED.          435 

subsidiary  enterprises,  dependent  upon  an -I  incorporated 
with  the  railways.  The  government,  if  it  purchased  the 
railways,  would  be  obliged  to  include  these  subsidiary  con 
nections. 

Government  ownership  would  discourage  further  con 
struction,  as  tending  to  diminish  the  public  revenue,  or 
they  might  be  made  a  charge  upon  the  several  States.  In 
any  event,  it  would  quench  the  spirit  of  enterprise  on  the 
part  of  the  individuals,  which,  exercised  as  at  present,  is  our 
best  protection  against  monopoly. 

Financially  considered,  who  could  estimate  the  depressing 
effect  upon  our  national  securities  were  the  government  to 
enter  the  market  annually  as  a  borrower  of  say  $100,000,000, 
for  the  purchase  of  doubtful  property?  Viewed  in  this  light, 
the  scheme  does  not  promise  well  to  the  State,  as  a  finan 
cial  transaction;  and,  we  take  it,  there  is  no  disposition 
to  cheapen  transportation  at  the  expense  of  the  public 
treasury. 

This  subject  has  been  thoroughly  considered  in  England, 
and  the  last  Eoyal  Commission  appointed  for  that  purpose 
thus  summed  up  their  report :  "  We  are  of  opinion  that  it 
is  inexpedient,  at  present,  to  subvert  the  policy  which  has 
hitherto  been  adopted  of  leaving  the  construction  and  man 
agement  of  railways  to  the  free  enterprise  of  the  people;" 
adding,  in  the  case  of  Ireland,  where  are  many  unprofitable 
lines,  "  that,  as  the  railway  companies  have  the  best  oppor 
tunities  of  judging  whether  rates  can  be  reduced  so  as  to  be 
remunerative  within  a  reasonable  time,  they  should  be  left 
free  to  carry  out  such  experiments  at  their  own  risk." 


-   < 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 


THE  BENEFITS  CONFERRED  BY  RAILROADS. 


CONTINUATION  or  CONTRIBUTED  ARTICLE,  BY  J.  W.  MIDGLEY, 
ESQ.,  CHICAGO. 


The  feeling  against  railroads  has  been  so  intense  as  to  ig 
nore  their  beneficial  effects.  Yet  these  are  not  insignificant. 
Perhaps  they  can  best  be  estimated  by  imagining  our  con 
dition  were  we  suddenly  to  be  thrown  back  to  the  state  of 
locomotion  existing  forty  years  ago.  Such  return  would 
render  personal  travel  intolerable,  would  suspend  business, 
and  collapse  thousands  of  enterprises  originated  and  made 
prosperous  by 'railway  facilities. 

With  our  fathers,  a  journey  of  three  hundred  miles  was 
an  event  in  a  lifetime,  and  was  not  undertaken  until  a  man 
had  made  his  will.  It  is  now  easily,  luxuriously,  and  expe- 
tlitiously  accomplished.  Safety  and  speed  are  incomparable 
benefits.  Strange  though  it  may  seem  in  view  of  the  nu 
merous  startling  accidents,  the  number  of  persons  killed  or 
injured  on  all  the  railways  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  is 
less  than  the  number  killed  or  injured  by  ordinary  vehicles 
in  London  alone.  The  cost  of  traveling  is  also  diminished 
fully  one-half. 

The  untold  benefits  of  safety,  cheapness,  and  speed  apply 
(436) 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE.-— CONTINUED.  437 

still  more  to  the  transportation  of  freight.  The  old-time 
wagons  never  averaged  more  than  three  or  four  miles  an 
hour ;  now,  light,  valuable  packages  are  carried  on  express 
trains  at  the  rate  of  thirty  miles  an  hour.  It  might  also  be 
deemed  worthy  of  recognition  that  the  railways  have  done 
more  toward  the  defense  of  the  country  than  all  other  works, 
by  affording  rapid  and  effective  means  of  concentrating  men 
and  supplies  in  case  of  necessity.  Then,  to  a  degree  not 
easily  estimated,  they  have  contributed  to  the  spread  of  mor- 


The  Rural  Toilers  of  Forty  Years  ago. 

ality  and  the  diffusion  of  knowledge,  by  their  liberal  conces 
sions  to  delegates  attending  conventions,  and  the  half  fare 
permits  given  to  clergymen. 

One  might  almost  have  the  temerity  to  inquire  how  the 
farmers,  Grangers,  and  anti-monopolists  could  assemble  to 
discuss  their  grinding  wrongs  (?)  were  the  railways  not  to 
bring  them  together. 

These  results  have  been  attained  without  expense  to  the 
public,  who  are  the  principal  recipients.  Western  men — 
citizens  or  Grangers — have  put  comparatively  little  into  the 


438  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

railways  they  would  now  confiscate.  While  demanding 
this,  they  do  not  remember  the  Illinois  and  Iowa  of  fifty 
years  ago,  when  it  cost  them  one  bushel  of  produce  to  get 
another  to  the  nearest  market.  Prairie  farms  could  then  be 
bought  for  $2.50  per  acre,  and  that,  too,  at  second-hand. 
The  corn  was  accumulated  in  cribs  and  sold  at  ten  cents 
per  bushel.  Subsequently,  railroads  were  built,  since  which 
the  farmers'  price  for  corn  has  rarely  Mien  below  twenty 
cents,  while  more  frequently  it  has  exceeded  forty  cents. 
Meantime,  the  new  territory  has  become  populated,  and  its 
products  are  transportated  at  one-tenth  the  former  cost. 
All  the  enormous  increase  of  wealth,  unparalleled  in  the 
history  of  nations,  was  caused  by  the  railways.  Yet  the 
men  whom  they  have  enriched  fancy  they  are  oppressed  by 
them,  and  demand  their  subordination  to  the  behests  of 
fickle  legislators. 

In  view  of  this  clamor  it  might  not  be  inopportune  to 
enumerate  the  branches  of  industry  that  are  created  by  and 
dependent  upon  the  railways.  They  may  be  thus  classified : 
1.  Construction;  2.  Equipment;  3.  Eepairs;  4.  Supplies. 
The  first  includes  timber  for  ties,  wooden  bridges,  and  sta 
tion  buildings;  iron  for  rails,  spikes,  iron  bridges,  and 
tools;  stone  for  bridge  piers  and  retaining  walls,  and 
brick  and  stone  for  shop  and  other  important  buildings. 
The  second  includes  locomotives  and  cars  of  every  descrip 
tion;  the  third  provides  for  the  incidental  renewal  of  the 
former ;  the  fourth  embraces  fuel,  oil,  waste,  and  the  innu 
merable  items  of  daily  demand,  such  as  account  books,  sta 
tionery,  etc.  Let  any  one  consider  that  70,000  miles  of  rail 
way  are  in  actual  operation,  and  determine  whether  the 
supply  trade  created  by  them  is  material  to  the  nation's 
prosperity  or  not. 

1.  CONSTRUCTION. — To  build  fifty  miles  of  railroad  re- 


ME.  MIDGLEY'S  AETICLE. — CONTINUED.  439 

quires  a  multitude  of  men,  whose  expenditures  in  the  vicin 
ity  of  their  labors  equals  that  of  a  large  army.  All  classes 
of  the  community  benefit  by  their  presence.  Business  re 
ceives  an  impetus,  and  depots  of  supplies  rapidly  grow  into 
permanent  towns.  Stations  are  established  along  the  lines, 
section  gangs  are  formed,  and  a  host  of  men  are  given 
profitable  employment,  thus  adding  to  the  taxable  resources 
of  the  district.  Iron,  however,  is  the  principal  item.  To 
lay  one  mile  of  single  track  averages  about  one  hundred 
tons  of  rails.  At  that  recognized  proportion,  the  cost  of 
iron  rails  alone  in  the  roads  built  since  1862,  based  on  the 
figures  published  by  the  American  Iron  and  Steel  Associa 
tion,  has  been  as  follows : 

Miles  built.  Iron  per  ton.  Cost  of  iron. 

1863 1,050  $76.37£  $8,071,875 

1864 738  126.00  9,298,800 

1865 1,377  98.62£  12,594,412 

1866  ........  1,882  86.75  15,892,600 

1867 2,227  83.12J  18,510,924 

1868 3,033  78.37£  23,922,787 

1869 4,999  77.25  38,617,275 

1870 6,145  72.25  44,397,625 

1871 7,453  70.37J  52,450,487 

1872 6,427  85.12  J  54,709,837 

35,159  $278,466,622 

Various  estimates  are  made  of  the  amount  of  iron,  other 
than  rails,  that  is  regularly  used  in  railroads.  Correct  fig- 
gures  can  not  be  obtained ;  but  including  spikes,  chairs,  fish 
plates,  locomotives,  car  wheels,  axles,  etc.,  it  is  assumed  that 
the  total  of  iron  used  in  railroads  would  not  fall  short  of 
two  hundred  tons  to  the  mile,  which  would  place  the  entire 
cost  since  1863  at  over  $500,000,000.  When  it  is  further 
recited  that,  in  1860,  the  price  per  ton  was  only  $48,  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  iron  of  the  roads  has  cost  at  least  $ 200;- 


440  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

000,000  more  than  it  would  have  done  at  the  rate  current 
in  1860.  Notwithstanding  this  enormous  advance  in  the 
cost  of  the  main  item  of  construction,  it  is  susceptible  of 
proof  that  the  rates  of  transportation  have  steadily  de 
creased. 

The  foregoing  tabular  statement  does  not  include  the  sev 
eral  millions  expended,  during  the  past  three  years,  on  the 
first-class  roads,  for  steel  rails.  Every  trunk  line  out  of 
Chicago  makes  the  majority  of  renewals  with  steel,  which, 
at  $120  per  ton,  demands  no  small  outlay.  At  each  of  the 
rail  mills  more  than  a  thousand  men  are  engaged,  every  one 
of  whom  owes  his  employment  as  directly  to  the  railways  as 
do  the  engineers  who  run  the  trains. 

2.  EQUIPMENT. — At  favorable  locations  mammoth  enter- 
terprises  have  been  called  into  existence  to  supply  the  rail 
ways  with  rolling  stock.  In  several  eastern  cities  are  es 
tablished  locomotive  works.  One  of  these,  'the  Baldwin, 
covers  six  entire  squares  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia;  in 
prosperous  times,  employs  five  thousand  men,  supports  twenty 
thousand  persons,  and  annually  turns  out  over  $5,000,000 
worth  of  work.  Another  Quaker  City  enterprise,  the  Whit 
ney  Car  Wheel  Factory,  covers  one  square,  supplies  several 
railroads,  and  exports  car  wheels  to  Europe.  In  the  same 
city  a  single  railroad  company,  at  one  time,  expended  $5,- 
000,000  for  rails,  engines,  cars,  etc.  Locomotive  and  car 
works  have  built  up  Paterson,  Manchester,  Wilmington, 
Jeffersonville,  and  other  similarly  favored  places.  Numer 
ous  cities  hold  out  inducements,  in  the  certain  knowledge 
that  the  possession  of  such  vast  establishments  affords  prof 
itable  employment  to  hosts  of  skillful  men,  whose  earnings 
benefit  the  entire  community.  Bloomington  gave  a  large 
bonus  to  secure  the  location  of  the  Chicago  &  Alton  Puail- 
road  shops,  and  Aurora  enjoys  like  advantages  from  the 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED.  441 

Chicago,  Burlington  &  Quincy  Railway.  A  blow  at  the 
corporation  falls  with  crushing  effect  upon  these  subsidiary 
enterprises.  The  recent  panic  illustrated  this  truism.  In 
its  fall  the  mighty  oak  carries  down  with  it  the  clinging 
vine. 

3.  KEPAIRS. — Bails  and  other  constituent  parts  of  a  rail 
way  wear  out.     If  a  company  is  not  allowed  margin  enough 
to  maintain  its  property  in  good  condition,  the  public  expe 
rience  the  discomfort  and  inconvenience  of  a  rough,  poor 
road.     If  otherwise,  the  enterprises  that  were  advantaged  by 
the  first  outlay  share  in  the  profit  of  replenishing  the  road. 

4.  SUPPLIES. — Nearly  every  branch  of  industry  is  bene 
fited  by  the  operation  of  railroads.      Several  find  them  their 
best  customers.     An  extensive  list  might  be  given,  but  the 
instances  already  cited  will  suffice  to  show  that  we  are  truly 
a  dependent  people.     Of  what  avail  is  it  that  our  farmer  can 
produce  a  thousand  bushels  of  grain,  unless  there  is  a  mar 
ket  vfor  it?     And,   going  still  further,   what  advantage  is 
gained  from  a  bountiful  supply  and  fair  demand,  unless  facil 
ities  are  provided  to  conv«y  the  products  to  market  ? 

The  companies  sustain  a  mutual  relation.  They  advan 
tage  the  farmer  by  furnishing  him  the  cheapest  and  most 
expeditious  means  of  getting  his  produce  to  the  consumers, 
and  they  benefit  the  latter  by  placing  bread  within  their 
reach  and  enabling  them  to  buy  it.  This  view  of  the  case 
may  evoke  a  repetition  of  the  rural  cry,  "  The  farmer  pays 
for  all."  But  where  does  ho  obtain  the  wherewithal? 
From  the  consumer.  Would  it  better  any  one  if  the  num 
ber  of  consumers  were  decreased,  and  the  producers  corre 
spondingly  increased  ?  This  must  be  the  practical  result  of 
an  onslaught  on  the  railways.  Cripple  them  by  hostile  leg 
islation,  or  menace  them  so  that  capital  will  avoid  them,  and 

the  innumerable  multitude  of  artisans  that  turn  out  material 
19* 


442  THE  GEOUNDSWELL. 

and  equipment  for  them  will  be  deprived  of  employment  and 
be  forced  to  become  producers.  Is  that  what  the  farmers 
want?  Capital  inevitably  shrinks  from  precarious  invest 
ments.  If  the  farmers  wish  to  utterly  destroy  the  value  of 
American  railroad  securities  in  foreign  markets,  they  can 
not  do  it  more  effectually  than  to  demand  the  abrogation 
of  the  privileges  that  alone  make  the  charters  worth  hav 
ing.  While  hotly  charging  every  grievance  upon  the  rail 
ways,  they  forget  that  the  law  of  supply  and  demand  inva 
riably  regulates  the  price.  Why  should  the  farmers  of  Iowa 
boast  they  have  millions  of  bushels  of  grain  more  than  they 
need,  and  then  curse  the  railways  for  the  low  price  it  com 
mands  ?  Have  they  not  produced  thus  much  more  than  is 
wanted?  Why  berate  the  New  England  manufacturers 
because  they  will  not  send  boots  and  shoes,  cottons  and 
woolens  for  this  surplus,  when  they  only  care  to  exchange 
for  as  much  as  they  need.  If  men  will  locate  so  far  distant 
from  market  that  their  products  are  absolutely  valueless, 
and  there  raise  tenfold  more  than  they  or  the  country  can 
consume,  even  as  fuel,  they  should  blame  themselves,  not 
the  railroads,  for  their  unfortunate  predicament.  In  this 
respect,  the  Granges  might  accomplish  some  good.  Instead 
of  exciting  the  farmers  to  rush  to  the  State  capitals  and 
demand  laws  compelling  railroad  companies  to  transport 
produce  below  actual  cost,  they  might  calmly  take  in  the 
situation  and  advise  their  associates  to  raise  only  marketa 
ble  products.  For,  why  should  a  man  continually  grow 
corn,  when  there  is  no  demand  for  it,  simply  because  his  land 
is  adapted  for  it? 

Every  improvement  which  reduces  the  cost  of  transpor 
tation  benefits  the  producer.  The  application  of  the  tele 
graph  to  railway  service  enables  the  companies  to  do  an 
equal  amount  of  business,  with  one-third  the  equipment 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE.— CONTINUED.  443 

that  would  be  needed  were  the  post-office  or  special  mes 
senger  the  best  means  of  communication.  This  great 
saving  in  time  makes  it  practicable  to  distribute  cars 
with  such  facility  as  to  meet  current  requirements.  In  so 
far  as  it  economizes  resources  by  keeping  them  in  use, 
and  securing  equal  results  with  less  quantity,  it  cheapens 
transportation. 

It  is  possible  the  progress  of  events  will  develop  kindred 
improvements.  None  would  rejoice  more  than  the  capi 
talist  were  a  metal  of  such  quality  produced  that  it  would 
never  wear  out,  or  a  method  of  locomotion  be  discovered 
that  would  obviate  the  expense  of  roadways  and  steam- 
power.  These  now  indispensable  adjuncts  increase  the 
cost  of  moving  freight,  and,  to  that  extent,  benefit  the 
workmen  engaged  upon  them,  at  the  expense  of  the  ship 
per.  Until  science  has  overcome  these  drawbacks,  we 
should  content  ourselves  with  present  means  of  transporta 
tion,  because  they  are  the  best  and  cheapest  known. 

Eailways  create  communities.  In  thus  developing  the 
family  idea,  they  bless  the  race  by  conferring  advantages 
that  are  beyond  the  reach  of  an  isolated  few.  Literature, 
science,  art,  and  all  the  concomitant  benefits  of  education 
and  enlightenment  are  assured  where  there  is  society  enough 
to  foster  them.  Agriculture  does  not  found  cities.  It  is 
essentially  segregating  in  its  tendency.  Farmers  need  large 
fields,  and,  therefore,  must  have  scattered  homesteads ; 
whereas,  manufactures  and  railway  enterprises  build  up 
populous  towns,  and  their  location  in  his  vicinity  benefits 
the  farmer,  by  creating  a  large  supply  for  his  products  near 
at  hand,  insuring  him  better  returns,  because  the  cost  of 
long  transportation  is  saved.  Kailways  have  bridged  the 
distance  between  the  producers  and  consumers,  and  have 
brought  them  near  together.  They  encourage  manufac- 


444  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

tares,  and,  by  the  judicious  location  of  their  extensive  shops, 
create  cities.  In  the  vicinity  of  these  thriving  centers,  one 
acre  is  worth  more  than  a  hundred  or,  perhaps,  (as  in 
Chicago)  a  thousand  were  before  the  railways  had  trans 
formed  the  prairie  into  a  populous  hive  of  industry.  Why 
is  England,  to-day,  the  richest  nation  on  the  globe  ?  Sim 
ply  because -she  is  one  vast  workshop.  The  same  enviable 
result  is  possible  here  if  the  people  are  educated  aright. 
Then  they  will  not  be  duped  into  the  belief  that  this  con 
tinent  depends  upon  any  one  class  for  existence.  Such, 
teaching  is  un-American.  Yet  it  is  the  average  Granger's 
staple  utterance,  albeit,  it  does  savor  of  despotism  and  old- 
time  feudalism.  We  are  mutually  dependent.  The  farmer 
can  not  flourish  unless  the  citizen  buys  his  corn,  and  th^ 
latter  must  get  from  him  enough  to  supply  his  wants. 
This  inexorable  law  prevents  the  creation  of  privileged 
classes. 

Railways  educate  the  people.  They  render  industrial  exr 
positions  both  practicable  and  accessible.  Excursion  rates 
are  given,  placing  it  within  the  reach  of  the  poorest  to 
view  all  that  science  or  industry  can  produce,  or  ingenuity 
suggest.  It  thus  enables  those  living  in  districts  most  se 
cluded  to  participate  in  all  the  amenities  of  civilized  life. 
And,  as  the  sharp  ring  of  the  pioneer's  axe  on  the  forest 
tree  disturbs  and  causes  to  flee  away  the  croaking  birds 
and  howling  beasts,  so  the  advancing  head-light  of  the 
locomotive  dispels  the  darkness  of  ignorance,  and  carries 
light  and  busy  life  wherever  it  speeds  its  way. 

Were  these  benefits  candidly  acknowledged,  they  would 
give  tone  and  consideration  to  the  partial  harangues  of  the 
Granger's  oracles.  They  would  then  remind  their  impa 
tient  hearers,  as  one  has  pertinently  observed,  that  the 
broad  prairies  of  the  West,  being  a  thousand  miles  distant 


446  THE  aEOUNDSWELL. 

from  the  eastern  markets,  with  intervening  rivers  not 
bridged,  and  mountains  not  tunneled,  had  they  been  left  to 
depend  upon  the  natural  highways  to  the  sea,  would  yet 
have  been  comparatively  unbroken ;  and,  instead  of  being 
dotted  with  flourishing  cities  and  desirable  homesteads, 
would  have  remained  the  hunting-grounds  of  "  Indians  not 
taxed." 

Twenty  years  have  wrought  wondrous  changes.  Illinois 
and  Iowa  farms  were  not  at  a  premium  two  decades  ago. 
The  rural  toilers  of  those  days  could  not  spar®  time  from 
their  drugery  to  brood,  in  conventions,  over  fancied  wrongs. 
They  begged  and  prayed  for  railroads.  Characteristic  of 
all,  was  the  piteous  plaint  of  men  who,  having  hauled  their 
produce  by  ox-teams  eighty  miles  to  Rochester,  Minnesota, 
in  reply  to  Jesse  Hoyt's  inquiry  if  they  wanted  transporta 
tion,  exclaimed,  "  For  God's  sake,  sir,  give  us  a  railroad  ! 
Oh,  if  you  only  would ! "  And  their  sons  now  threaten  to 
fence  in  the  roads  and  tear  up  the  tracks,  if  the  companies 
do  not  tamely  submit  to  every  legislative  caprice. 

In  the  ten  years  following,  from  1850  to  1860,  farm 
lands  increased  materially  in  value.  In  Ohio  the  increase 
per  acre  was  $13. 18;  in  Indiana,  $11.10;  in  Illinois,  $11.36 ; 
Michigan,  $11.04;  Wisconsin,  $7.02;  Iowa,  $5.82;  and 
Minnesota,  $4.53.  Meantime,  the  cost  of  the  railroads, 
which  created  this  increase,  had  been  about  one-half  the 
advance  in  value  of  the  farms;  therefore,  it  would  have 
been  actual  gain  to  the  farmers  had  they  paid  the  entire 
cost  of  building  the  roads.  Carefully  prepared  statistics 
show  that  every  additional  mile  of  railroad  to  100,000  acres 
of  farm  land  yielded  an  average  increase  of  $1.00  per 
acre. 

These  facts,  which  are  uncontrovertible,  and  will  with 
stand  the  onslaught  of  the  most  fervid  anti-monopolist,  are 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED.  447 

commended  to  the  consideration  of  those  who  view  the  rail 
roads  only  in  the  light  of  soulless  enemies.  As  Mr.  Gros- 
venor  has  clearly  stated,  however  unprofitable  the  roads 
may  have  been  to  those  whose  money  created  them,  to  the 
farmers  of  the  West,  (who  now  berate  them  with  every 
breath)  they  have  been  worth  at  least  $100,000  per 
mile. 

Ten  years  later,  in  1870,  the  record  showed  this  subse 
quent  increase  in  value  to  be :  in  Ohio,  $3.54  per  acre ;  In 
diana,  $4.68;  Michigan,  $7.13;  Illinois,  $7.28;  Iowa,  $7.17; 
and  Minnesota,  $1.25. 

Not  alone  did  the  rural  districts  share  the  benefits. 
Cities — such  as  Chicago,  Milwaukee,  and  Indianapolis — were 
created  by  them.  A  metropolis  worthy  of  the  age  and  the 
people  was  built  in  every  State,  and  stands,  to-day,  the 
glory,  no  less  than  the  advantage,  of  their  respective  com 
monwealths. 

In  one  respect  only  has  the  the  result  exceeded  antici 
pation.  It  was  not  supposed,  when  the  first  charters 
were  granted,  that  such  a  volume  of  traffic  would  be  at 
tained.  Naturally,  then,  the  expenditure  that  produced  it 
should  command  abundant  return.  For  a  time  it  did, 
whereupon  shares  advanced.  Then  came  reverses,  brought 
about  by  ill-advised  legislation,  until  railway  stocks  sank 
lower  in  home  and  foreign  markets  than  almost  any  other 
securities.  Thus  capitalists  suffered  from  the  imprudence 
of  spending  their  money  for  the  public  good.  So  late  as 
1867,  the  total  market  value  of  share  property  in  railways 
in  England  was,  according  to  Sir  Eowland  Hill  s  report  to 
Parliament,  from  which  we  have  drawn  liberally,  much 
lower  than  the  original  amount  invested  therein.  Neither 
have  the  losers  been  consoled  by  public  gratitude.  The  op 
posite  has  been  their  experience.  They  have  been  charged 


448  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

with  corruption  and  extortion,  and  each  failure  or  negli 
gence  has  been  eagerly  pounced  upon  and  visited  with  a 
heavy  penalty.  Besides  being  subject  to  State  taxation,  the 
localities  through  which  they  pass  also  heavily  taxes  them, 
the  practical  effect  being  that  while  a  company,  by  afford 
ing  profitable  employment  in  rural  districts,  relieves  the 
several  villages  of  the  expense  of  supporting  men  having  no 
other  prospect  of  an  income,  it  is  yet  made  to  pay  the  major 
part  of  the  local  tax  levies.  In  short,  they  have  been  taught, 
bitterly,  that  the  justice  society  always  accords  to  individuals 
is  withheld  from  corporations,  on  the  unjust  assumption  that 
the  loss  is  distributed  among  too  great  a  number  to  cause 
its  being  felt  by  any  one. 

The  people  are  very  jealous  of  their  own  rights,  but  have 
little  regard  for  the  rights  of  the  railroads.  They  over 
estimate  the  privileges  granted,  and  forget  that  the  valuable 
concessions  are  denied  the  companies.  Had  this  spirit  been 
manifested  at  an  earlier  day,  the  flow  of  capital  to  the  West 
would  have  been  instantly  checked.  But  inducements  were 
held  out,  capitalists  were  freely  invited,  and  their  confi 
dence  gave  us  our  70,000  miles  of  operated  railroad,  con 
structed  at  a  cost  of  $3,159,423,057,  of  which  52  per  cent. 
is  represented  by  stocks,  and  48  per  cent,  in  bonds  or  indebt 
edness.  Upon  this  investment  the  earnings,  last  year, 
were  $473,241,055,  72  per  cent,  of  which  was  derived 
from  freight,  and  28  per  cent,  from  passengers.  The  oper 
ating  expenses  were  65  per  cent,  of .  the  gross  earnings, 
leaving  35  per  cent,  net,  out  of  which  to  pay  6.70  per 
cent,  interest  on  the  bonds  and  3.91  per  cent,  dividends  on 
the  stock. 

Narrowing  the  confines,  we  find  that  the  Western  States — 
including  Ohio,  Michigan,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  Min 
nesota,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Missouri,  and  Wyoming,  Dakota,  Col- 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE. — CONTINUED.  449 

orado,  and  Indian  Territories — with  a  population  of  14,080,- 
000  souls,  have  28,778  miles  of  railway,  constructed  at  an 
average  cost  of  $50,550  per  mile.  For  the  year  ending 
with  1872,  the  gross  earnings  were  $13.76  per  head  of  pop 
ulation.  The  net  earnings  were  $67,317,083,  which  allowed 
an  average  dividend  of  2-^j-  per  cent,  on  the  capital  stock — 
$724;686,046.  These  results  are  not  very  encouraging  to 
investors,  neither  are  they  calculated  to  divert  capital  west 
ward.  True,  there  has  been  much  extravagance  and  un 
wisdom  in  construction,  and  great  recklessness  and  knavery 
in  individual  management;  not  more  so,  however,  than  is 
incident  to  the  growth  of  every  mammoth  system  or  enter 
prise.  In  such  cases  history  repeats  itself.  But,  granting 
all  and  more  than  has  ever  been  charged,  the  bright  fact 
remains,  clear  and  undeniable,  that  railroads  have  been  the 
pioneers  of  Western  civilization.  They  may  be  pushed  out 
into  new  Territories  before  there  is  business  enough  to  yield 
running  expenses.  That  is  the  stockholders'  loss — the  peo 
ple  only  gain.  During  such  time  the  public  can  afford  to 
be  generous ;  but  when  the  railroads  populate  the  vast  dis 
tricts  and  swell  the  State  revenues,  then  the  cry  is  raised, 
"Down  with  the  railroads!"  and  the  infuriated  multitude 
would  destroy  the  agency  that  has  made  their  homes  hab 
itable  and  their  produce  marketable. 

This  subject  has  been  thoroughly  discussed  during  the 
past  decade.  British  statesmen  have  studied  it  in  all  its 
bearings,  and  Americans,  too,  have  given  it  forced  consid 
eration.  Their  published  reports  have  largely  affected  the 
tenor  of  this  article ;  for  it  is  by  the  far-reaching  light  of 
experience  that  we  are  best  enabled  to  comprehend  present 
necessities  and  speculate  upon  future  possibilities.  What 
we  want  is,  not  a  continuance  of  random  firing  in  the  hope 
of  a  chance  shot  hitting  the  mark,  but  a  skillful  adjustment 


450  .  THE  GROUNDSWELL.  - 

and  disposition  of  resources  within  reach.  What  more 
effectual  method  of  rendering  railroad  enactments  inopera 
tive  could  be  adopted  than  to  intrust  their  interpretation 
to  men  who  scorn  the  idea  of  understanding  the  system  they 
are  to  control  ?  Why  burlesque  and  belittle  education  so 
much  as  to  commit  our  leading  industry  into  the  keeping 
of  men  whose  popular  qualification  therefor  is  that  they 
know  nothing  practically  about  it?  The  question  is  too 
momentous  to  be  tampered  with.  Let  bunglers  be  retired 
and  experience  come  to  the  front.  A  tribunal  the  people 
will  have,  and  are  entitled  to  have.  That  claim  is  not  in 
dispute.  But  let  it  be  constituted  with  an  eye  to  fitness. 
The  railroads  are  on  trial.  Give  them  the  inalienable  right 
to  challenge  jurors  who  are  foresworn  to  adjudge  them  guilty 
before  hearing  the  evidence.  Demagogues  have  incited  the 
people  to  clutch  at  the  throats  of  the  corporations,  dethrone 
justice,  and  drown  her  voice  amid  communistic  cries  for 
confiscation — clamorings  that  will  be  certain,  eventually,  to 
react  upon  the  land-owners  who  were  duped  into  inaugurat 
ing  the  warfare. 

To  obviate  public  jealousy  and  secure  efficient  manage 
ment,  the  chief  of  the  tribunal  or  board  for  the  several 
control  of  railways,  should  be  selected  with  exclusive  regard 
to  his  fitness ;  and  the  board  thus  created  should  be  placed 
beyond  the  range  of  political  action.  Being  intrusted  with 
duties  demanding  extraordinary  qualifications,  industry.,  and 
discrimination,  the  term  of  office  should  not  be  dependent 
upon  the  uncertain  dictates  of  legislators,  nor  expire  with 
every  administration.  Fidelity  to  the  trusts  reposed  should 
regulate  the  term  of  service.  Some  such  conception  as  this 
possessed  the  late  Robert  Stephenson,  when,  in  his  inaug 
ural  address  as  President  of  fhe  British  Institute  of  Civil 
Engineers,  he  said :  "  What  we  ask  is  knowledge ;  give  us, 


MR.  MIDGLEY'S  ARTICLE — CONCLUDED.  •         451 

a  tribunal  competent  to  form  a  sound  opinion ;  commit  to 
that  tribunal,  with  any  restrictions  you  think  necessary, 
the  whole  of  the  great  questions  appertaining  to  our  sys 
tem.  Let  it  protect  private  interests  apart  from  railways ; 
let  it  judge  of  the  desirability  of  all  initiatory  measures, 
and  of  all  proposals  for  purchases,  amalgamations,  or  other 
railway  arrangements;  delegate  to  it  the  power  of  enforcing 
such  regulations  and  restrictions  as  may  be  thought  need 
ful  to  secure  the  rights  of  private  persons  or  of  the  public; 
devolve  upon  it  the  duty  of  consolidating,  if  possible,  the 
railway  laws,  and  making  such  amendments  thereto  as  the 
public  interests  and  the  property  now  depending  on  it  may 
require;  give  it  full  delegated  authority  over  us  in  any 
way  you  please :  all  that  we  ask  is  that  it  shall  be  a  tri 
bunal  that  is  impartial,  and  that  is  thoroughly  informed; 
and  if  impartiality  and  intelligence  are  secured  we  need  not 
fear  the  results." 


CHAPTER    XXXVIII. 


TRANSPORTATION  AND  THE  MONEY  KINGS. 


THE  QUESTION  FROM  ANTAGONISTIC  STAND-POINTS. 

The  article  on  Railroad  Transportation  by  Mr.  Flagg, 
President  of  the  Illinois  Farmers'  Association,  which  consti 
tutes  Chapter  XXXIV  of  this  work,  and  that  by  Mr.  J. 
W.  Midgley,  Secretary  of  the  President  of  the  Chicago  & 
North-western  Railroad,  which  is  concluded  on  the  preced 
ing  page,  will  be  accepted,  I  think,  not  only  as  able  but 
also  as  candid  statements  from  the  particular  stand-points 
of  the  interests  whom  the  writers  represent.  Mr.  Flagg,  in 
this  instance,  has  confined  himself  principally  to  giving 
actual  facts  and  figures  relating  to  the  transportation  of 
products,  leaving  the  reader  to  draw  his  own  conclusions 
from  what  is  presented. 

The  treatment  of  the  subject  from  the  railroad  stand 
point,  by  Mr.  Midgley,  evinces  very  extensive  knowledge  of 
railroad  history,  both  in  Europe  and  America,  and  sketches 
the  growth  of  the  railway  system  from  its  inception  in  Eng 
land  up  to  the  present  time,  the  introduction  of  steam 
and  the  changes  consequently  rendered  necessary  in  the 
carriage  of  goods,  and  an  outline  of  the  legislation  regulat 
ing  the  working  of  the  system.  These,  I  think,  have  never 
before  been  presented  in  such  shape  as  to  bring  them  before 
the  masses;  and  from  this  consideration,  if  no  other,  the 
(452) 


LEGISLATION  NOT  THE  PANACEA  FOE  ALL  EVILS.        453 

article  is  really  of  great  value.  It  is  needless,  of  course,  for 
me  to  say  the  facts  and  figures  presented  by  both  these  gen 
tlemen  are  undoubtedly  authentic,  whatever  may  be  thought 
of  the  argument  deduced  therefrom;  which  arguments 
must  stand  or  fall  upon  their  merits  before  the  reader. 

One  of  the  great  troubles  with  the  masses  always  has 
been — perhaps  always  will  be — that  it  is  difficult  for  them 
to  occupy  conservative  ground,  as  between  two  radical 
stand-points.  Notwithstanding  what  has  been  said  to  the 
contrary,  farmers  as  a  class,  the  reading  ones  at  least,  do 
occupy  just  this  ground  when  they  come  to  rely  on  their  so 
ber  judgment.  They  may,  it  is  true,  be  carried  away  for 
the  time  being  by  the  florid  eloquence  or  magnetism  of  the 
speaker,  but  the  result  of  the  second  sober  thought  is  the 
question,  What  is  right  in  the  matter  ?  Hence,  incendi 
arism,  in  whatever  shape  it  may  be  presented,  falls  harm 
less  for  evil, — a  fact  not  generally  appreciated,  except  by 
those  who  know  the  farming  class  intimately  well. 

LEGISLATION  NOT  THE  PANACEA  FOE  ALL  EVILS. 

For  myself,  I  do  not  accede  to  the  radical  view  from 
either  stand-point.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  railroads  of  the 
West  are  to  blame  for  all  the  evils  that  have  been  heaped 
upon  the  producer.  The  system  upon  which  they  were  car 
ried  on,  the  publicity  given  to  their  workings,  their  stand 
ing  directly  next  to  the  farmer  as  the  transporter  of  his  prod 
ucts,  ought  to  prevent  this.  The  real  grievances  are  the 
shameless  frauds  and  unfair  discriminations  practiced  by 
those  great  operators  whose  scheme  was  to  consolidate  not 
only  the  railroads,  but  the  telegraph  lines  of  the  country  in 
to  one  great  monopoly,  and  through  the  power  of  centralized 
capital,  to  buy  individuals,  to  corrupt  Legislatures,  and 


454  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

even  to  make  the  National  Government  subservient  to  their 
will.  This  is  what  raised  the  storm  of  public  indignation, 
which  took  what  seemed  the  most  tangible  avenue  through 
which  to  work  reform.  By  common  consent,  the  unjust 
discriminations  of  railway  companies  became  the  principal 
point  of  attack  in  the  investment  and  siege  of  fortressed 
wrong. 

The  result,  so  far  as  regards  State  legislation  is  con 
cerned,  has  injured  both  the  railroads  and  the  people.  In 
Illinois,  a  law  has  been  produced  which,  with  some  good 
features,  contains  also  some  odious  ones;  the  most  objection 
able  being  what  certainly  has  the  appearance,  at  least,  of 
unjust  discrimination  (in  its  practical  workings,  I  mean) 
against  certain  railroads.  Taken  as  a  whole,  however,  the 
present  railroad  law  of  Illinois  is  undoubtedly  a  long  step 
in  the  right  direction. 

In  the  early  stages  of  the  Farmers'  Movement,  as  always 
since,  I  strongly  disapproved  of  the  spirit  that  sought  to 
bring  into  direct  antagonism  with  the  transporters,  the 
worst  passions  of  mankind,  inciting  the  people  to  imprudent 
or  illegal  acts,  which  were  bound,  before  the  law,  to  result 
in  discomfiture.  Long  ago,  I  was  in  favor  of  a  commission, 
to  be  appointed  by  the  people  and  the  railway  managers,  to 
discuss  ways  and  means  by  which  the  conflicting  interests 
might  be  harmonized,  and  a  basis,  at  least,  arrived  at  upon 
which  might  be  founded  a  law  equal  in  its  operations  and 
just  to  all  parties.  Indeed,  I  stated  the  case,  as  it  appeared 
to  me,  and  made  this  suggestion  to  two  of  the  leading  rail 
way  officials  of  Chicago ;  but,  while  agreeing  that  the  view 
was  correct  and  would  result  in  good  if  honestly  carried 
out,  they  did  not  believe  the  plan  feasible  in  the  then  ex 
cited  state  of  public  opinion.  Unwisely,  I  think ;  for  I  had 
then,  as  I  still  have,  unwavering  faith  in  the  integrity 


WE  MUST  STRIKE  AT  THE  ROOT— CORRUPTION.          455 

of  the  masses,  and  their  willingness  to  do  right,  when 
not  swayed  by  the  sophistry  of  demagogues.  At  that  time, 
the  people  certainly  were  measurably  in  the  hands  of  this 
class.  Unfortunately,  too,  at  that  time  railroad  officials 
were  bound,  hand  and  foot,  by  the  power  of  the  centralized 
capital  of  Wall  Street,  and  the  Eastern  cites,  so  that  they 
could  not,  if  they  would,  have  done  what  their  calmer  judg 
ment  dictated. 


The  Old  Bird  Fairly  Aroused. 

WE  MUST  STRIKE  AT  THE  ROOT- CORRUPTION. 

I  still  advocate  the  doctrine,  that  the  root  of  the  evil, 
corruption,  must  be  struck  with  the  ax  of  reform  before  the 
monopolizing  tendency  of  capital  can  be  brought  down.  It 
has  indeed  been  brought  into  judgment  at  the  bar  of  public 


456  THE  GROUNBSWELL. 

opinion ;  and  this  is  evidence  of  encouraging  progress.  But 
if  the  people  rest  secure  in  easy  confidence  of  victory,  they 
may  yet  find  their  foe,  as  many  a  wily  fox  has  been  found 
before,  strong  again  in  its  fastness,  from  which  it  "  can 
neither  be  frightened,  drowned,  nor  smoked  out." 

The  present  stronghold  of  monoply  is  the  corruption  of 
public  men,  culminating  in  demoralization  as  shameful  as 
has  ever  disgraced  the  officials  of  any  country.  This  de 
moralization  is  one  reason  why  it  seems  impossible  to  secure 
the  passage  of  any  law  by  our  Legislatures  that  shall  be 
simple  in  construction,  go  straight  to  the  intended  point, 
and  discourage  litigation.  The  honest  men  in  the  Legisla 
tures  are  overborne  and  beaten  down  by  the  majority, 
who  are  promised  either  power  or  money  for  their  votes. 

The  various  Legislatures  may  legislate  to  all  eternity 
upon  the  maximum  rate  that  common  carriers  shall  charge 
within  the  borders  of  their  States,  and  the  result  will 
always  be  a  conflicting  of  interests  that  can  not  be  identical 
— to  cripple  not  only  the  carriers,  but  the  people.  If  an 
honest  Congress  should  pass  general  and  simple  laws  to  gov 
ern  all  the  States,  and  the  Supreme  Court  should  decide  in 
the  same  spirit  what  was  right  and  just,  as  between  the 
people  of  a  State  and  the  transporter  (whether  railroad  or 
otherwise)  carrying  long  distances,  there  might  be  some 
hope  of  ultimately  reaching  a  solution  of  the  difficulty. 

"Will  this  ever  be  done  ?  Yes ;  when  the  several  dominant 
interests  of  the  nation  elect  men  to  represent  them  who  are 
not  only  honest,  but  united  in  interest  with  those  whose  votes 
give  them  their  places.  How  may  this  be  brought  about  ? 
By  a  consolidation  of  the  industrial  classes,  as  against  the 
consolidated  monopolies,  who  use  their  power  against  the 
true  interests  of  the  nation ;  by  using  the  voting  power 
direct,  to  secure  the  end  sought. 


ONE  WAY  OF  ROBBING  THE  WEST.  457 


ONE  WAY  OF  ROBBING  THE  WEST. 

The  New  York  canals  are  composed  of  the  great  trunk 
line,  the  Erie  Canal,  and  various  branch  or  sectional  lines. 
According  to  the  report  of  the  Comptroller  of  the  State,  the 
receipts  and  expenditures  of  the  Erie  Canal  for  1872,  were 
$2,760,147;  the  expenditures  for  salaries  and  repairs  were 
$1,687,021 ;  excess  of  revenue  over  expenses,  $1,073,126. 

Corresponding  figures  for  the  other  canals  of  the  State — 
their  gross  revenue,  and  the  expenses  for  salaries  and 
repairs,  taken  from  the  same  source — may  be  seen  in  ibar 
annexed  table. 

Canals.  Gross  revenue.    Salaries  and  repairs. 

Champlain, $150,644  $488,083 

Oswego, 90,797  313,469 

Cayuga  &  Seneca,  . 17,883  64,586 

Chemung,  ; 4,121  118,985 

Chenango, 5,691  383,748 

Black  River, 10,839  119,479 

Genesee  Valley, 18,828  229,613 

Oneida  Lake, 5,710 

Baldwinsville, 150 

Oneida  Eiver, '.    .    .  650                   

Seneca  Kiver, 154 

Cayuga  Inlet, 300  152 

Crooked  Lake, 270  23,705 


Total  expenditures, $1,687,681 

Total  gross  revenue, 300,182 


Excess  of  salaries  and  repairs  over  revenue,    .    .    .     $1,387,499 

This  table  shows  that  only  four  of  the  lateral  canals,  and 
they  among  the  least  important,  paid  their  own  expenses. 
The  gross  net  income  of  these  four  amounted  to  only  $954. 
20 


458  THE  UROUNDSWELL. 

Consequently,  the  thirteen  lateral  canals  ran  the  State  of 
New  York  $1,387,499  in  debt,  while  the  Erie  canal  netted 
the  State  $1,073,126,  which  money,  and  more,  was  required 
10  support  the  officials  of  these  non-paying  canals.  Now, 
where  did  the  money  come  from  to  pay  these  tax-eaters? 
Out  of  the  products  of  the  West  shipped  through  the  Erie 
canal,  and  consequently  out  of  the  pockets  of  western  farm 
ers.  This  is  a  case  in  point,  illustrating  the  effects  of  State 
legislation— in  imposing  a  tax  on  the  commerce  of  other 
States.  True,  this  is  nothing  new;  it  has  always  been  done ; 
but  attention  was  net  called  to  the  fact  until  a  glut  of  grain 
in  the  West  brought  the  farmers  face  to  face  with  pauper 
ism.  But  are  the  citizens  of  the  Empire  State  sinners  above 
all  their  fellows,  that  such  things  come  to  pass  ?  No ;  if 
the  people  of  New  York  governed  themselves,  this  condition 
of  affairs  could  hardly  exist.  They  are  in  reality  governed 
by  a  few  railroad  magnates,  stock  jobbers,  and  ring  thieves, 
in  the  City  of  New  York,  who  do  not  scruple  to  buy  up  leg 
islators  and  judges,  far  and  near,  and  whose  power  is  felt  in 
nearly  every  western  State.  Is  it  strange  that  the  people 
should  rise  in  their  might  to  put  down  such  giant  monopo 
lies.  Is  it  not  strange,  on  the  other  hand,  that  in  fighting 
some  of  the  ramifications  of  this  mighty  evil  they  should 
have  committed  so  few  excesses? 


HOW  THE  GREAT  RAILROAD  CORPORATIONS  CORRUPT 
PUBLIC  MORALS. 

The  great  railroad  corporations  having  their  headquarters 
in  New  York  City,  have  become  truly  fearful  engines  for  the 
demoralization  of  the  nation.  For  years,  New  Jersey  strug 
gled  in  the  grasp  of  the  Camden  &  Amboy  Railroad,  really 
one  of  the  hydra  heads  of  the  Pennsylvania  Central.  Her 


HOW  RAILROAD  CORPORATIONS  CORRUP?  PUBLIC  MORALS.  459 

people  have  recently  been  in  a  turmoil,  occasioned  by  the 
attempt  of*  that  railway  corporation  to  take  virtual  posses 
sion  of  the  State.  The  result  was  the  passage  of  a  law,  in 
the  winter  of  1872-3,  through  whose  operations  the  people 
hope  no  longer  to  belong  to  the  "  State  of  Camden  and  Am- 
boy;"  this  corporation  insisting  upon  its  "vested  right"  to 
levy  toll  on  all  commodities  transported  through  the  State 
by  rail. 


State  Seal  of  New  York. 


Other  States  are  almost  as  truly  the  property  of  these 
magnates,  who  rule  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  as  the 
cars  which  carry  the  various  products  of  the  country,  or  the 
locomotives  which  haul  them.  The  Erie  railroad  spent  a 
million  and  a  half  of  dollars  in  neutralizing  the  ballot  in  the 
State  of  New  York,  through  the  eminent  services  of  such 
"  statesmen  "  as  William  M.  Tweed,  who  is  now  receiving  a 
portion  of  his  just  deserts  at  that  compulsory  resort  of  de 
generate  ruffians,  Blackwell's  Island. 

But  the  Erie  Eailway  having  come  to  grief  in  the  battle 
for  supremacy,  its  rival,  the  New  York  Central,  now  virtu 
ally  owns  the  Empire  State.  The  New  York  Central  means 


460  THE  GBOUKDSWELL. 

Vanderbilt,  just  as  much  as  the  Erie  ever  meant  "Jim 
Fisk;"  and  Vanderbilt  seems  to  have  no  sympathy  with 
mankind  in  general,  except  the  -eternal  itching  for  money. 
His  ostentatious  gifts  to  religious  or  benevolent  institutions, 
are  like  the  visits  of  angels,  "few  and  far  between,"  but 
they  sufficiently  demonstrate  his  practical  wisdom  in  the 
science  of  advertising.  Were  it  not  for  the  influence  ex 
erted  by  the  New  York  Central,  the  Erie  Canal  might  be 
made  to  lighten  the  burdens  of  the  West,  by  cheapening 
the  transportation  of  her  products. 

VANDERBILT  AS  A  PHLEBOTOMIST. 

A  single  instance  of  extortion  by  the  New  York  Central 
will  suffice.  A  business  man  of  Buffalo,  in  the  habit  of 
buying  paper  by  the  car  load  in  New  York  City,  has  de 
clared  that  he  could  ship  the  goods  via  the  New  York 
Central,  from  New  York  City  to  Chicago,  and  thence  back 
by  the  lakes  to  Buffalo,  at  a  less  cost  than  he  could  ship  it 
by  the  Central  to  Buffalo  direct.  He  could  save  in  time  by 
shipping  direct  to  Buffalo;  he  could  save  in  money,  via 
Chicago  and  back.  But  time  is  money,  hence  it  came 
direct ;  so  nicely  does  this  great  railroad  autocrat  calculate, 
as  with  the  precision  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  to  just 
what  point  he  dare  bleed  his  victim  and  yet  keep  alive  the 
spark  of  life. 

One  of  the  latest  of  the  gigantic  projects  which  this  un 
scrupulous  old  man  is  engaged  in,  is  to  get  control  of  the 
Western  Union  Telegraph  Line,  and  thus  to  form  another 
monopoly  which  shall  increase  his  already  vast  power  for 
evil.  If  the  Clubs,  Granges,  and  other  organizations  of  the 
farmers  really  were  responsible  for  the  late  panic,  (as  they 
were  not,  except  for  some  influence  in  hastening  it,  per- 


THE   COMMUNISM   OF  CAPITAL.  461 

haps,)  their  power  would  not  have  been  exercised  a  day  too 
soon.  If  existing  State  Legislatures  and  the  Forty-third 
Congress  can  not  see  their  way  clear  to  a  retrenchment  in 
governmental  expenses,  and  to  the  casting  out  of  corrupt 
officials,  they  will  assuredly  find  themselves  relegated  to 
deserved  obscurity,  and  their  places  will  be  supplied  by 
men  who  realize  the  fact  that  there  is  something  pertaining 
to  the  office  of  legislator  besides  looking  sharp  after  "  num 
ber  one." 

THS  COMMUNISM  OF  CAPITAL. 

The  facility  with  which,  here  and  there,  an  unscrupulous 
man  piles  up  fortune  after  fojctune  upon  the  financial  ruin 
of  his  fellows,  seems  inevitably  to  demoralize  every  business 
in  a  country.  It  is  notorious  that  the  stock  operations  of 
Wall  Street  are  based  largely  upon  fictitious  values,  and 
that  the  class  of  operators  who  control  them  are  intensely 
selfish,  guilty  of  the  meanest  subterfuges,  often  lacking 
education,  successful  by  dint  of  cunning,  and  unscrupulous 
to  the  last  degree.  They  lead  astray  those  who  have  not 
inflexible  honesty  inherent  in  their  natures.  By  arousing 
their  cupidity  and  corrupting  their  morals,  they  work  their 
ruin,  and  turn  them  into  pliant  tools  of  their  devilish  arts. 

The  daily  peculations,  defalcations,  and  outright  thefts, 
that  are  making  the  business  of  the  country  more  a  game 
of  chance  than  legitimate  enterprise,  nearly  all  have  their 
beginning  in  this  Gomorrah  of  vice — speculation  in  stock. 

The  clerk  who,  perhaps,  may  have  saved  up  a  thousand, 
becomes  acquainted  with  one  of  the  stool-pigeons  of  the 
sweat-cloth  of  the  stock  market ;  for  this  class,  in  common 
with  other  gamblers,  use  all  the  nefarious  schemes  of  their 
brethren  of  the  other  more  vulgar  sweat-cloth  of  the  gam 
bling-houses,  to  "  rope  in  "  the  unwary.  The  clerk,  therefore, 


462  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

thinks  he  will  "put  up  a  margin,"  or  "pool-in"  on  a  high 
market  in  hopes  it  will  go  higher.  Stocks  fall.  He  covers 
the  loss,  and  so  on,  perhaps,  until  his  money  is  all  lost. 
His  cupidity  being  now  thoroughly  aroused,  the  regret  at 
losing  his  hard-earned  dollars,  tempts  him  to  borrow  from 
his  employer's  till  to  tide  himself  over  the  point  whence  he 
is  assured  stocks  must  rise.  Alas !  they  do  not  rise,  and 
the  man,  at  last,  finds  himself  in  disgrace  as  a  common  thief. 
This  is  only  one  phase  of  the  case,  and  one  of  the  least  dark 
and  sorrowful  at  that.  Many  desolate  homes  of  the  coun 
try,  if  it  could  be  known,,  would  tell  tales* of  lost  innocence 
and  happiness,  perhaps,  with  the  husband  and  father  an 
exile  and  a  fugitive  from  justice,  and  the  family,  once  com 
fortable,  suffering  the  pangs  of  poverty.  The  author  of  all 
this  misery  recks  little.  The  money-king  enjoys  himself 
with  his  ill-gotten  wealth ;  sits,  with  slippered  feet,  in  a 
gorgeous  home ;  sips  his  costly  wines ;  and,  feted  and  feting, 
fares  sumptuously  every  day. 

The  government  may  punish  the  puny  victim  whom  h<» 
has  destroyed ;  but  the  great  robber — the  Mephistopheles  of 
Wall  Street — is  shielded  by  the  power  of  wealth. 


THE  GHOULS  OF  WALL  STREET. 

There  is  nothing  to  which  this  class  of  men  may  be  mor* 
fittingly  likened  than  Ghouls,  which  feed  on  the  putrid  carcassed 
of  dead  men ;  for  these  human  vultures  carry  their  victims  id 
swift  destruction,  and  their  families  to  poverty  and  starvaj 
tion.  These  stock  gamblers  subvert  the  established  usages 
of  trade ;  break  down  the  barriers  of  legitimate  buying  and 
selling ;  abolish  the  coin  values  of  the  country ;  create  ficti 
tious  values,  bulling  or  bearing  stocks  at  will,  until  the 


THE  GHOULS  OF  WALL  STEEET.  463 

He  bursts ;  and  continually  involve  the  legitimate  industries 
of  the  country  in  serious  embarrassments,  if  not  in  ruin. 

It  is  this  class  of  men  who  hold  sway  in  Wall  Street,  and 
thence  virtually  rule  the  country.  Nay,  not  these  brokers, 
themselves ;  they  are  but  tools  who  do  the  bidding  of  the 
Vanderbilts,  Goulds,  Drews,  et  id  omne  genus,  the  real 
Ghouls,  who  fatten  upon  the  body  social  and  politic;  and 
who,  under  a  garb  of  sanctity  or  honor,  sit  plotting  in  their 
offices,  and  manipulate  stocks  and  men  to  suit  their  own 
purposes. 

These  wretches  not  only  can  create  fictitious  values,  but 
can  also  produce  a  scarcity  of  currency  at  will,  backed  as 
they  are,  by  the  powerful  co-operation  of  banks  which  they 
largely  or  wholly  control. 

Many  of  these  latter  corporations,  trading  largely  upon 
the  money  deposited  from  day  to  day  by  men  in  legitimate 
business,  furnish  capital  io  these  sharks  on  fictitious  or  real 
security — which,  it  matters  little.  A  fall  of  stocks  is  brought 
about,  and  they  lock  up  currency.  Legitimate  business  can 
not  borrow,  but  the  "  lame  ducks  "  who  have  securities  to 
offer — ah,  they  can  have  money,  at  from  two  to  five* per  cent, 
a  month.  And  thus  unscrupulous  banking  corporations 
make  it  pay  at  both  ends.  The  last  panic  has  been  called 
the  "rich  man's  panic."  But  look  at  what  we  see  around 
us  every  day,  and  the  misnomer  is  only  too  apparent. 

The  remedy  is  simple.  Neither  wealth,  place,  nor  power, 
must  be  allowed  to  buy  exemption  from  the  punishment  which 
our  laws  affix  to  crime.  Law  must  be  so  administered  that  it 
shall* be  a  terror  to  evil-doers  of  whatsoever  kind,  degree,  or 
station ;  and  the  public  conscience  must  be  quickened  until 
nothing  short  of  this  will  be  accepted,  as  well  in  actual 
practice  as  in  sentimental  theorizing. 


CHAPTER    XXXIX. 


MONOPOLIES    AND   SPECIAL   PRIVILEGES. 


WHAT  ARE  MONOPOLIES? 

The  granting  of  a  charter  or  franchise  of  any  kind  creates 
a  monopoly.  Patents  are  monopolies.  A  right  to  a  ferry 
across  a  river  is  a  monopoly,  usually  more  or  less  restricted. 
A  tariff  which  protects  any  given  industry  of  the  country 
creates  a  monopoly.  The  right  to  do  a  banking  or  manufac 
turing  business  in  some  degree  constitutes  a  monopoly.  The 
same  is  true  of  railroads  and  telegraph  lines.  Even  the 
pioneers  of  a  new  country,  in  one  respect,  partake  of  the 
character  of  monopolists;  for  the  after-coming  settler  must 
buy  of  them,  or  not  at  all. 

Monopolies,  as  these  illustrations  show,  are  not  evils  nec 
essarily.  It  is  an  abuse  of  the  powers  granted  that  consti 
tutes  the  evil.  If  Congress  grant  extraordinary  privileges 
to  certain  classes  of  manufacturers,  in  consequence  of  which 
all  who  buy  their  wares  are  really  obliged  to  pay  a  tax  on 
the  value  of  the  goods  sold,  this  protection  constitutes  a 
monopoly,  not  necessarily  objectionable,  howeve'r;  not  at  all 
so,  indeed,  if  the  design  be  to  build  up  that  manufacture, 
and  the  protection  bestowed  is  not  so  large  as  to  make  the 
tax  unjust  to  the  nation  at  large.  But  when  the  industry 
becomes  strong,  and  while  exporting  their  wares  to  foreign 
ports,  and  underselling-  the  markets  there,  and  especially 
(464) 


COMMUNISM   OF   PROTECTED   INDUSTRIES.  465 

when  they  use  the  power  of  their  wealth  to  bribe  officials, 
in  order  to  secure  a  continuance  of  this  monopoly,  then  it 
is  odious,  and  it  becomes  the  right  and  duty  of  a  free  people 
to  rebel  against  this  injustice,  and,  through  the  ballot-box, 
hurl  from  office  the  sordid  placemen  who  have  fleeced  the 
people  by  their  unscrupulous  deeds.  As  instances  of  monop 
olies  of  this  sort,  it  is  only  necessary  to  mention  the  host 
of  reissued  patents,  and  the  protection  on  iron,  salt,  lumber, 
etc.;  notoriously  unjust,  and  kept  going  simply  by  the  power 
of  the  wealth  of  those  holding  the  monopolies,  through  our 
members  of  Congress  and  other  public  men. 


Interior  of  Farm-house  in  the  Olden  Time. 


THE  COMMUNISM  OF  PROTECTED  INDUSTRIES- 

Greatest  of  all  the  evils  of  which  the  American  people 

have  to  complain  are  the  various  conspiracies  by  which  the 

people  are  continually  fleeced.      Conspicuous   among  these 

are  the  combinations  against  the  public  interests  based  upon 

20* 


466  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

fcnd  originating  in  the  system  of  granting  special  privileges, 
by  national  and  State  Legislatures. 

The  ramification  of  this  systematized  robbery  of  the  peo 
ple,  through  the  communism  of  capital,  now  extends  through 
every  industry  of  the  nation. 

The  railway  companies  are  a  company  of  communists 
who  take  toll  from  all.     The  iron  manufacturers,  able  to 
stand  alone  but  protected  to  a  most  scandalous  extent,  and 
who  have  taken  untold  millions  from  the  working  men  of 
the  United  States,  exact  their  toll  from  the  railroad  com 
panies,  as  well  as  every  individual  in  the  nation.     We  can 
not  even  toast  a  piece  of  cheese  on  a  wire  without  paying 
toll  to  these  arch-conspirators.     They  are  now  so  strong 
that  individuals  can  not  even  undertake  the  manufacture 
of  iron  without  asking  their  gracious  leave.     The  immense 
capital  at  the  command  of  the  few  persons  concerned  in  this 
industry  enables  them  to  dictate  to  those  entering  the  busi 
ness  what  they  shall  and  what  they  shall  not  do.     If  they 
agree  to  use  money  to  keep  the  monopoly  intact,  they  are 
taken  into  the  communion ;  if  not,  they  are  crushed,  just 
as  the  iron-masters  of  England  sought  to  crush  this  and 
other  industries  in  the  United  States  while  yet  young  and 
weak.     This  is  why  tariffs  were  originally  instituted ;  but 
in  these  days  the  strong  and  rich  are  protected,  and  the 
Weak  and  poor  are  made  to  pay  for  all. 

EXAMPLES  OF  ODIOUS  PROTECTION. 

Salt  is  protected,  although  the  poor  use  more  than  the 
rich,  and  although  the  manufacturers  sell  their  surplus  in 
foreign  markets  lower  than  they  do  at  home.  Iron  is  pro 
tected,  although,  however  poor  the  individual,  he  can  not 
cook  or  eat  his  meat  without  paying  tribute  to  these  iron 


EAILROADS  AS  PROTECTED   MONOPOLIES.  467 

lords,  who,  in  reality,  are  able  to  compete  with  any  nation 
on  earth  on  equal  terms.  Almost  every  man  and  woman  in 
the  nation,  however  poor,  now  uses  tea  or  coffee  as  one  of 
the  necessities  of  life,  and  ought  to  use  as  much,  nay  more, 
per  individual,  than  the  rich.  They  are  obliged  to  pay  an 
enormous  tax  for  this  privilege,  and  we  have  not  the  poor 
excuse  to  offer  that  it  is  protecting  American  industry. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  money  changer  buys  up  govern 
ment  bonds,  upon  which  he  pays  no  tax  but  receives  interest. 
Depositing  these  again  with  the  government,  he  is  allowed 
to  issue  notes  to  nearly  the  amount  deposited,  and  upon 
these  notes  he  received  the  full  interest  which  he  may  be 
able  to  grind  out  of  the  necessities  of  the  people,  besides  the 
profits  from  the  wear  and  tear  of  his  paper  currency  (some 
times  amounting  to  ten,  fifteen,  or  twenty  per  cent.),  and 
the  discount  thereon  as  compared  with  gold.  He  then  uses 
the  moneys  of  his  depositors  to  speculate  with.  The  his 
tory  of  commercial  convulsions  shows  that  usually  it  is  not 
forthcoming  when  most  wanted. 

RAILROADS  AS  PROTECTED  MONOPOLIES. 

A  railroad  corporation  is  granted  a  vast  area  of  the  public 
domain,  more  than  sufficient  to  build  the  road;  nay,  the 
government  subsidizes  it  besides  with  a  grant  of  large  sums 
of  money  per  mile.  In  return,  and  with  the  very  moneys 
thus  donated,  the  management  corrupt  our  public  men,  that 
they  may  still  further  bind  their  fetters  about  the  people. 

Or,  a  railway  is  projected  through  a  country  already 
thickly  settled.  It  is  given  the  right  of  way,  and,  perhaps, 
subsidized  to  the  extent  of  from  $10,000  to  $75,000  by  the 
townships  and  cities  through  which  it  runs.  The  company 
has  a  monopoly  of  the  carrying  trade,  necessarily  so.  In 


468  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

turn,  it  refuses  to  carry  the  property  of  the  individuals  who 
have  helped  to  build  the  road,  by  discriminating  unjustly 
against  them,  and  making  them  help  to  pay  the  lesser  profits 
or  actual  expenses  accruing  from  business  at  competing 
points. 

It  is  idle  for  the  railroad  officials  to  say  the  people  are 
not  obliged  to  go  to  them  for  transportation.  They  are 
obliged  to  do  this ;  for  there  is  not  enough  trade  to  pay  a 
competing  road,  and,  even  if  there  were,  the  people  have 
already  helped  to  pay  for  the  road  in  the  subsidies  they  have 
granted.  They  may,  indeed,  carry  by  their  own  wagons,  as 
in  several  instances  they  have  sneeringly  been  told  to  do ; 
but  it  must  be  remembered,  again,  that  they  really  own 
rights  in  the  roads,  and  that  transportation  by 'railroad,  and 
the  consequent  impetus  to  production,  has  already  put  it 
out  of  their  power  to  carry  by  wagon,  as  they  did  formerly, 
except  at  a  ruinous  loss. 

The  traveling  public  must  travel  and  shippers  transport  on 
the  railroads,  or  else  not  at  all.  Hence  the  obvious  justice  of 
the  demand  that,  if  the  railway  company  discriminates  un 
justly  against  particular  localities,  it  should  be  made  amen 
able  to  law.  It  is  futile  to  talk  about  vested  rights.  The 
law  can  grant  no  rights  that  conflict  with  the  liberty  of  the 
subject ;  and,  if  it  could,  the  power  that  made  can  unmake. 
Nevertheless,  under  the  law,  the  courts  only  can  legally 
decide. 

VESTED  EIGHTS  AND  POLITICIANS. 

From  a  business  point  of  view,  railroad  companies  can 
not  be  expected  to  take  lesser  profits  when  they  can  make 
greater,  nor  are  they  more  reprehensible  in  influencing 
Legislatures  to  their  exclusive  benefit,  than  are  any  other 


VESTED  RIGHTS  AND   POLITICIANS.  469 

class  of  ring-masters.  As  before  insisted  on,  the  ax  must 
be  laid  at  the  root  of  the  evil — corruption  among  the  law 
makers  themselves.  If  they  were  above  bribes,  or  if  briber 
and  bribe-taker  were  promptly  punished,  the  enormities 
complained  of  would  soon  be  stamped  out. 

We  must  cease  sending  third-rate  lawyers  to  legislate  for 
us;  men  without  briefs,  fallen  in  the  scale  of  humanity,  un 
til  they  become  pot-house  politicians,  suddenly  re-appear 
ing  as  statesmen ;  unscrupulous  and  needy ;  taking  to  brib 
ery  as  a  duck  does  to  water. 

We  must  cease  lending  willing  ears  to  glib-tongued  ad 
venturers  of  every  sort,  and  begin  to  think  for  ourselves. 
We  must  cease  granting  rights  to  corporations  without  ex 
acting  some  guarantee  or  fair  equivalent  in  return.  Our 
laws  must  be  purged  of  the  legal  verbiage  that  now  incum- 
bers  them,— purposely  so  framed,  in  order  that  they  may 
the  more  readily  be  construed  to  mean  something  which 
they  should  not.  If  we  would  prevent  trouble  in  the 
future,  we  must  cease  to  grant  extraordinary  and  exclusive 
privileges  to  railway  and  all  other  similar  corporations. 
We  must  prevent  the  former  from  taking  possession  of  our 
land;  taxing  us  to  build  their  works ;  rendering  lands  which 
we  have  bought  non-paying ;  watering  stocks  at  their  own 
good  will  and  pleasure,  and  then,  while  claiming  vested 
rights,  claiming,  with  all  these  extraordinary  privileges, 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  private  citizens. 

The  solution  of  the  problem  is  not  difficult.  We  must 
claim  representation  in  ratio  to  our  voting  strength.  Farmers 
must  represent  the  agricultural  interests;  the  mechanic, 
mechanics;  the  merchant,  commerce;  the  legal  profession, 
law;  the  stock  jobber,  gambling,  if  you  like;  and  so  on 
through  the  whole  category.  The  lawyer  may  plead  for  us ; 
the  doctor  may  bleed,  blister,  and  physic  us ;  the  divine 


470  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

may  preach  and  pray  for  us;  but  the  integrity  of  a  free 
nation  does  not  depend  upon  the  so-called  privileged  classes 
making  our  laws. 

SPECIAL  PRIVILEGES  DANGEROUS  TO  THE  PEOPLE 
AT  LARGE. 

Among  all  nations,  and  in  all  times,  opposition  of  the 
masses  has  arisen  from  the  granting  of  special  privileges, 
which,  once  secured,  have  thereafter  been  used  to  rivet  the 
chains  and  destroy  the  liberties  of  the  subject.  The  rise 
and  downfall  of  nations  may  be  traced  largely  to  the  opera 
tion  of  causes  thus  set  in  motion,  from  the  earliest  historic 
ages  down  to  our  own  day. 

The  old  feudal  barons  exercised  special  privileges.  One 
of  them  was  to  build  castles  that  commanded  the  roads 
through  which  the  traffic  of  a  region  or  country  must 
pass.  From  this  they  collected  tribute,  which  they  spent 
in  living  in  affluence,  and  in  feeding  the  hirelings  whom 
they  had  bought  to  do  their  murders  upon  unoffending 
citizens.  If  a  traveler  tried  to  go  around  he  was  infringing 
upon  their  vested,  or,  as  they  were  pleased  to  consider  it, 
divine  rights,  and  was  incontinently  "put  out"  with  the 
sword. 

The  nobility  of  England  also,  by  the  same  vested  right, 
have  the  benefit  of  entail,  by  which  the  eldest  son  inherits 
the  property  from  generation  to  generation,  thus  keeping  up 
caste  and  a  class  who,  as  a  rule,  simply  eat  and  drink  what 
others  produce.  Fortunately  for  the  United  States,  the 
framers  of  the  Constitution  prohibited  not  only  this,  but  the 
unity  of  the  Church  and  State.  Were  it  not  for  this,  we 
should  have  been  to-day  the  least  free,  as  really  we  are  the 
worst- taxed,  of  any  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 


SPECIAL  PRIVILEGES  DANGEROUS  TO  THE  PEOPLE.   471 

It  is  fortunate,  and  a  consolation  in  our  troubles,  that  the 
immense  fortunes  wrung  from  the  masses  must,  at  the  death 
of  the  holder,  commence  disintegrating.  The  hoards  of  indi 
viduals  of  one  generation  will  be  spent  by  the  next.  If  capital 
ever  becomes  strong  enough,  it  will  seek  to  alter  all  this.  If 
accomplished,  it  will  be  one  of  the  last  nails  in  the  coffin  of 
American  freedom.  Liberty  will  go  out  of  sight  forever. 


*         'V  __^.        -  5    ^±Jf        <•>*' 


We're  going  to  have  a  Railroad!" 


England,  and  other  European  nations,  have  their  aristoc 
racy  of  birth.  We  have  that  worst  and  most  unscrupulous 
of  all  aristocracies—  an  aristocracy  of  wealth.  It  is  com 
posed  largely  of  shoddyites  and  corruptionists  ;  those  who 
have  grown  rich  out  of  contracts  during  the  war,  and  the  great 
manipulators  of  fictitious  stocks.  These  stocks  are  largely 
represented  in  railway  property.  It  required  but  the  break 
ing  down  of  a  half  dozen  individuals  to  see  the  whole  fabric 
dissipate  and  disappear  as  dew  before  the  summer  sun. 

The  ideas  and  efforts  of  this  class  are  as  essentially 
antagonistic  to  true  republicanism  as  the  Spanish  Inquisi 
tion  was  antagonistic  to  human  liberty.  It  is  not  strange, 


472  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

therefore,  that  leading  minds  in  Europe  predict  that  the 
United  States  will  yet  pay  tribute  to  commerce  as  surely  as 
Europe  itself  once  did  to  the  sword.  Let  but  the  idea  of  a 
centralized  and  paternal  government  become  fixed  in  the 
mind  of  the  nation,  and  carried  into  effect,  and  the  thing 
is  done. 

THE  FARMERS  NOT  INIMICAL  TO  RAILROADS. 

Baseless  as  the  assertion  is,  it  has  often  been  made,  that 
the  "  Grangers  "  are  at  the  bottom  of  all  our  troubles,  and 
are  responsible  for  our  financial  difficulties.  The  term 
"  Granger,"  by  the  way,  is  used  in  a  derisive  or  contemptu 
ous  sense.  Some  writers  who  have  claimed  to  be  recording 
history  have  fallen  into  the  traps  thus  laid,  and  write, 
learnedly  of  the  "  Grangers,"  apparently  not  knowing  that 
the  word  was  first  applied,  in  contempt,  to  a  class  of  politi 
cians  who  who  were  wont  to  go  about  with  rough  boots  and 
"  hay-seed  in  their  hair,"  supposing  the  farmer  to  be  the 
stolid  boors  that  a  caricaturing  and  subsidized  press  sought 
to  make  them  appear. 

It  would  be  a  little  singular  if  this  word,  originally  ap 
plied  in  contempt,  and  innocently  used  by  those  who  have 
professed  to  be  writing  in  their  interest,  should,  in  the  course 
of  time,  be  accepted  as  the  honorable  title  of  those  who  are 
uniting,  not  to  fight  the  railroads,  but  the  abuses  of  chartered 
powers  which  go  under  the  name  of  monopoly.  If  the  rail 
roads  choose  to  throw  themselves  in  the  way  of  this  gather 
ing  storm,  we  shall  have  to  say,  as  George  Stephenson  said 
of  the  cow  upon  the  railroad  track,  "  verra  awkward  for  the 
coo." 

Not  only  the  Granges,  but  the  Farmers'  Clubs,  are  united 
to  resist  the  encroachments  of  consolidated  monopolies. 


THE  FARMERS  NOT  INIMICAL  TO  RAILROADS.         473 

They  attacked  the  unjust  discriminations  of  certain  rail 
road  companies,  which,  in  their  fancied  security  of  power, 
treated  the  whole  matter  in  agitation  with  contempt. 

It  is,  undoubtedly,  true  that  some  railroad  corporations 
have  suffered,  perhaps,  to  the  extent  of  actual  injustice ;  but 
had  not  the  people  suffered  untold  wrong?  And  had  they 
not  borne  and  forborne,  until  forbearance  ceased  to  be  a 
virtue  ? 

If  the  issue  had  been  foreseen  as  clearly  by  these  cor 
porations  as  it  was  by  the  writer  of  these  lines,  who  long 
ago  urged  a  just  compromise  between  the  people  and  the 
railroad  officials,  much  of  the  gall  might  have  been  made 
sweet  to  the  takers  on  both  sides.  The  real  trouble  was 
that  the  railroad  interest  of  the  country  was  then  firmly  in 
the  grasp  of  a  few  manipulators,  who  thought  themselves  so 
strongly  entrenched  behind  the  power  of  their  immense 
capital,  that  those  honorable  railroad  officials  who  would 
gladly  have  done  what  they  thought  was  right  were  power 
less  to  act.  The  battle  is  not  principally  with  railroad  cor 
porations  as  such,  but  rather  with  the  corrupting  influence 
of  subsidized  and  protected  monopolies.  The  corruption 
that  has  already  been  sloughed  off  from  the  festering  ulcer — 
the  partial  crippling  of  the  stock  gamblers  achieved  thus 
early  in  the  contest— gives  token  of  brighter  days  in  the 
future.  These  will  surely  come,  if  the  masses  unite  to  over 
throw  every  official  of  whatever  grade  who  violates  the 
trust  reposed  in  him  by  the  people. 


CHAPTEE   XL. 


CREDITS  MOBILIER,  FAST  FREIGHTS,  ETC. 


"  CEEDIT  MOBILIER"  DEFINED. 

In  the  French  language,  from  which  "  Credit  Mobilier  " 
is  derived,  the  term  may  be  made  to  mean  an  innocent  lend 
ing  of  money  upon  movable  property,  as  upon  chattels;  but 
usage  has  really  given  it  a  more  specific,  limited  significa 
tion.  Under  the  empire  of  Napoleon  III,  certain  of  his 
cliques  erected  a  system  by  which  money  was  loaned,  not 
only  on  real  estate,  but  also  upon  personal  property.  This 
property  might  or  might  not  be  at  the  time  valuable;  in 
fact  much  of  it  was  very  doubtful ;  but,  like  the  loans  of 
the  pawnbroker,  who  runs  a  credit  mobilier  shop  on  a  small 
scale,  if  the  risks  were  great,  the  interest  corresponded. 
Money  was  thus  lent  upon  enterprises,  such  as  commercial 
railroads,  and  the  like,  while  they  were  yet  in  embryo,  and 
often  of  very  uncertain  outcome. 

It  was,  in  many  cases,  the  lending  of  a  credit  upon  credit 
for  th£  stock  of  the  Credit  Mobilier;  and  the  stock  to  which 
it  lent  its  credit  might  be  upon  the  market  at  the  same 
time.  In  this  case  it  was  credit  built  upon  credit ;  a  row  of 
bricks,  one  leaning  upon  the  other — an  inverted  pyramid 
built  upon  quicksand,  liable,  at  any  time,  to  fall  by  the  mov 
ing  of  a  single  brick,  or  to  topple  by  the  shiftings  of  the 
quicksand.  Upon  this  system  of  credit  built  upon  credit, 
(474) 


CREDIT   MOBILISE,       DEFINED. 


475 


it  was  that  the  French  entered  upon  some  of  the  wildest 
stock  gambling  the  world  has  ever  known.  Transplanted 
to  America,  the  same  system  found  a  congenial  home,  and 
made  Wall  Street  a  pandemonium — its  votaries  a  horde  of 
gamblers.  It  has  well-nigh  swamped  the  railroad  system 
of  America,  covering  the  nation  and  many  of  our  publicists, 
once  in  honorable  repute,  with  a  lasting  disgrace. 


ts 

~ 


The  Stalking-horse  of  Swindlers. 

The  watered  stock  of  a  railroad  may  be  a  Credit  Mobilier ; 
the  road  itself  may  be  one  in  the  bad  sense  of  the  name; 
the  warehouseman  who  issues  fraudulent  certificates  upon 
grain  in  his  elevator,  is  a  sort  of  Credit  Mobilier ;  the  so- 
called  fast  transportation  line  that  is  run  by  a  ring  of  rail 
road  managers  at  the  expense  of  the  transporters,  is  a  Credit 
Mobilier.  In  short,  Credit  Mobilier  is  a  system  of  lending 
a  fiction  and  getting  a  reality.  This  is  one  of  the  principal 
things  that  has  ruined  American  credit  abroad,  and  made 
the  name  of  certain  American  statesmen  and  financiers  to 
stink  in  the  nostrils  of  all  honest  men, 


476  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

THE  GREAT  CREDIT  MOBILISE. 

The  American  swindle  was  originally  more  an  imitator  in 
name  than  in  actual  organization.  A  charter  had  been 
issued  in  Pennsylvania  to  a  company,  but  had  not  yet  been 
used.  The  Credit  Mobilier  bought  this  loose  charter,  its 
stockholders  and  those  of  the  Union  Pacific  Eailway  Com 
pany  being  identical.  The  railroad  company  had  been  en 
dowed  by  Congress  with  twenty  alternate  sections  of  land 
per  mile.  The  government  had  also  agreed  to  loan  it  $16,- 
000  for  some  two  hundred  miles,  then  $32,000  per  mile  for 
six  hundred  miles,  and  from  thence  $48,000  per  mile.  The 
Union  Pacific  Eailway  Company  issued  stock  to  the  amount 
of  $10,000,000,  which  stock  was  received  by  the  stockholders 
upon  the  payment  of  five  per  cent,  of  its  face  value. 

At  this  point  the  Credit  Mobilier  steps  in.  All  the  assets 
of  the  railroad  company  were  turned  over  to  this  new  com 
pany,  in  consideration  of  full  paid  shares  of  the  new  com 
pany's  stock  and  its  grant  to  build  the  road.  In  the  mean 
time,  the  government  had  been  induced  to  allow  its  first 
mortgage  bonds  to  become  second  mortgage  bonds ;  where 
upon  the  Union  Pacific  Eailroad  Company  issued  first  mort 
gage  bonds,  which,  of  course,  took  precedence  as  a  loan,  and 
the  government  lien  immediately  became  virtually  worthless, 
since  the  new  mortgage  bonds  amounted  to  the  entire  value 
of  the  road.  The  proceeds  of  this  shameless  transaction 
went  to  swell  the  ill-gotten  hoards  of  the  rascals  who  devised 
it,  and  the  innocent  Congressmen  who  helped  to  engineer 
the  scheme.  The  Credit  Mobilier  had  nothing  to  pay, 
except  the  mere  cost  of  construction,  the  bonded  debt  of 
the  road  exceeding  by  $40,000,000  the  cost  of  building  the 
road.  Is  it  strange  that  shares  with  which  Congressmen 
were  allowed  to  load  up  at  $100  each,  could  not  be  pur- 


THE  GREAT   CREDIT   MOBILIER.  4.77 

chased  for  less  than  $300  or  $400  ?  How  nicely  the  film 
of  decency,  in  charging  these  incorruptible  Congressmen 
several  months  interest,  was  laid  over;  this  interest  having 
accrued  while  these  shares  were  being  held  by  Oakes  Ames, 
to  see  where  he  could  "  put  them  to  do  the  most  good/''  in 
his  own  language ;  or,  in  plain  words,  to  see  whom  he  could 
buy  the  most  cheaply. 

It  will  be  seen  that  an  original  share  of  Union  Pacific 
stock,  upon  which  was  paid  $5.00,  became  $100  Credit 
Mobilier,  paying  dividends  to  the  Legislators  with  whom  it 
was  placed  to  do  good  amounting  to  three  or  four  times  its 
nominal  value.  And  yet  these  honorables  stalk  majestically 
abroad,  as  though  they  had  never  been  smirched  with  the 
filth  of  this  swindling  transaction ! 

Hon".  D.  C.  Cloud,  in  his  "  Monopolies  and  the  People,"  in 
speaking  of  the  Central  Pacific  Railroad,  from  Ogden  to 
Sacramento,  says :  "  Taking  the  character  of  the  route  as 
given,  with  the  facilities  for  building  the  road,  and  it  is  not 
probable  that  the  actual  cost  of  construction  averaged  more 
than  $30,000  per  mile,  or  $57,000,000  for  the  whole  line. 
Taking  the  highest  rate,  as  given,  viz.,  $50,000,  and  apply 
ing  it  to  the  whole  road,  the  entire  cost  would  be  $94,- 
000,000. 

"  To  aid  in  the  construction  of  this  road  the  government 
issued  subsidy  bonds  at  the  rate  of  $48,000  per  mile  for 
three  hundred  miles  $  $32,000  per  mile  for  nine  hundred 
and  four  miles,  and  $16,000  for  the  balance  of  the  main 
road  and  branches.  The  funded  debt  of  the  companies 
owning  and  operating  the  road  (not  including  the  debts  of 
the  branches),  after  deducting  the  amount  of  bonds  they  re 
ceived  from  the  government,  to- wit :  $65,000,000,  is,  as  is 
shown  by  their  own  report,  $93,000,000.  How  much  their 
floating  debt  amounts  to  we  can  not  tell.  The  stock  on  this 


478  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

road  can  not  cover  one-tenth  of  the  amount  of  their  debts. 
The  companies  report  a  paid  up  capital  stock  of  $91,028,- 
190." 

Mr.  Cloud  makes  the  total  investment  in  the  road  from 
paid  up  capital,  bonds  from  government,  and  funded  debt  to 
be  $294,028,190.  Per  contra :  Actual  cost  of  construction, 
$94,000,000;  balance,  $155,028,190. 

If  we  deduct  from  37,500,000  acres  of  land  at  $1.25  per 
acre,  or  $46,875,000,  the  balance  against  the  road  would  be 
the  nice  little  sum  of  $108,153,190.  Mr.  Cloud  then  says  : 
"  Thus,  after  placing  the  land  received  from  the  government 
to  the  credit  of  the  road,  still  a  small  balance  of  more  than 
$108,000,000  has  disappeared,  and  the  companies  are  not 
able  to  pay  the  interest  on  the  government  bonds.  The 
reports  of  these  companies  show,  for  the  year  1871,  that  the 
net  earnings  of  their  roads  (over  and  above  all  expenses,  in 
cluding  taxes,  repairs,  damages  to  property  and  persons, 
cost  of  snow  sheds,  and  all  other  items  of  expense)  amounted 
to  about  $9,000,000 ;  and  yet,  because  these  companies  asked 
it,  Congress  released  them  from  the  payment  of  the  interest 
on  the  subsidy  bonds."  This  action  of  Congress  was  an  out 
rage.  Truly,  other  "  statesmen  "  than  Boss  Tweed  should  be 
looking  through  the  bars  of  a  prison  to-day.  While  we  are 
taking  railroads  to  task  on  general  principles,  let  us  not  for 
get  those  in  high  places  who  have  enabled  railroads  to  fleece 
the  people. 

SMALLER  CREDIT  MOBILIER  ASSOCIATIONS. 

The  Chicago,  Eock  Island  &  Pacific  Eailroad  Company  is 
five  hundred  and  forty-four  miles  long ;  that  is,  in  Illinois, 
from  Chicago  to  Eock  Island,  one  hundred  and  eighty-four 
miles,  and  from  thence  to  Davenport  and  Omaha  three  hun- 


SMALLER  CREDIT  MOBILIER  ASSOCIATIONS.  479 

dred  and  sixty  miles.  The  total  reported  cost  of  the  road 
was  $28,496,899,  or  $52,384  per  mile.  The  official  figures 
show  that  the  Illinois  portion  of  this  road  cost  less  than 
$30,000  per  mile,  and  the  Iowa  division  still  less.  In  round 
numbers,  if  one  estimate  the  road,  including  the  Rock  Is 
land  bridge,  at  $30,000  per  mile,  it  will  give  $15,320,000, 
the  difference  between  which  sum  and  the  reported  cost  of 
the  road  will  represent  the  watered  stock,  $13,176,896. 
Add  to  this  the  value  of  the  lands  granted  to  the  Iowa  por 
tion  of  the  road,  550,000  acres,  and  the  country  and  munic 
ipal  aid,  said  to  have  been  $500,000  more,  and  it  would 
seem  to  have  been  a  very  pretty  little  speculation  indeed. 

This  is  a  specimen  of  the  way  in  which  the  people  have 
been  swindled  time  and  again.  If  public  indignation  should 
ever  reach  that  point  where  it  should  insist  upon  a  thorough 
searching  out  such  abuses  as  these,  and  a  restitution  should 
be  ordered,  the  proceeds  would  pay  the  national  debt.  And 
why  not  ?  It  would  be  the  people  of  the  United  States  who 
would  even  then  pay  the  debt ;  for  the  money  was  fleeced 
from  them — though  it  must  be  acknowledged  they  were,  in 
some  cases,  willing  lambs  to  these  wool  gatherers. 

The  Springfield,  Clinton  &  Gilman  (Illinois)  Railroad, 
which  the  courts  have  recently  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  re 
ceiver,  is  said  also  to  have  been  dallying  with  this  Delilah 
of  watered  stock.  The  Indiana,  Bloomington  &  Western 
road  is  just  now,  as  we  write,  being  investigated.  Indeed, 
if  the  examination  ever  be  made  searching,  the  roads  that 
have  not  "  covered  back  "  will  pretty  certainly  be  found  the 
exceptions,  and  not  the  rule. 

The  object  in  all  this  is  to  enable  a  few  individuals  of 
New  York,  Boston,  Philadelphia,  etc.,  (but  principally  Wall 
Street,  New  York,  for  here  the  whole  horde  have  their  head 
quarters)  to  amass  colossal  fortunes.  If  Mr.  Brown,  or  Jones, 


480 


THE  aHOtJNBSWELL. 


or  Smith,  or  the  three  combined,  control  a  road  costing  a 
given  sum,  and  can,  by  adroit  manipulation,  declare  divi 
dends  on  twice  or  thrice  that  sum,  they  issue  stock  under 
one  pretense  or  another  to  that  amount.  Then  the  stock  is 
made  to  pay  no  dividends,  with  the  object  of  forcing  the 

,g 


The  Water  Sprite— Farmer's  Daughter. 

stock  as  low  as  possible ;  or,  in  other  words,  they  "  bear  " 
the  market  in  order,  to  get  control  of  more  stock.  This  ac 
complished,  up  goes  the  stock  again,  dividends  are  again  de 
clared,  even  if  the  money  has  to  be  borrowed  to  pay  them  with. 
The  stock  is  again  watered;  and  so  the  process  goes  on, 


WHEELS  WITHIN  WHEELS. 

cheating  the  bona  fide  shareholders,  robbing  the  people  who 
are  forced  to  patronize  the  road,  and  outraging  every  in 
stinct  of  common  decency  and  justice  that  should  govern 
business  transactions  between  man  and  man. 

WHEELS  WITHIN  WHEELS. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  while  these  great 
railroad  magnates  are  thus  making  money  the  lesser  ones 
are  working  hard  for  nothing.  There  are  "  Blue  Lines/' 
"White  Lines,"  "Star  Lines,"  "Fast  Freights,"  "Dispatch 
Companies,"  and  the  like,  to  whom  franchises  have  been 
granted  by  virtue  of  which  their  cars  have  the  precedence 
in  point  of  speed  and  time.  The  shipper  wants  cars;  the 
railroad  company  has  none,  but  the  dispatch  company  has. 
The  freight  must  go,  and  go  it  does  at  the  advanced  rates 
charged  by  the  dispatch  company.  Here  is  a  wheel  within 
a  wheel — another  Credit  Mobilier.  Certain  managers,  stock 
holders,  and  outside  parties  constitute  the  dispatch  company. 
If  they  sacrifice  the  interests  of  the  road,  they  console  them 
selves  with  the  reflection  that  the  stock  dividends  must  not 
be  too  large,  else  the  people  at  large  will  grumble ;  dividends 
must  be  kept  down  to  a  normal  figure.  The  people  think 
it  a  pity  that  the  railroad  company  can  not  provide  cars. 
The  members  of  the  ring  know  it  does  not  want  to  do  so. 
They  propose  to  enrich  themselves,  while  that  other  few  are 
doing  the  same  thing  by  the  manipulation  of  stocks,  the 
people  being  made  to  pay  for  all.  Farmers  may  grumble, 
shippers  protest,  merchants  threaten ;  they  swing  the  scythe, 
and  prepare  to  cut  into  the  tallest  grass  they  can  find — 
they  make  hay  while  the  sun  shines. 

In  the  summer  of  1873,  there  was  a  conflict  between  the 
Pullman  Palace  Car  Company  and  certain  railroad  compa- 
21 


482  ?H£  GRotlNbsWELL. 

nies.  The  railroad  companies  claimed  that  the  Pullman  Com 
pany  would  rent  a  whole  section  to  an  individual,  by  which 
that  individual  would  occupy  the  room  originally  designed 
for  four.  They  paid  the  railroad  company  for  the  single  pas 
senger  only,  while  the  railroad  company  claimed  they  should 
receive  pay  for  the  space  occupied,  one  reason  given  being 
that  the  cars  were  far  heavier  than  ordinary  first-class 
coaches,  and  that  it  was  injustice  to  the  stockholders.  The 
probability  is  that  nothing  more  will  be  heard  of  this  litiga 
tion.  If  thoroughly  probed,  it  is  quite  probable  'that  it 
would  appear  that  not  a  few  of  our  railroad  managers  are 
interested  in  the  receipts  arising  from  this  species  of  trans 
portation  ;  or,  in  other  words,  that  they  have  been  leasing  to 
themselves  privileges  which  belong  only  to  the  stockholders, 
and  not  to  the  officers  of  the  road. 

So  with  express  companies.  The  ramifications  are  so 
wide  and  intricate  that  to  get  at  the  gist  of  the  matter 
would  require  that  the  whole  system  of  transportation  be 
renovated — a  consummation  earnestly  wished  for  by  some  of 
the  more  conscientious  railroad  men  to-day.  But  this  can 
not  be  done  in  a  single  State,  without  its  reacting  unjustly 
on  that  State.  It  can  not  be  done  by  a  community  of  States, 
until  the  penalty  for  dishonorable  action  be  sharply  defined, 
and  made  swift  and  certain.  When  once  the  tap  root  of 
this  tree  of  evil  is  struck,  then  may  we  hope  to  see  the  be 
ginning  of  the  end. 

WATERED  STOCK. 

There  were  70,178  miles  of  railroad  in  operation  in  Jan 
uary,  1873,  in  the  United  States,  and  the  total  cost  of  these 
roads,  as  reported  by  themselves,  is  $3,436,638,749,  or  an 
average  of  about  $48,970  per  mile.  Besides  this  great  sum 


WATERED   STOCK. 


483 


there  have  been  put  on  the  market  railroad  bonds  for  the 
additional  amount  of  $2,800,000,000,  forming  an  immense 
aggregate  of  $6,236,638,749,  equal  to  nearly  $88,872  per 
mile. 

We  have  heretofore  shown  how  stocks  are  watered.  Al 
lowing  these  figures  to  be  correct,  the  difference  between 
the  cost,  as  reported  by  themselves,  and  $6,236,638,749, 
would  be  about  $2,800,000,000.  Mr.  Cloud,  however,  from 
an  actual  examination  of  the  cost,  as  reported  by  the  engi 
neers  of  the  various  roads,  puts  the  actual  cost  at  $35,000 
per  mile,  or  a  total  of  $2,456,230,000.  According  to  these 
figures,  the  actual  total  of  watered  stock  would  be  $3,780,- 

408,747. 

Cornelius  Vanderbilt,  of  the  New  York  Central,  and  "  Col 
onel  "  Scott,  of  the  Pennsylvania  Eailroad,  represent  about 
$1,400,000,000  of  this  stock,  and  a  handful  of  men,  com 
paratively,  control  almost  the  entire  amount.  These  are 
the  men  who  control  market  values,  and  by  a  stroke  of  the 
pen  in  their  offices,  cause  to  be  flashed  along  the  wires 
what  the  farmer  of  the  West  shall  receive  for  his  grain,  by 
commanding  the  superintendents  of  these  roads  to  put  up 
the  tariff  five  or  ten  cents  per  bushel. 

In  their  strongholds,  entrenched  behind  the  power  of 
their  ill-gotten  wealth,  they  control  the  government  of 
States,  and  under  the  present  system  of  election,  could 
make  a  President  of  the  United  States,  by  buying  up  a  ma 
jority  of  the  Presidential  Electors;  that  is,  allowing  the 
price  of  these  men  to  be  about  that  of  the  modern  Congress 


men. 


CHAPTER   XLI. 


GOVERNMENTAL  OWNERSHIP  OF  RAILWAYS. 


ITS  CORRUPTING  POWER. 

One  of  the  most  chimerical  schemes,  though  plausible  on 
its  surface,  for  regulating  the  inter-state  transportation  of  the 
country,  is  the  proposition  that  government  shall  buy  and 
work  the  railroads  of  the  country.  This  idea  is  a  great  pet 
with  those  who  have  plundered  the  people  of  untold  millions, 
through  the  sinking  in  their  own  pockets  of  the  local  aid 
secured  in  building  their  roads,  and  who  have  gobbled  up  im 
mense  tracts  of  land  obtained  through  corrupt  legislation, 
and  other  nefarious  plunderings.  If  the  railroads  of  the 
country  with  their  fictitious  and  inflated  stocks  were  to  be 
turned  over  to  government,  and  bonds  taken  therefor,  what 
a  vast  debt  would  be  created,  to  be  added  to  the  load  now 
borne  by  a  people  already  taxed  far  beyond  the  limits  of 
patient  endurance ! 

Let  us  imagine  the  situation  with  the  scheme  actually 
consummated :  The  interest  on  the  lands  must  be  paid ;  the 
salaries  of  the  officials — and  they  must  be  experts — must  be 
paid ;  the  system  must  be  extended ;  the  wear  and  tear  must 
be  made  good;  machinery,  buildings,  and  the  thousand  and 
one  etceteras,  which  none  but  a  railroad  expert  can  even 
name,  must  be  provided  for;  defalcations  and  peculations 
would  constantly  occur;  there  could  be  no  rigid  economy 

(484) 


THE  COST  OF  RAILROADS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.       485 

practiced;  the  whole  railway  system  would  soon  fall  into 
confusion;  and  worst  of  all,  there  would  be  a  centralization 
of  power  in  the  hands  of  the  government,  such  as  would 
imperil,  and  probably  subvert,  the  whole  fabric  of  Amer 
ican  liberty. 

THE  COST  OF  RAILROADS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

The  figures  involved  in  the  proposition  of  governmental 
purchase,  etc.,  are  really  stupendous.  According  to  Poor's 
Manual  for  1873,  there  were  in  operation,  the  year  previous, 
in  the  United  States,  57,323  miles  of  road.  These  are  repre 
sented  as  earning,  net,  5.20  per  cent,  on  the  cost  of  the  roads, 
and  3.21  per  cent,  on  the  capital  stock;  but,  while  some 
roads  earned  nothing  or  actually  ran  their  owners  in  debt, 
other  paid  large  dividends,  and  all  of  them  paid  large  sal 
aries  to  officials;  we  do  not  say  larger  than  the  same  class 
of  men  could  command  in  other  business,  and  certainly  not 
larger  than  government  would  have  to  pay  the  same  or 
similar  class.  Even  if  the  roads  were  as  economically  run 
as  at  present,  no  relief  would  be  obtained,  for  the  interest 
on  this  vast  sum  must  come  out  of  the  people  at  last. 

The  net  earnings  of  the  57,323  miles  of  railroad  in  the 
United  States  were,  according  to  Poor's  Manual,  $165,000,- 
000;  the  cost  of  the  roads  is  represented  by  the  sum  of 
$3,173,076,923.  The  following  table  will  show  the  nominal 
stock  of  some  of  the  principal  roads  of  the  country,  the  div 
idends  paid,  and  their  general  indebtedness  : 

MASSACHUSETTS. 
Nominal  capital  stock.    Dividend,  per  ct.    General  debt. 

Boston  &  Albany,     ....    $19,664,100  10  $3,567,560 

NEW   YORK. 

N.  Y.  Central  &  H.  E.,  new,  .  $89,425,300  8  $16,497,387 

Erie, 86,536,910  7  28,912,301 


486 


THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 


NEW  JERSEY. 


Nominal  Capital  stock.    Dividend,  per  ct.    General  debt. 

Central  New  Jersey,    .    .    .    $20,000,000           10           $12,267,104 
United  Companies,    ....     18,990,400            10              16,660,705 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Delaware,  Lack.  &  West.,  .    .  $20,000,000 
Pennsylvania  R.  R.      ...      53,271,937 

10 
10 

$9,633,545 
33,039,846 

MARYLAND. 

Baltimore  &  Ohio,   ....    $16,704,762 

9 

$12,456,637 

OHIO. 

Cleveland,  Columbus,  Cincin 
nati  &  Indianapolis,      .     .     $14,991,275 
Lake  Shore  &  Mich.  S.,  .    .    .    50,000,000 
Fort  Wayne,  22  214  286 

7 
8 

7 

$3,375,000 
28,820,219 

MICHIGAN. 

M.  H.  &  Ontonagon,      .    .    .    $2,306,600 
Michigan  Central,   17,987,048 

10 

8 

$4,750,000 
6,591,233 

INDIANA. 

Ohio  &  Mississippi,  .     .    .     .    $24,030,000 
Terre  Haute  &  Indiana,    .    .      1,988,150 

7 
12 

$10,440,752 
1,042,429 

ILLINOIS. 

Chicago  &  Alton,     ....     $11,353,300 
Chicago,  Burlington  &  Quincy,    18,649,910 
Chicago  &  North-western,  .     .     35,878,644 
Chicago  &  Rock  Island,  .     .     .  18,990,000 
Illinois  Central,     25,483,890 

10 
9 

7 
8 
10 

$4,451,000 
12,034,750 
20,988,300 
8,098,000 
19,439,847 

WISCONSIN. 

Milwaukee  &  St.  Paul,    .    .    $26,225,144 

7 

$27,465,500 

IOWA. 

Burlington  &  Missouri  River,     $7,397,673 

6 

$7,947,235 

MISSOURI. 

St  Louis  &  Iron  Mountain,  .    $10,000,000 
St.  L.,  Kan.  City  &  North.,     .    24,000,000 

3 
2 

$5,461,000 
6,000,000 

WATERED  STOCK. — NEW  YORK  CENTRAL.  487 


WATERED  STOCK— NEW  YORK  CENTRAL. 

As  an  instance  of  what  the  people  would  have  to  pay  in 
case  the  government  should  buy  the  railroads  of  the  United 
States,  let  us  take  the  New  York  Central  and  Hudson  Eiver 
Kailroads,  which  affords  a  prominent  example  of  watered 
stock. 

Two  years  ago,  Mr.  Rufus  Hatch,  a  broker  of  Broad 
Street,  New  York,  issued  a  number  of  circulars  in  relation 


Farm  Sceae.— The  First  Snow. 

to  railroads,  which,  it  is  fair  to  presume,  were  intended  for 
speculative  purposes.  In  his  first  circular,  he  said  that,  at 
that  time,  1871,  there  were  50,000  miles  of  railroads  in 
the  United  States ;  the  cost  of  which  exceeded  $2,000,000,- 
000.  The  earning  of  these  roads  exceeded  $400,000,000 
annually,  or  eleven  dollars  per  head  for  the  entire  population 
of  the  country.  This  would  give  the  average  cost,  per  mile, 
at  $50,000,  from  the  railroad  stand-point. 

Just  how  the  New  York  Central  was  manipulated  to  pay 
dividends  on  a  large  and  fictitious  capital,  we  propose  to  let 


488  THE  GROUNDSWELL, 

Mr.  Hatch  show.  He  states  that  Mr.  Vanderbuilt,  getting 
control  of  this  important  line,  was  not  slow'  in  seeing  the 
great  advantage  that  would  accrue  to  himself  in  levying 
tolls,  from  his  own  conscientious  stand-point,  upon  every 
pound  of  freight  passing  over  his  line.  But,  to  keep  pace 
with  the  modern  theory  of  business,  he  must  water,  and  re- 
water  the  stock. 

As  soon  as  they  were  fairly  in  his  grasp,  he  commenced  a 
series  of  waterings  that  have  only  been  exceeded  by  the 
manipulations  of  the  Union  and  Central  Pacific. 

The  first  act  in  this  great  drama  was  the  doubling,  in 
1867,  of  the  capital  stock,  then  $7,000,000,  of  the  Hudson 
Eiver  Kailroad.  Upon  this  stock,  only  fifty  per  cent,  was 
called  up ;  the  transaction,  consequently,  netted  the  modest 
sum  of  $3,500,000.  Taught  by  such  instruction,  Mr.  Van 
derbuilt,  in  1868,  declared  a  script  dividend  of  eighty  per 
cent,  upon  the  share  capital  of  the  Central  Eailroad,  then 
$28,730,000.  This  dividend  produced  $23,036,000!  But 
these  vast  sums  by  no  means  satisfied  the  maw  of  this  finan 
cial  agent.  He  contrived  the  union  of  the  two  roads,  and 
made  it  the  pretext  for  another  stock  dividend  of  twenty- 
seven  per  cent,  on  the  Central,  which  produced,  with  a  small 
addition  thereto  of  alleged  surplus  earnings,  the  sum  of 
$8,524,400.  At  the  same  time,  a  dividend  was  declared 
upon  the  share  capital,  increased  at  the  time  to  $16,020,800, 
of  the  Hudson  Eiver.  This  dividend  produced  the  sum  of 
$13,623,800. 

How  IT  FIGUKES  UP. — The  following  is  a  statement  of 
the  several  waterings :  First  watering  of  Hudson  Eiver, 
$3,500,000;  first  watering  of  New  York  Central,  $23,036,- 
000;  second  watering  of  Hudson  Eiver,  $13,623,800;  second 
watering  of  New  York  Central,  $8,524,400.  Grand  total, 
$48,684^200, 


WATERED  STOCK. — N.  Y.  CENTRAL.  489 

The  present  share  capital  of  the  consolidated  roads,  in 
cluding  the  script  dividend,  is  $90,000,000.  The  waterings 
of  Mr.  Vander built,  consequently,  exceed  the  capital  actually 
paid  in,  by  $7,368,400! 

The  length  of  the  New  York  Central  &  Hudson  Kiver 
Eailroad  is  given  at  four  hundred  and  forty-two  miles. 
This  being  the  divisor  for  the  total  of  watered  stock,  $48,- 
684,200,  would,  give  the  sum  of  $110,145  per  mile  of  wa 
tered  stock,  for  the  whole  length  of  the  line. 

Is  it  strange  that  this  Vanderbilt  should  have  his  fortune 
variously  estimated  at  from  $70,000,000  to  $100,000,000? 
Who  have  been  made  to  pay  for  it  ?  The  people  of  the  West 
have  paid  a  large  share  of  it,  in  dividends  upon  this  and 
other  watered  stock  which  this  moneyed  tyrant  has  grasped. 
Will  the  people  consent  that  the  government  shall  buy  this 
road,  and  put  so  much  cash  in  the  hands  of  this  unscrupu 
lous  man  ?  Would  not  this  self-styled  "Commodore  "  be  glad, 
now  that  he  has  one  foot  in  the  grave,  to  shift  his  sins  of 
oppression  upon  the  government,  so  that  his  heirs  might 
show  clean  hands  with  this  ill-gotten  wealth  ?  This  is  but 
one  instance  of  watered  stock.  There  have  been  others  still 
worse,  but  none  probably  where  the  proceeds  have  so  largely 
gone  to  swell  the  hoards  of  one  individual. 

Would  the  people  like  to  follow  out  this  plan  with  each  and 
every  other  road  in  the  country?  Would  they  like  to  sup 
plement  these  with  the  telegraph  lines  added;  with  the  vast 
schemes  of  corruption  and  jobbery,  that  must  naturally  grow 
out  of  this  governmental  control  of  railroads  and  telegraph 
lines ;  and  with  the  vast  horde  of  employees  who  would  be 
obliged  to  hold  their  votes  at  the  behest  of  the  official  who 
had  the  distribution  of  this  immense  patronage  ?  The  an 
swer,  we  apprehend,  is  not  difficult. 


490  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

CENTRAL  PACIFIC  STOCK. 

The  Central  Pacific  road  is  reported  to  have  cost  $120,- 
432,717.  Its  length  is  881  miles.  Its  cost,  therefore,  at 
that  rate,  would  be  $136,700  per  mile.  Mr.  Cloud,  the 
author  of  "  Monopolies  and  the  People,"  says  that  informa 
tion  obtained  through  reliable  channels  induces  the  belief 
that  it  cost  less  than  $50,000  per  mile,  and  less  than  $50,000,- 
OpO  for  the  whole  road.  He  says  :  "  The  company  represent 
a  capital  stock  $54,283,190,  and  a  funded  debt  $82,208,000. 
They  also  report  the  liabilities  of  the  road  at  $136,491,190, 
being  more  than  $80,000,000  above  the  actual  cost,  and 
$16,000,000  more  than  the  reported  cost.  The  stock  of  this 
company  was  watered  to  so  great  an  extent  that,  to  pay  the 
interest  on  the  funded  debt  and  declare  a  dividend  on  the 
stock,  and  pay  operating  expenses  and  other  contingencies, 
the  road  must  earn  at  least  fifty  per  cent,  per  annum." 

Are  the  public,  therefore,  defrauded  or  not  in  this  road  ? 
If  so,  how  is  it  by  virtue  of  vested  rights  that  they  so  cheat 
the  people? 

May  roads  absorbing  vast  grants  of  land,  and  heavily  sub 
sidized,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Union  and  Central  Pacific 
roads,  now  make  charges  that  will  allow  high  dividends 
upon  stock  fraudulently  obtained  ?  If  so,  where  is  the  jus 
tice  in  sending  the  petty  swindlers  of  our  cities  to  the  Bride 
wells,  or  in  consigning  the  common  forger  to  the  peniten 
tiary  ?  Has  this  fictitious  wealth  already  become  so  omnip 
otent  in  this  once  free  land  that  the  people  are  powerless  to 
help  themselves  ?  It  would  almost  seem  so. 

Is  it  not  time  that  not  only  the  farmers,  but  also  every 
other  industrial  class  in  the  country,  were  banded  together 
in  one  vast  brotherhood ;  to  put  a  stop  to  these  crimes,  these 
robberies  forever;  to  assert  their  rights  at  the  ballot-box, 


GOVERNMENT  PURCHASE  OF  RAILROADS  A  FALLACY.      491 

and  hurl  from  power  those  who  have  so  shamefully  betrayed 
them ;  to  insist  that  laws  be  enacted  to  bring  to  the  bar  of 
justice,  not  only  those  who  have  betrayed  the  trusts  confided 
to  them  by  the  people,  but  also  the  swindlers  themselves 
who  have  so  shamefully  obtained  the  public  money  by  false 
pretenses  ? 

GOVERNMENT  PURCHASE   OF  RAILROADS  A   FALLACY. 

The  railroads  operated  in  the  United  States  are  reported 
as  costing,  in  round  numbers,  almost  three  billions  five  hun 
dred  millions  of  dollars  ($3,500,000,000).  Many  of  them 
are  operated  with  tolerable  honesty;  the  majority,  however, 


The  Capitol  at  "Washington. 

are  now  so  consolidated  that  they  are  manipulated  by  com 
paratively  a  few  individuals,  who,  at  "  their  own  sweet  will," 
can  virtually  say,  from  their  offices,  what  shall  be  received 
by  the  farmer  for  his  grain.  Lately,  however,  they  have 
seen  that  the  movement  among  the  masses  is  acquiring  so 
much  strength  and  developing  so  much  practical  wisdom, 
that  they  fear  it  greatly;  they  see  that  we  are  looking 


492  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

squarely  to  where  the  trouble  lies.  They  would,  therefore, 
willingly  sell  to  the  government  their  franchises  and  so- 
called  vested  rights,  knowing  full  well  that,  by  skillful 
maneuvering,  they  could  still  control,  by  the  hard  cash  it 
would  place  in  their  hands,  power  and  position  in  these 
roads. 

If  the  government  should  possess  itself  of  our  vast  system 
of  railroads,  with  all  the  varied  industries  that  cluster  around 
it,  and  the  added  interests  of  telegraph  lines  (for  one  must 
follow  the  other),  we  should  have  from  25,000  to  30,000 
men  out  of  every  1,000,000  inhabitants,  whose  votes  would 
be  directly  controllable  by  the  influence  of  Executive  dicta 
tion  and  patronage.      The  centralization  of  power  in  the 
government  is  even  now  so  great  that  the  screws  can  be  ap 
plied  with  telling  effect  when  deemed  necessary ;  'and  many 
and  grievous  have  been  the  complaints  on  this  point  during 
the  last  twenty  years..    There  is  no  administration,  however 
pure,  that  ought  to  be  trusted  with  so  great  a  power.     Cer 
tainly,  we  dare  not  increase  that  power  now.     The  civilized 
world  stands  aghast  at  the  corruption  and  frauds  practiced 
at  the  seat  of  government,  wherein  both  Republicans  and 
Democrats  seem  to  have  struck  hands  together,  and  wherein 
even  those  who  had  heretofore  been  supposed  to  be  irre 
proachable  have  come  out  with  characters  so  besmirched 
that  even  .the  pity  of  a  sorrowing  people  could  not  cover  the 
iniquity. 

This  centralization  of  power  and  the  corruption  of  wealth 
have  carried  many  a  once  proud  nation  down  into  the  grave 
of  effete  slavery,  and  barbarians  have  roamed  where  once 
civilization  dwelt.  It  behooves  America  to  profit  by  these 
dread  examples  in  time. 


CHAPTEB  XLII. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  COL.  A.  B.  SMEDLEY. 


OUTLINE  OF  A  USEFUL  CAREER. 

Colonel  A.  B.  Smedley,  the  present  Master  of  the  State 
Grange  of  Iowa,  whose  portrait  is  given  on  page  379,  was 
born  in  Jefferson  County,  New  York,  in  1825.  During  his 
boyhood,  he  was  constantly  employed  in  such  practical  du 
ties  of  the  farm  as  usually  falls  to  the  lot  of  boys  so  reared. 
Later  he  studied  mechanics,  and  became  a  master  machinist. 

In  1849  Mr.  Smedley  emigrated  to  Wisconsin,  where  he 
remained  until  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.  In  1862  he 
entered  the  United  States  service,  showing  the  same  zeal 
and  fidelity  that  have  always  been  his  chief  characteristics. 

At  the  close  of  the  war,  in  1865,  he  retired  from  the 
service,  and  in  1868  removed  to  his  present  home  at  Cresco, 
Howard  County,  Iowa,  where  he  actively  engaged  in  horti 
culture,  making  a  specialty  of  the  raising  of  fruit,  a  pursuit 
in  which  he  was  always  an  enthusiast. 

In  whatever  sphere  of  activity  and  usefulness  this  earn 
est  and  able  man  has  moved,  he  never  failed  to  gain  the 
good  will  and  fellowship  of  thosp  who  learned  to  know  him 
intimately.  Always  a  reformer,  earnestly  laboring  for  the 
advancement  of  the  industrial  masses,  in  all  movements  for 
the  elevation  and  improvement  of  the  workingmen  of  the 
country,  these  classes  have  constantly  found  in  him  a  firm 
and  true  friend,  whose  counsel  was  always  tempered  with 
calm  judgment,  which  easily  sifted  the  false  from  the  real. 

(493) 


494  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

AS  A  PATRON  OF  HUSBANDRY. 

In  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  therefore,  it  is 
not  strange  that  he  easily  saw  the  means  for  carrying  out 
his  favorite  idea,  namely,  a  citizenship  in  which  the  laboring 
men  of  the  country  should  be  so  educated  and  enlightened 
that  corruption  or  wrong-doing  should  be  all  but  impossible. 

His  own  Subordinate  Grange  was  among  the  first  and 
most  successful  in  the  State;  and  to  his  careful  study  of  the 
work  in  hand,  and  his  firm  and  temperate  discipline  and 
counsel,  is  due  much  of  the  credit  for  the  wonderful  growth 
and  success  of  the  Order  in  Iowa. 

At  the  third  annual  session  of  the  State  Grange,  a  va 
cancy  occurring  in  that  body,  Colonel  Smedley  was  almost 
unanimously  elected  as  Master.  At  the  fourth  annual  ses 
sion,  when  the  regular  election  was  held,  the  members  of 
the  State  Grange  showed  their  appreciation  of  his  earnest 
zeal  and  ability  by  giving  him  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
seven  out  of  two  hundred  and  sixty-eight  votes  on  the  first 
ballot,  and  thereafter  making  his  election  unanimous. 

Colonel  Smedley  is  said  to  have  given  the  unwritten  work 
and  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Hus 
bandry  more  careful  study  than  almost  any  other  individual 
in  the  country.  Bringing  to  the  task  a  full  and  abiding 
faith  in  the  integrity  and  usefulness  of  the  Order  as  a  means 
of  ameliorating  the  condition  of  his  fellows,  he  has  labored 
in  that  organization  with  indefatigable  industry  and  con 
spicuous  ability,  to  the  end  -that  no  legitimate  means  should 
remain  unemployed  to  render  success  certain.  As  evidence 
that  the  efforts  of  himself  and  his  co-laborers  have  not  been 
in  vain,  and  as  incentive  to  the  faithful  spirits  now  holding 
the  "  tug  oar  "  in  other  States,  Iowa  may  justly  and  proudly 
point  to  her  muster-roll  of  Granges,  numbering  nearly  a 
quarter  of  the  entire  list  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTEE    XLIII. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  DUDLEY  W.  ADAMS. 


YOUTH  AND  EMIGRATION  WESTWARD. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch  was  born  at  Winchester,  Mass., 
on  the  30th  of  November,  1831.  Like  many  of  the  now 
prominent  men  of  the  nation,  he  passed  his  childhood  and 
grew  up  to  man's  estate  in  a  section  where  farming  means 
the  tillage  of  a  soil  never  rich,  and  whose  natural  produc 
tions  are  rather  rocks  and  stones  than  rank  herbage  and 
generous  crops.  But  if  the  soil  of  the  New  England  States 
is  not  celebrated  for  its  agricultural  wealth,  the  constant  la 
bor  necessary  to  gain  daily  bread  has  taught  her  sons  les 
sons  of  persistent  industry  and  self-reliance  that  are  simply 
invaluable. 

It  is  not  those  reared  in  the  lap  of  luxury,  and  who  take 
to  their  studies  as  a  fashionable  dandy  does  to  dress,  as  a 
mere  superficial  adornment,  that  furnish  the  country  her 
statesmen  or  her  master  minds  in  trade  and  finance.  On 
the  contrary,  it  is  those  who  thirst  for  knowledge ;  who  in 
cessantly  employ  the  brain,  whether  at  labor  or  actual 
study ;  who  train  their  mind  habitually,  in  working  out  ideas, 
to  grasp,  connectedly,  whatever  subject  may  present  itself. 
Many  of  the  brightest  names  and  strongest  characters  in 
American  history  were  self-made  men ;  and  such,  if  imbued 
with  sympathy  for  their  fellows,  and  a  willingness  to  la 
bor  for  their  well-being,  are  the  real  noblemen  of  nature. 

(495) 


496  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

Soccer  or  later,  in  the  revolution  of  the  wheel  of  time,  this 
class  come  to  the  front,  and  are  truly  appreciated. 

When  young  Adams  was  four  years  of  age,  his  father 
died,  and  he  was  thus  left  to  the  care  of  one  of  the  most 
self-sacrificing  cf  mothers,  who  spared  no  pains  to  lead  the 
young  mind  in  the  paths  of  honor,  probity,  and  religion. 
His  time,  until  sixteen  years  of  age,  was  spent  as  that  of 
many  New  England  boys  is,  in  assisting  in  the  work  of  a 
rocky  farm,  attending  the  district  school  arid  church,  and 
engaging  in. the  innocent  frolics  incident  to  such  life.  In 
time  the  district  school  was  exchanged  for  the  village  acad 
emy,  and  to  this  early  training  is  undoubtedly  due  the  prac 
tical  workings,  later  in  life,  of  a  mind  always  studious  and 
eager  for  knowledge,  and  fostered  and  directed  by  the  ju 
dicious  care  of  a  devoted  mother.  From  the  age  of  seven 
teen  until  his  majority,  he  continued  to  work  steadily  on 
the  farm  during  the  summer  months,  teaching  school  in 
the  winter,  and  pursuing  his  studies  in  the  spring  and  au 
tumn. 

His  majority  attained,  Mr.  Adams  found  that  incessant 
labor  and  study  had  seriously  affected  his  constitution ;  he 
was  threatened,  in  fact,  with  that  dire  scourge  of  New  Eng 
land,  consumption. 

Carefully  weighing  the  chances  between  an  early  death  if 
he  remained  in  his  native  hills,  and  the  possibility  of  regaining 
his  health  in  some  other  locality,  he  quickly  decided  to  emi 
grate  to  the  then  Eldorado,  the  West,  and  at  once  made  his 
way  into  north-eastern  Iowa.  Here,  in  1852,  he  located  on 
a  tract  of  wild  land,  which,  under  his  skillful  hand,  was  soon 
transformed  into  an  excellent  farm,  on  which  he  has  ever 
since  resided.  That  the  choice  of  a  location  was  sagac 
iously  made,  has  since  been  fully  demonstrated.  The  flour 
ishing  village  of  Waukon  has  since  grown  up  around  it. 


SERVICES   IN   BEHALF   OF   AGRICULTURE.  497 

SERVICES  IN  BEHALF  OF  AGRICULTURE. 

While  working  hard  to  improve  his  farm,  Mr.  Adams 
never  lost  sight  of  the  necessity  of  organization  for  the  pro 
motion  of  agriculture.  At  the  age  of  twenty-two  he  was 
elected  President  of  the  Allamakee  County  Agricultural  So 
ciety,  one  of  the  youngest  incumbents  on  record  in  connec 
tion  with  such  an  office ;  and  since  that  time  he  has  been 
connected  almost  constantly  with  the  Society  in  some  ca 
pacity,  either  as  Secretary,  member  of  the  Executive  Com 
mittee,  or  other  responsible  position. 

Mr.  Adams  was  never  a  believer  in  the  dogma  that  fruit 
could  not  be  successfully  grown  in  the  West.  After  the 
terrible  winter  of  1856,  he  still  had  faith  in  the  ultimate 
success  of  fruit  culture.  In  spite  of  the  discouragements  of 
climate,  and  the  still  more  discouraging  advice  of  friends, 
he  gave  much  of  his  time  and  energies  to  this  engaging  pur 
suit.  It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  Mr.  Adams  now 
looks  back  with  some  pride  to  his  efforts  in  this  direction, 
as  one  of  the  useful  labors  of  his  life. 

At  the  age  of  thirty-six,  Mr.  Adams  was  chosen  Secretary 
of  the  Iowa  Horticultural  Society,  in  a  manner  highly  com 
plimentary  to  himself,  although  other  business  prevented  his 
attendance  at  that  session  of  the  Society.  This  position  he 
held  until  the  winter  of  1872-3,  when  his  other  official  duties 
made  it  necessary  that  he  should  decline  a  re-election.  That 
the  office  was  worthily  bestowed  and  honorably  gained  is 
evidenced  by  the  fact  that,  in  1871,  Mr.  Adams  exhibited  at 
the  Iowa  State  Fair  one  hundred  varieties  of  apples  of  his 
own  growth,  of  such  uniform  beauty  and  excellence  as  to 
receive  the  highest  award  of  the  Society.  This  was  in  the 
same  year  that  his  State  received  so  high  commendations  at 
the  exhibition  before  the  American  Pomological  Society. 


498  THE   GEOUNDSWELL. 


EARLY  STRUGGLES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES. 

The  pionee^  who  makes  a  farm  in  the  wilderness,  with 
little  save  his  own  hands,  must  bear  a  skillful  hand  in  vari 
ous  ways  to  keep  the  wolf  from  the  door  until  something 
can  be  raised  from  the  soil.  Mr.  Adams'  previous  education 
had  made  him  conversant  with  the  business  of  a  surveyor ; 
and,  for  years,  in  the  intervals  of  farm  labor,  he  carried  a 
surveyor's  compass  in  establishing  corners,  running  lines, 
and  laying  off  the  farms  of  his  pioneer  neighbors,  far  and 
near.  For  about  ten  years  he  served  his  neighbors,  also, 
in  the  several  offices  of  Assessor,  President  of  the  District 
School  Board,  Township  Trustee,  County  Supervisor,  Chair 
man  of  the  County  Board  of  Supervisors,  and  held  various 
other  public  trusts  of  a  local  nature. 

At  the  age  of  thirty-two,  Mr.  Adams  became  the  Bepub- 
lican  candidate  for  the  State  Senate  from  his  district,  but 
was  unsuccessful,  the  ticket  being  buried  out  of  sight  under 
the  majority  then  given  the  entire  Democratic  ticket. 

Two  years  later,  the  finances  of  his  county  having  become 
almost  hopelessly  involved,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
Board  of  Supervisors  for  the  county.  This  board  consisted 
of  eighteen,  one  from  each  township.  Elected  Chairman  of 
the  Board,  he  performed  the  duties  of  the  office  for  three 
years,  and  then  resigned.  At  the  time  of  his  election  the 
county  warrants  were  at  a  discount  of  fifty  per  cent.  In  two 
years,  they  were  at  par;  and  now  the  State  of  Iowa  can 
proudly  point  to  the  fact  that  there  is  no  State  debt  upon 
which  the  people  pay  taxes  as  interest — a  fact  most  credit 
able  to  the  exertions  of  her  citizens  in  their  several  stations 
as  public  officers. 

In  the  spring  of  1873,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams  nomi 
nated  him  for  governor  of  Iowa.  This  nomination  was  cle^ 


SERVICES  IN  THE  ORDER  OF  PATRONS  OF  HUSBANDRY.  499 

clined,  not  because  the  nominee  was  not  as  willing  as  here 
tofore  to  serve  his  fellow-citizens,  but  because  he  was  at 
that  time  too  deeply  absorbed  in  the  great  work  of  his  life — 
spreading  the  organization  of  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Hus 
bandry.  The  tenets  of  the  Order  proclaim  it  to  be  non- 
political.  Had  he  acceded  to  the  wishes  of  his  friends,  the 
Order  would  have  been  immediately  stigmatized  as  seeking 
political  ends.  Mr.  Adams  was  willing  to  forego  the  pros 
pect  of  gubernatorial  honors,  in  order  that  he  might  still 
labor  in  the  field  of  his  choice,  to  promote  the  business  and 
social  welfare  of  the  agricultural  masses.  These  he  repre 
sents  as  the  chief  executive  officer  of  the  National  Grange ; 
and  truly  it  is  a  higher  honor  than  to  be  a  State  governor. 

SERVICES  IN  THE  ORDER  OF  "PATRONS  OF  HUSBANDRY." 

Early  in  the  year  1870,  Mr.  Adams  and  two  of  his  neigh 
bors,  having  heard  of  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  called  to 
gether  other  neighbors,  and  organized  Waukon  Grange,  No. 
3,  of  the  State.  Seven  months  later,  they  organized  Frank- 
ville  Grange,  No.  4.  Six  months  subsequently,  or  June  12, 
1871,  the  State  Grange  was  organized  temporarily,  and  Mr. 
Adams  was  chosen  Master.  In  December  of  the  same  year, 
a  permanent  organization  was  effected,  and  he  was  elected 
the  Master  for  two  years.  This  office  he  held  until  his  elec 
tion  as  Master  of  the  National  Grange,  early  in  1873. 

In  1871,  when  elected  to  the  State  Grange,  there  were  less 
than  a  dozen  Granges  in  the  State.  He  left  it  with  over 
eight  hundred  working  .organizations.  Since  this  time  the 
State  has  fully  kept  pace  with  its  previous  record,  its  pres 
ent  membership  showing  over  one  hundred  thousand  tillers 
of  the  soil,  working  as  a  unit  for  their  social,  moral,  and  in 
dustrial  elevation  among  the  great  brotherhood  of  man 
kind. 


500  THE  GEOUNDSWELL. 

Since  his  election  to  the  Chief  Executive  of  the  National 
Grange,  Mr.  Adams  has  continued  untiring  in  his  efforts  for 
the  benefit  of  his  brethren  in  toil,  and  the  spread  of  the 
Order.  That  he  is  doing  more  good  than  he  possibly  could 
have  done  as  the  governor  of  his  State,  there  is  no  doubt; 
for  now  his  field  of  labor  is  national.  Those  sterling  patriots 
who  have  cast  from  them  the  glittering  prizes  of  political 
preferment  until  the  nation  shall  have  become  sufficiently 
purged  of  corruption,  will  not  be  forgotten  by  a  grateful 
people  when  the  political  panderers  of  the  present  day  shall 
be  buried  deep  in  oblivion,  with  none  so  mean  as  to  do 
them  reverence. 


CHAPTEE   XLIV. 


EDUCATION  TO  THE  INDUSTRIES. 


IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  SUBJECT. 

Education  is  one  of  the  most  potent  factors  in  the  advance 
ment  of  the  rising  generation  to  the  status  which  they  should 
properly  occupy.  After  the  rudiments  of  a  fair  English 
education  are  secured,  the  youth  who  aspires  to  become  a 
working  man  should  be  pushed  in  the  acquirement  of  certain 
knowledge  relating  to  the  industry  which  he  contemplates 
pursuing.  The  farmer's  boy  readily  masters  the  art  of 
driving  horses,  plowing,  reaping,  binding,  stacking,  the  care 
of  the  domestic  animals,  etc.  For  this  it  is  not  necessary 
that  he  should  go  to  school.  It  must  be  learned  on  the 
farm,  just  as  the  tradesman  acquires  his  art  under  the  di 
rection  of  a  master  workman. 

There  is  something,  however,  beyond  all  this — or,  we 
might  almost  say,  before  it ;  for  it  underlies  the  economies 
of  every  trade  and  profession  in  life.  What  is  it?  The 
study  of  the  sciences  underlying  the  profession  or  art  that 
is  to  constitute  the  life-work  of  the  individual. 

This  subject  is  beginning  to  interest  the  thinking  portion 
of  the  present  generation ;  it  is  the  lever  that  will  move  the 
next.  The  why,  and  not  the  how,  is  the  true  point  to  be 
aimed  at ;  for  proper  knowledge  concerning  the  first  makes 

(501) 


502  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

the  latter  easy.  Chemistry  is,  in  truth,  the  "  corner-stone 
of  agriculture; "  nevertheless,  a  man  may  be  a  good  chemist 
and  yet  a  very  poor  farmer.  Mathematics,  as  a  science, 
underlies  mechanics,  and  yet  a  knowledge  of  mathematics 
in  itself  would  not  constitute  a  mechanic.  Nevertheless,  the 
student  who  first  acquires  a  knowledge  of  the  principles  of 
chemistry,  will  make  a  better  farmer  than  he  who  knows 
nothing  about  it.  Just  so,  a  good  mathematician  would 
make  a  better  and  far  more  intelligent  mechanic  than  he 
who  had  simply  a  smattering  of  arithmetic.  What  we  want, 
then,  is  education  to  the  several  professions  in  life. 

WHERE  SHALL  OUR  CHILDREN  LEARX? 

We  should  begin  in  our  common  schools ;  but,  instead  of 
carrying  the  pupil  forward  in  the  old-time  grooves,  ground 
him  thoroughly  in  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic.  The  first 
should  include  that  much  neglected  study — the  proper  use  of 
words ;  the  second,  the  equally  neglected  one  of  facility  in  ex 
pressing  them  on  paper;  and  the  third,  turning  the  figures 
we  are  taught  to  some  practical  account.  How  many  of  our 
teachers  are  well  grounded  in  this  practical  application 
themselves  ?  Very  few.  And  yet  they  are  the  persons  who 
are  supposed  to  have  become  especially  fitted  for  imparting 
such  instruction. 

They  have  been  educated  in  an  undeviating  groove,  and 
are  only  fitted  to  mould  the  youth  in  the  same  inflexible 
line.  We  elect  County  and  State  Superintendents  of 
Schools;  but  they,  too,  have  been  formed  in  the.  same 
groove.  One  thing  too  many  of  them  have  learned,  namely, 
that  there  is  money  in  a  change  or  exchange  of  text-books 
for  the  schools ;  and  this  knowledge  many  of  these  officials 
are  forward  enough  to  turn  to  practical  account.  After  he 


WHEEE  SHALL  OtJE  CHILDREN  LEAEN?  503 


504 


THE  GHOUNBSWELL. 


leaves  school,  the  child  finds  that  he  is  just  getting  ready  to 
acquire  an  education — -just  getting  ready  to  learn  somewhat 
of  things.  Many  of  our  teachers  do,  indeed,  endeavor  to 
follow  the  divine  precept;  the  conscientious  portion  of  them 
do  try  to  "  train  up  a  child  in  the  way  he  should  go,"  for 
getting,  however,  to  apply  it  from  a  Socratian  stand-point, 
equally  important,  "To  teach  a  child  in  youth  that  which 
he  is  to  follow  in  age."  From  the  common  schools,  some 


What  has  made  Industrial  Education  possible. 

of  the  pupils  go  to  college.  Here  again  there  is  the  same 
groove,  "the  classics"  dominating  all  else.  Whatever  the 
life-work  of  the  student  is  to  be,  a  certain  routine  must  ap 
ply  to  all;  and  after  spending  years  of  mental  trial,  the 
young  man  or  woman  finds,  at  last,  that  the  real  education 
that  is  to  fit  him  or  her  to  battle  with  life  must  now  com 
mence  through  self-culture. 


HOW  SHALL  WE  BEGIN?  505 


HOW  SHALL  WE  BEOINf 

Begin  from  the  start,  by  instructing  the  pupil  WHY  this 
thing  or  that  proposition  is  so;  why  addition,  multiplica 
tion,  and  division,  are  all  there  really  is  of  arithmetic ;  why 
the  rivers,  constantly  flowing  into  the  sea,  never  increase  its 
volume ;  why  chemistry  is  the  corner-stone  of  agriculture, 
and  mathematics  the  foundation  upon  which  mechanics  rest. 
The  fact  is,  the  so-called  higher  education  is  an  artificial 
affair,  contrived  originally  for  a  class — the  learned  profes 
sions.  Hence,  the  vast  army  of  toiling  workers  who,  to-day, 
are  hungering  for  that  certain  knowledge  that  would  enable 
them,  through  the  exercise  of  mind  upon  matter,  to  properly 
lay  hold  of  that  Archimedian  lever — an  intelligent  and  di 
versified  industry. 

One  of  the  first  things  for  the  masses  to  understand  is 
that  education  is  not  incompatible  with  labor ;  on  the  con 
trary,  indeed,  that  the  better  educated  a  man  is  the  more 
intelligently  he  can  perform  the  ordinary  duties  of  life. 
There  is  a  right  and  a  wrong  way  to  do  every  thing,  from 
hod-carrying  to  the  most  intricate  sculpture ;  from  plowing 
the  furrows  that  are  to  receive  the  seed  to  building  the 
stack  or  rick  of  grain  that  shall  turn  rain;  resist  the  wind, 
and  keep  its  contents  intact. 

How  many  artisans,  through  education  to  their  art,  can 
claim  to  be  really  master- workmen,  and  able  to  command 
the  highest  wages  of  the  craft  ?  Scarcely  one  in  a  hundred. 

FARMERS  AS  CRAFTSMEN. 

How  many  farmers  are  really  excellent  plowmen,  under 
standing  the  niceties  of  turning  sod,  stubble,  or  fallow,  and 
the  proper  management  of  the  furrow-slices,  through  the 
22 


506  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

XTarious  gradations  of  sand  and  loams  to  stiff  clay?  How 
many  farmers  can  build  a  stack  of  hay  or  grain  so  that  it 
shall  preserve  its  proper  shape  in  settling,  and  in  its  con 
tour  present  the  greatest  resistance  to  the  influence  of  the 
weather?  Not  one  in  fifty  even  of  managing  farmers  prop 
erly  know  what  good  plowing  really  is  in  its  various  details. 
Not  one  in  a  hundred  can  Luild  a  series  of  stacks,  either  of 
hay  or  grain,  similar  in  size  and  shape,  and  superior  in  their 
structure.  Why  is  this  so  ?  The  answer  is  simple.  They 
have  never  been  taught  why  furrows  laid  at  different  angles 
exert  different  influences;  why  the  mold-board  and  share 
of  one  plow  is  made  different  from  another;  why,  in 
building  a  stack,  the  proportions  should  be  after  exact  rules, 
the  whole  bearing  definite  relations  to  the  quantity  of  ma 
terial  to  be  used,  etc. 

These  are  among  the  most  common  processes  of  the  farm, 
and  yet  but  little  of  their  philosophy,  so  to  speak,  is  known 
by  the  majority  of  farmers.  There  are  many  others  equally 
important  and  equally  neglected.  If  the  merchant,  the 
manufacturer,  or  the  tradesman  manifested  the  .same  indif 
ference  in  their  several  industries,  they  would  all,  sooner  or 
later,  be  involved  in  a  common  bankruptcy.  That  farmers 
are  not  is  due  to  the  fact  that  nature  is  constantly  working 
for  them,  even  while  they  are  sleeping,  and  that  drafts  on 
her  storehouse  are  always  honored  to  the  full  extent  of  her 
ability. 

EXPERIENCE  A  THOROUGH  TEACHER. 

Of  the  details  of  mechanics  I  know  but  little,  except  as  to 
the  repairs  of  farm  machinery  in  a  rough  way.  An  experi 
ence  in  working  the  soil  for  a  third  of  a  century,  during 
which  time  I  have  constantly  educated  myself  to  the  various 


EXPERIENCE  A  THOROUGH   TEACHER.  507 

details  of  agriculture,  by  reading  and  experiment,  has 
shown  me  that  the  farmer  never  ceases  to  learn  while  life 
lasts.  The  trouble  is  that  many  do  not  begin  to  educate 
themselves  until  many  important  years  of  their  working  life 
are  past. 

Experience,  that  thorough  but  costly  teacher,  eventually 
shows  them  how  little  they  really  know,  and  how  much  they 
have  yet  to  learn.  The  theorizing  of  gentlemen  ruralists 
and  mere  scholars  has  disgusted  them  with  book-farm 
ing. 

Availing  themselves  at  length  of  such  works  as  they  can 
find,  containing  the  practical  labors  of  adepts  in  the  art, 
they  discover  most  important  unexplored  fields  before  them, 
almost  appalling  in  their  extent,  except  to  the  mind  trained 
to  study.  Carefully  considering  the  details  of  the  art,  they 
finally  decide  upon  the  specialty  which  they  will  follow, 
and  thenceforward  they  devote  themselves  chiefly  to  stock- 
breeding  or  stock-feeding;  the  cultivation  of  the  cereals, 
or  of  hay;  orcharding;  the  raising  of  vegetables  or  of  seeds; 
floriculture,  or  the  like, — according  as  their  position  and  loca 
tion  will  warrant,  and  their  previous  education  will  allow. 
It  takes  years  and  successive  and  grave  mistakes  before  the 
knowledge  is  gained  which  will  enable  them  economically  to 
blend  these  specialtes  with  the  succession  and  relation  of 
crops  necessary  to  keep  up  the  fertility  of  their  farms.  A 
few  are  successful,  and  leave  their  farms  better  than  they 
found  them,  but  vastly  more  exhaust  their  soil  and  their 
energies  in  a  perpetual  struggle  for  the  necessities  of  life. 

To  obviate  this  difficulty,  and  lead  the  coming  generation 
to  a  proper  education  of  their  faculties,  education  to  the 
industries  was  proposed  and  agitated,  upon  the  basis  of  en 
dowment,  by  national  aid,  of  industrial  schools  for  the  better 
training  of  yonth  to  these  pursuits. 


508  TH£  GROUNDSWELL. 


THE  CLASSICS  AND  AGRICULTURE. 

Unfortunately,  many  of  these  colleges  have  slid  into  the 
old-time  ruts  of  classical  education,  although  a  few  have 
made  progress  in  the  right  direction,  and  public  opinion  is 
forcing  still  others  reluctantly  toward  technical  education. 

Those  in  the  West  which  have  made  the  most  uniform 
progress  are  those  belonging  to  the  States  of  Michigan 
and  Iowa.  In  Illinois  and  Kansas  the  people  are  steadily 
working  to  infuse  a  spirit  of  practical  effort  into  the  fossils, 
or  worse,  who  have  mismanaged  these  institutions.  It  is 
one  of  the  legitimate  provinces  of  the  Farmers'  Movement 
to  see  that  these  colleges  are  made  what  they  were  intended 
to  be — schools  where  the  application  of  practical  science 
might  aid  the  student  to  be  a  better  farmer  or  artisan  than 
he  otherwise  would  be,  and  not  mere  easy-chairs  for  college 
dons,  retired  clergymen,  decayed  politicians,  or  theoretical 
farmers. 

At  the  East,  the  agricultural  schools  that  have  shown  the 
greatest  progress  are  those  of  Amherst,  Massachusetts,  and 
Cornell  University,  New  York.  In  the  South  few  of  these 
schools  have  been  established  for  a  sufficient  length  of  time 
to  enable  a  fair  judgment  to  be  made  of  their  usefulness; 
but,  so  far,  most  of  them  appear  to  be  actuated  by  an  ear 
nest  desire  to  make  their  system  of  training  as  thoroughly 
practical  in  their  nature  as  possible. 

While  it  was  never  supposed  by  practical  men  that  these 
colleges  would  be  able,  all  at  once,  to  accomplish  the  end 
sought,  still  less,  however,  was  it  expected  that  Industrial 
Colleges  were  to  adopt  the  curriculum,  essentially,  of  the 
average  literary  college,  with  simply  enough  varnish  of  ag 
riculture  and  mechanics  to  enable  them  to  annex  the  endow 
ment  of  the  nation  and  of  the  States  where  situated.  Yet 


THE   CLASSICS   AND   AGKICULTURE.  509 

to-day  such  is  tlie  fact  with  the  majority  of  them.  This  is 
altogether  wrong,  and  a  gross  perversion  of  the  endowment 
granted  by  Congress  for  a  very  different  purpose,  as  will  be 
apparent  to  the  reader  who  carefully  examines  the  act  in 
question,  given  in  full  in  Chapter  XLVI. 


CHAPTEE   XLV. 


POPULAR    AGITATION    ON    INDUSTRIAL    EDUCA 
TION. 


A    WANT  LONG  FELT. 

The  necessity  has  long  been  recognized  among  our  more 
advanced  thinkers  of  some  system  of  education  that  should 
be  to  the  industrial  classes  what  the  schools  of  law,  medi 
cine,  and  theology  are  to  those  professional  classes.  In  the 
West  this  need  was  especially  felt,  and  such  men  as  Profes 
sor  J.  B.  Turner,  Bronson  Murray,  John  Gage,  Smiley  Shep 
herd,  John  Davis,  and  other  educators,  were  engaged  in  pre 
paring  the  public  mind  therefor  for  over  thirty  years.  The 
feeling  on  this  subject  led  to  the  calling  of  a  convention  in 
1851,  at  Greenville,  111.,  at  which  this  important  question 
was  fully  discussed.  Two  of  the  resolutions  there  adopted 
were  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That,  as  the  representatives  of  the  industrial 
classes,  including  all  cultivators  of  the  soil,  artizans,  me 
chanics,  and  merchants,  we  desire  the  same  privileges  and 
advantages  for  ourselves,  our  fellows,  and  our  posterity,  in 
each  of  our  several  pursuits  and  callings,  as  our  professional 
brethren  enjoy  in  theirs ;  and  we  admit  that  it  is  our  own 
fault  that  we  do  not  also  enjoy  them. 

Resolved,  That,  in  our  opinion,  the  institutions  originally 

and  primarily  designed  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  professional 

classes,  as  such,  can  not,  in  the  nature  of  things,  meet 

(510) 


INDUSTRIAL   LEAGUE  AND   FURTHER  AGITATION.       511 

any  more  than  the  institutions  we  desire  to  establish  for 
ourselves  could  meet  theirs. 

The  next  resolution  provided  that  immediate  steps  be 
taken  for  the  establishment  of  a  university,  expressly  to 
meet  the  wants  of  each  and  all  the  industrial  classes  in  the 
State.  It  was  also  recommended  to  found  high  schools, 
lyceums,  institutes,  etc.,  in  each  county,  on  similar  princi 
ples,  so  soon  as  it  might  be  found  practical  to  do  so. 

At  this  Convention  Prof.  Turner,  in  an  exhaustive  address, 
unfolded  an  elaborate  plan  for  the  establishment  of  a  State 
University,  which  was  subsequently  made  the  ground-work 
upon  which  the  act  of  endowment  by  the  United  States,  and 
the  law  regulating  the  Industrial  University  of  Illinois,  were 
founded. 

INDUSTRIAL  LEAGUE  AND  FURTHER  AGITATION. 

A  second  Convention  was  held  at  Springfield,  111.,  June  8, 
1852.  On  this  occasion  there  was  a  prolonged  controversy, 
forced  upon  the  Convention  by  the  representatives  of  a  few 
of  the  old  classical  and  theological  colleges,  who  had  been 
admitted  by  courtesy  to  participate  in  the  debate.  As  is 
usual  with  many  of  this  class,  they  consumed  the  greater 
part  of  the  time  without  making  much,  if  any,  impression 
for  good  on  the  minds  of  their  auditors. 

These  advocates  of  the  colleges  just  named  desired  to  be 
themselves  made  the  custodians  of,  and  instruments  through 
which,  the  funds  of  the  State  should  be  applied  to  the  edu 
cation  of  the  industrial  classes.  This  the  representatives  of 
these  classes  then  and  since,  in  all  their  Conventions,  have 
unanimously  arid  steadfastly  opposed.  It  was  still  fought 
for  after  the  law  of  Congress  endowed  a  more  practical  sys 
tem  of  colleges ;  and  when  the  masses  thought  they  had 


512  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

finally  beaten  the  scholiasts,  and  had  secured  the  fund  to  the 
uses  of  those  for  whom  it  was  intended,  they  soon  found  that 
their  foe  had  only  been  beaten  off  to  come  up  again  in  an 
other  form. 

A  third  Convention  was  held  at  Chicago,  November  24th, 
1852,  at  which  it  was  resolved  to  establish  an  Industrial 
League  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  which  was  subsequently 


"Pegging  Away." 

chartered  by  the  Legislature.  The  League  was  empowered 
to  raise  a  fund  to  defray  various  expenses :  as,  first,  to  dis 
seminate  information,  both  written  and  printed ;  second,  to 
keep  up  concert  of  action  among  the  friends  of  the  indus 
trial  classes ;  and,  third,  to  employ  lecturers  to  address  citi 
zens  in  all  parts  of  the  State. 

At  this  Convention  much  important  business  was  trans 
acted;  many  helpful  methods  and  useful  aims  were  pre 
sented  and  many  interesting  ideas  elaborated.  Prof.  J.  B, 


MEMORIAL  TO  THE   ILLINOIS   LEGISLATURE.  513 

Turner  was  appointed  Principal  Director  of  the  League,  and 
John  Grage,  Bronson  Murray,  Dr.  L.  S.  Pennington,  J.  T. 
Little,  and  Wm.  A.  Eennel,  Associate  Directors.  The  Con 
vention  was  harmonious  throughout,  the  members  having 
wisely  decided  to  exclude  those  professional  educators  who 
had  no  practical  knowledge  of  the  wants  of  the  industrial 
classes. 

The  most  noteworthy  action  of  this  Convention,  however, 
was  the  passage  of  a  resolution  to  memorialize  Congress  for 
the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  grant  of  public  lands  to  establish 
and  endow  Industrial  Colleges  in  each  and  every  State  of 
the  Union.  Thus  was  finally  brought  forth  a  definite  plan 
of  action,  which  immediately  took  firm  hold  of  many  leading 
minds  throughout  the  country,  consolidating,  in  valuable 
degree,  persistent  and  unselfish  efforts  which  had  previously 
been  more  or  less  scattered. 

A  fourth  Convention  was  held  at  Springfield,  111.,  on  the 
4th  of  January,  1853,  at  which  the  duties  of  the  members 
and  terms  of  office  of  officers  of  the  League  were  fixed. 
Nevertheless,  the  important  business  of  this  Convention  was 
the  preparation  of  a  memorial,  this  time  to  the  Legislature, 
setting  forth,  in  the  strongest  light,  facts,  figures,  and  argu 
ments,  to  show  the  great  need  of  a  thorough  and  systematic 
education  of  the  masses  to  the  industries  they  would  follow 
in  after  life.  The  following  extracts  from  this  memorial 
will  show  the  animus  and  tenor  of  the  work : 

MEMORIAL  TO  THE  ILLINOIS  LEGISLATURE. 

We  need  the  same  thorough  and  practical  application  of 
knowledge  to  our  pursuits  that  the  learned  professions  en 
joy  in  theirs,  through  their  universities,  and  their  literature, 
schools,  and  libraries,  that  have  grown  out  of  them.  For, 
even  though  knowledge  may  exist,  it  is  perfectly  powerless 
22* 


514  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

until  properly  applied ;  and  we  have  not  the  means  of  a}  A 
ing  it.  What  sort  of  generals  and  soldiers  would  all  our 
national  science  (and  art)  make,  if  we  had  no  military  acad 
emies  to  take  that  knowledge  and  apply  it  directly ,  and. 
specifically  to  military  life  ? 

Are  our  classic  universities,  our  law,  medicine,  and  divin 
ity  schools,  adapted  to  make  good  generals  and  warriors? 
Just  as  well  as  they  are  to  make  farmers  and  mechanics, 
and  no  better.  Is  the  defense,  then,  of  our  resources  of 
more  actual  consequence  than  their  production  ?  Why, 
then,  should  the  State  care  for  the  one  and  neglect  the 
other  ? 

It  was  shown  that  only  one  in  two  hundred  and  sixty  of 
the  population  of  the  State  were,  in  1853,  engaged  in  pro 
fessional  life,  and  not  one  in  two  hundred  in  the  Union, 
generally ;  and  that  a  great  proportion,  even  of  these,  never 
enjoyed  the  advantages  of  classical  and  professional  schools. 
Further,  there  were,  in  the  United  States,  two  hundred  and 
twenty-five  principal  universities,  colleges,  and  seminaries, 
schools,  etc.,  devoted  to  the  interest  of  the  professional 
classes,  besides  many  smaller  ones,  while  there  was  not  a 
single  one,  with  liberal  endowments,  designed  for  the  lib 
eral,  and  practical  education  of  the  industrial  classes. 

It  said :  "No  West  Point,  as  yet,  beams  upon  the  horizon 
of  hope ;  true,  as  yet,  our  boundless  resources  keep  us,  like 
the  children  of  Japhet  emigrating  from  the  Ark,  from  the 
miserable  degradation  and  want  of  older  empires;  but  the 
resources  themselves  lie  all  undeveloped  in  some  directions, 
wasted  and  misapplied  in  others,  and  rapidly  vanishing 
away  as  centuries  roll  onward,  under  the  unskillfulness  that 
directs  them.  We,  the  members  of  the  industrial  classes,  are 
still  compelled  to  work  empirically  and  blindly,  without 
needful  books,  schools,  or  means,  by  the  slow  process  of  that 
individual  experience  that  lives  and  dies  with  the  man. 
Our  professional  brethren,  through  their  universities,  schools,, 


MEMORIAL  TO  THE  ILLINOIS  LEGISLATURE.  515 

teachers,  and  libraries,  combine  and  concentrate  the  prac 
tical  experience  of  ages  into  each  man's  life.  We  need  the 
same. 

"  We  seek  no  novelties.  We  desire  no  new  principles. 
We  only  wish  to  apply  to  the  great  interest  of  the  com 
mon  school  and  the  industrial  classes  precisely  the  same 
principles  of  mental  discipline  and  thorough  scientific,  prac 
tical  instruction,  in  their  pursuits  and  interests,  which  are 
now  applied  to  the  professional  and  military  classes.  .  .  . 

"  We  would,  therefore,  respectfully  petition  the  honorable 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  State  of  Illi 
nois,  that  they  present  a  united  memorial  to  the  Congress 
now  assembled  at  Washington,  to  appropriate  to  each  State 
in  the  Union  an  amount  of  public  lands,  not  less  in  value 
than  five  hundred  thousand  dollars,  for  the  liberal  endow 
ment  of  a  system  of  Industrial  Universities,  one  in  each 
State  in  the  Union,  to  co-operate  with  each  other,  and 
with  the  Smithsonian  Institute  at  Washington ;  for  the  more 
liberal  and  practical  education  of  our  industrial  classes,  and 
their  teachers,  in  their  various  pursuits ;  for  the  production 
of  knowledge  and  literature  needful  in  those  pursuits,  and 
developing,  to  the  fullest  and  most  perfect  extent,  the 
resources  of  our  soil,  and  our  arts,  the  virtue  and  intelli 
gence  of  our  people,  and  the  true  glory  of  our  common 
country." 

They  further  petitioned  that  the  Executive  and  Legisla 
tures  of  all  other  States  be  invited  to  co-operate  in  the 
enterprise,  and  that  a  copy  of  the  memorial  be  forwarded 
by  the  governor  of  Illinois  to  the  governors  and  senators 
of  the  several  States. 

A  similar  memorial,  but  addressed  directly  to  Congress, 
had  been  presented  to  the  Convention  by  the  Committee,  of 
which  Governor  French  was  the  Chairman,  which  was 
accepted,  and  forwarded  to  Washington. 

The  merits  of  the  plan  suggested  by  the  Convention  were 
fully  and  widely  discussed  by  the  State  Legislature,  then  in 


516  THE  GEOUNDSWELL. 

session.     The  result  was  the  passage,  by  a  unanimous  vote 
in  both  Houses,  of  the  following  resolutions. 

THE  LEGISLATIVE  RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolutions  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Illi 
nois,  relative  to  the  establishment  of  industrial  universities, 
and 'for  the  encouragement  of  practical  and  general  educa 
tion  among  the  people.  Unanimously  adopted. 

WHEREAS,  The  spirit  and  progress  of  the  age  and 
country  demand  the  culture  of  the  highest  order  of  intel 
lectual  attainment  in  theoretical  and  industrial  science; 

and, 

WHEREAS,  It  is  impossible  that  our  commerce  and  pros 
perity  will  continue  to  increase  without  calling  in  requisi 
tion  all  the  elements  of  internal  thrift  arising  from  the 
labors  of  the  farmer,  the  mechanic,  and  the  manufacturer, 
by  every  fostering  effort  within  the  reach  of  the  govern 
ment;  and,  .  . 

WHEREAS,  A  system  of  industrial  universities,  liberally 
endowed,  in  each  State  of  the  Union,  co-operative  with  each 
other,  and  with  the  Smithsonian  Institution  at  Washington, 
would  develop  a  more  liberal  and  practical  education  among 
the  people ;  tend  the  more  to  intellectualize  the  rising  gen 
eration,  and  eminently  conduce  to  the  virtue,  intelligence, 
and  true  glory  of  our  common  country ;  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  By  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  Senate 
concurring  herein,  that  our  Senators  in  Congress  be  in 
structed,  and  our  Representatives  be  requested,  to  use  their 
best  exertions  to  procure  the  passage  of  a  law  of  Congress, 
donating  to  each  State  in  the  Union  an  amount  of  public 
lands  not  less  in  value  than  five  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
for  the  liberal  endowment  of  a  system  of  industrial  univers 
ities,  one  in  each  State  in  the  Union,  to  co-operate  with 
each  other,  and  with  the  Smithsonian  Institute  at  Washing 
ton,  for  the  more  liberal  and  practical  education  of  our  in-; 
dustrial  classes,  and  their  teachers;  a  liberal  and  varied 
education,  adapted  to  the  manifold  want  of  a  practical  and 


LEADING  UTTERANCES  OF  TWENTY  YEARS  AGO.        517 

enterprising  people;  and  a  provision  for  such  educational 
facilities,  being  in  manifest  concurrence  with  the  intimations 
of  the  popular  will,  it  urgently  demands  the  united  efforts 
of  our  national  strength. 

Resolved,  That  the  Governor  is  hereby  authorized  to  for 
ward  a  copy  of  the  foregoing  resolutions  to  our  Senators 
and  Representatives  in  Congress,  and  to  the  Executive  and 
Legislature  of  each  of  our  sister  States,  inviting  them  to 
co-operate  with  us  in  this  meritorious  enterprise. 

This  resolution  was  signed  by  the  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  John  Reynolds,  and  the  Speaker  of  the 
Senate,  G.  Koerner ;  and,  on  the  eighth  of  February,  1853, 
was  approved  by  the  Governor,  J.  A.  Matteson,  and  attested 
by  Alexander  Starne,  Secretary  of  State.  It  was  then  duly 
forwarded  to  Washington. 

LEADING    UTTERANCES  OF  TWENTY  YEARS  AGO. 

To  show  the  animus  of  the  press  and  the  people  of  twenty 
years  ago,  upon  this  subject,  the  following  extracts,  relating 
to  the  movement  in  various  States,  will  prove  interesting, 
as  historical  records  at  least. 

The  New  York  Tribune,  of  February  26,  1853,  said: 
"  Here  is  the  principle  contended  for  by  the  friends  of  prac 
tical  education  abundantly  confirmed,  with  a  plan  for  its 
immediate  realization.  And  it  is  worthy  of  note,  that  one 
of  the  most  extensive  of  public-land  (or  new)  States  pro 
poses  a  magnificent  donation  of  public  lands  to  each  of  the 
States,  in  furtherance  of  this  idea.  Whether  that  precise 
form  of  aid  to  the  project  is  most  judicious,  and  likely  to  be 
effective,  we  will  not  here  consider.  Suffice  it  that  the  Leg 
islature  of  Illinois  has  taken  a  noble  step  forward,  in  a  most 
liberal  and  patriotic  spirit,  for  which  its  members  will  be 
heartily  thanked  by  thousands  throughout  the  Union.  We 


518  THE  GKOUNDSWELL.  , 

feel  that  this  step  has  materially  hastened  the  coming  of 
scientific  and  practical  education  for  all  who  desire,  and  are 
willing  to  work  for  it.  It  can  not  come  too  soon." 

Governor  Hunt,  of  New  York,  in  his  annual  message  to 
the  Legislature  of  that  State,  used  the  following  language : 
"  Much  interest  has  been  manifested  for  some  years  past  in 
favor  of  creating  an  institution  for  the  advancement  of  agri 
cultural  science,  and  of  knowledge  in  mechanical  arts.  The 
views  in  favor  of  this  measure,  expressed  in  my  last  annual 
communication,  remain  unchanged.  My  impressions  are 
still  favorable  to  the  plan  of  combining  in  one  college  two 
distinct  departments  for  instructions  in  agriculture  and 
mechanical  sciences.  I  would  respectfully  recommend  that 
a  sufficient  portion  of  the  proceeds  of  the  next  sale  of  lands 
for  taxes  be  appropriated  to  the  erection  of  an  institution, 
which  shall  stand  as  a  lasting  memorial  of  our  munificence, 
and  contribute  to  the  diffusion  of  intelligence  among  the  pro 
ducing  classes,  during  all  future  time." 

Hon.  Marshall  P.  Wilder,  of  Boston,  in  advocating  this 
system  of  education  before  the  Berkshire  Agricultural  Soci 
ety  of  Massachusetts,  held  that :  "  For  want  of  knowledge, 
millions  of  dollars  are  now  annually  lost  by  the  Common 
wealth,  by  the  mis-application  of  capital  and  labor  industry. 

On  these  points  we  want  a  system  of  experiments  directed  by 
scientific  knowledge.  Are  they  not  important  to  our  farmers  ? 
Neither  the  agricultural  papers,  periodicals,  or  societies,  or 
any  other  agents  now  in  operation,  are  deemed  sufficient  for 
all  that  are  desirable.  We  plead  that  the  means  and  advan 
tages  of  a  professional  education  should  be  placed  within  the 
reach  of  our  farmers.  This  would  not  only  be  one  of  the 
most  important  steps  ever  taken  by  the  Commonwealth  for 
its  permanent  advancement  and  prosperity,  but  would  add 


THE  ALBANY,  NEW  YOKE,  CONVENTION.       619 

another  wreath,  to  her  renown  for  the  protection  of  our  in 
dustry  and  elevation  of  her  sons." 

Eev:  Dr.  Hitchcock,  President  of  Amherst  College,  while 
advocating  the  endowments  of  such  institutions,  before  the 
Massachusetts  Board  of  Agriculture  (1851),  testified  as  fol 
lows  :  "  I  have  been  a  lecturer  on  chemistry  for  twenty  years. 
I  have  tried  a  great  many  experiments  in  that  time,  but  I  do 
not  know  of  any  experiments  so  delicate  or  so  difficult  as  the 
farmer  is  trying  every  week.  The  experiments  of  the 
laboratory  are  not  to  be  compared  to  them.  You  have  a 
half  dozen  sciences  which  are  concerned  in  the  operation  of 
a  farm.  There  is  to  be  a  delicate  balancing  of  all  these,  as 
every  farmer  knows.  To  suppose  that  a  man  is  going  to  be 
able,  without  any  knowledge  of  these  sciences,  to  make  im 
provements  in  agriculture  by  haphazard  experiments,  is,  it 
seems  to  me,  absurd." 

THE  ALBANY,  NEW  YORK,  CONVENTION  ON  AGRICUL 
TURAL  EDUCATION. 

A  general  Convention  on  the  subject  of  a  national  system 
of  practical  university  education,  was  held  at  Albany,  Janu 
ary  26, 1853.  This  Convention  was  numerously  attended  by 
some  of  the  most  illustrious  men  of  the  country,  including 
many  distinguished  educators,  scientists,  and  divines.  A 
committee  of  twenty-one  was  appointed*  to  report  a  plan  of 
action.  Among  these  appear  the  names  of  President  Way- 
land,  of  Brown  University ;  Bishop  Potter,  of  Pennsylvania ; 
Washington  Irving;  Governor  Hunt  and  Senator  l)ix,  of 
New  York ;  President  Hitchcock,  of  Amherst  College ;  Pro 
fessors  Webster,  Dewey,  Henry,  and  Bache ;  Professor 
Mitchell,  of  Cincinnati ;  Professor  Pierce,  of  Cambridge,  etc. 

Rev.  Dr.  Kennedy  spoke  of  "  the  want  that  had  long  been 


520  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

felt  for  institutions  different  from  those  already  established." 
Professor  C.  S.  Henry  insisted  that  "  the  welfare  of  our 
country  was,  in  a  great  degree,  dependent  upon  what  should 
be  done  in  regard  to  the  proposed  university."  Bev.  Bay 
Palmer  said  "  there  was  lack  of  opportunity  for  scientific 
men  to  perfect  themselves  in  their  various  pursuits,  and  de 
sired  that  this  want  should  be  supplied  to  all  parts  of  the 
country." 

Bev.  Dr.  Wykoff  considered  that  the  first  desideratum  to 
the  establishment  of  the  institution  was  a  conviction  of  its 
importance.  When  the  souls  of  men  are  fired  up,  the  money 
will  not  be  wanting.  He  believed  that  the  proper  spirit  was 
abroad — a  feeling  that  would  redound  to  the  honor  and  ben 
efit  of  the  people,  and  that  the  work  would  be  done.  The 
enterprise  was  one  for  the  masses.  It  would  open  the  path 
of  knowledge  for  all  the  youth  in  the  land;  and,  from  the 
common  school  to  the  highest  university,  he  would  like  to 
see  our  educational  institutions  thrown  open  to  all. 

Professor  Henry  said  that  he  should  bid  the  enterprise 
"  God  speed ! "  He  deprecated  the  idea  of  attempting  to 
establish  a  university  at  a  moderate  outlay.  "  One  fitted 
for  the  wants  of  this  country  should  throw  open  its  lecture 
rooms  freely,  to  all  who  might  wish  to  avail  themselves  of 
their  advantages.  It  should  be  the  complete  development 
of  the  principle  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  our  common 
schools."  Bev.  President  Wayland  expressed  the  belief  that 
"  such  an  establishment  in  New  York  would  be  an  example, 
which,  he  believed,  would  be  followed  in  other  States.  A 
university  with  a  thousand  students  would  abundantly  sus 
tain  itself ;  and  he  thought  the  needed  expense  would  not  be 
so  great  as  some  gentlemen  anticipated." 

Did  these  gentlemen  know  any  thing  about  the  subject  of 
practical  education  in  America  ? 


THE  VOICE   OF  AGRICULTURE. 


521 


THE  VOICE  OF  AGRICULTURE. 

Said  the  lamented  Downing,  the  father  of  rural  art  in  this 
country,  in  the  last  number  which  he  edited  of  the  Horti 
culturist:  "  The  leaven  for  the  necessity  for  education  among 


The    Farmer's    Boys. 


the  industrial  classes  begin  to  work,  we  are  happy  to  per 
ceive,  in  many  parts  of  the  country."  Speaking  of  the  plan 
of  Professor  Turner,  he  said  ;  "  It  is  not  often  that  the  weak 


522  THE   GKOUNDSWELL. 

points  of  an  ordinary  collegiate  education  are  so  clearly  ex 
posed,  and  the  necessity  of  workingmen's  universities  so 
plainly  demonstrated."  This  was  in  July,  1853.  Before  the 
article  was  published  this  pre-eminent  disciple  of  his  art  was 
lost  in  the  ill-fated  steamer  Henry  Clay. 

An  editorial  in  the  North  American  (the  oldest  paper 
in  Philadelphia)  on  education  and  agriculture,  said  to  be 
written  by  Judge  Conrad,  said:  "To  secure  the  diffusion 
and  practical  application  of  agricultural  science,  it  seems 
necessary  that  it  should  be  interwoven  with  general  educa 
tion,  and  its  acquisition  made  an  object  of  early  pride  and 

animated  ambition." "  The  triumph  of  a 

republic  can  only  be  successfully  achieved  and  permanently 
enjoyed  by  a  people  the  mass  of  whom  are  an  enlightened 
yeomanry,  the  proprietors  of  the  land  they  till,  too  inde 
pendent  to  be  bought,  too  enlightened  to  be  cheated,  and  too 
powerful  to  be  crushed." 

Said  Dr.  Lee,  the  talented  editor  of  the  Southern  Culti 
vator,  the  leading  monthly  periodical  of  the  southern  plant 
ing  interest,  published  at  Augusta,  Georgia,  in  reply  to  a 
letter  inquiring  for  some  practical  agricultural  school  for  the 
sons  of  the  planters  (which  letter  he  published  as  a  "  fair 
sample  of  scores  of  similar  letters  received  every  month") : 
"  There  is  not  a  good  agricultural  school  in  the  United  States. 
The  truth  is,  the  American  people  have  yet  to  commence 
the  study  of  agriculture  as  the  combination  of  many  sciences. 
Agriculture  is  the  most  profound  and  extensive  profession 
that  the  progress  of  society  and  the  accumulation  of  knowl 
edge  have  developed.  This  is  why  the  popular  mind  is  so 
long  in  grasping  it.  Whether  we  consider  the  solid  earth 
under  our  feet,  the  invisible  atmosphere  which  we  breathe, 
the  wonderful  growth  and  decay  of  all  plants  and  animals ; 
or,  the  light,  the  heat,  the  cold,  the  electricity  of  heaven,— 


THE  VOICE   OF   AGKICULTUEE.  523 

we  contemplate  but  the  elements  of  rural  science.  The  care 
ful  investigation  of  the  laws  that  govern  all  ponderable  and 
imponderable  agents  is  the  first  step  in  the  young  farmer's 
education.  To  facilitate  his  studies,  he  needs,  as  he  pre 
eminently  deserves,  a  more  comprehensive  school  than  this 
country  now  affords." 


CHAPTER   XLVI. 


CONGRESSIONAL  ACTION  ON  INDUSTRIAL  EDU 
CATION. 


HOW  THE  AGEICULTUEAL  BILL  BECAME  A  LAW. 

From  the  time  of  the  general  awakening  on  the  subject 
of  Industrial  Education,  as  noticed  in  the  last  chapter,  the 
discussion  of  the  subject  was  kept  prominently  before  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  This  eventuated  in  the  intro 
duction  of  several  bills  into  Congress,  most  of  which  fell 
still-born.  One  of  them,  however,  successfully  ran  the 
gauntlet  of  Congressional  opposition,  only  to  be  strangled  in 
the  very  last  stages  of  law-making.  The  following  is  a 
brief  summary  of  the  matter. 

On  the  14th  of  December,  1857,  a  bill  was  introduced 
into  the  House  of  Representatives  by  Hon.  Justin  S.  Mor- 
rill,  of  Vermont,  who  was  at  that  time  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Agriculture,  to  appropriate  a  portion  of  the 
public  land  to  the  several  States  for  the  purpose  of  found 
ing  colleges  for  the  advancement  of  agricultural  and  me 
chanical  education.  Great  opposition  was  manifested  to  the 
bill  at  once,  and,  instead  of  being  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Agriculture,  where  it  should  legitimately  have  gone,  it 
was  referred  to  that  on  Public  Lands.  There  it  was  held 
four  mbnths,  when  the  Chairman  of  that  Committee,  Mr. 
Cobb,  of  Alabama,  reported  upon  it  adversely.  Notwith- 
(524) 


SOW   THE  AGRICULTURAL   BILL   BECAME   A   LAW.      525 

standing  this,  the  subject  was  earnestly  discussed  by  the 
House,  and  the  bill  finally  passed  by  a  small  majority.  The 
Senate  reached  it  in  the  winter  of  1859,  when  it  was  strongly 
advocated  by  Senators  Wade,  Harlan,  and  Stuart,  and  as 


The  Rural  Home. 


determinedly  opposed  by  Senators  Davis,  Mason,  and  Pugh. 
Subsequently,  it  was  passed  by  a  majority  of  two  and  went 
to  the  President,  Mr.  Buchanan,  who,  with  great  alacrity, 
returned  it  with  his  veto. 


526  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

The  same  bill  was  again  introduced  into  the  Senate  in. 
1862,  by  Mr.  Wade,  was  favorably  reported  by  Mr.  Harlan, 
and  was  passed  on  the  10th  of  June,  by  the  decisive  vote  of 
thirty- two  to  seven.  From  thence  the  bill  went  to  the  House 
where,  on  the  17th  of  June,  it  was  passed  by  the  equally 
decisive  vote  of  ninety  to  twenty-five.  It  was  approved  by 
President  Lincoln,  and  on  the  second  day  of  July  became  a 
law. 

So  much  has  been  said  and  argued  by  the  various  minds 
who  have  endeavored  to  interpret  this  law,  that  it  will  not 
be  out  of  place  here  to  give  this  bill,  and  the  amendment 
to  the  fifth  section  in  full,  so  that  every  reader  of  this  work 
may  judge  for  himself  what  was  the  true  intent  and  mean 
ing  of  this  act  for  the  education  of  the  masses  to  industrial 
pursuits. 

TEXT  OF  THE  ACT  OF  CONGRESS. 

AN  ACT  donating  Public  Lands,  to  the  several  States  and  Territories 

which  may  provide  Colleges  for  the   benefit  of  Agriculture  and 

the  Mechanic  Arts. 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  there  be  granted  to  the 
several  States,  for  the  purposes  hereinafter  mentioned,  an  amount  of 
public  land,  to  be  apportioned  to  each  State,  in  quantity  equal  to 
30,000  acres  for  each  Senator  and  Representative  in  Congress  to  which 
the  States  are  respectively  entitled  by  the  apportionment  under  the 
census  of  1860 :  Provided,  That  no  mineral  lands  shall  be  selected  or 
purchased  under  the  provisions  of  this  act. 

§  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  land  aforesaid,  after  being 
surveyed,  shall  be  apportioned  to  the  several  States  in  sections  or 
sub-divisions  of  sections  not  less  than  one  quarter  of  a  section ;  and 
whenever  there  are  public  lands  in  a  State,  subject  to  sale  at  private 
entry,  at  one  dollar  and  twenty-five  cents  per  acre,  the  quantity  to 
which  said  State  shall  be  entitled,  shall  be  selected  from  such  lands, 
within  the  limits  of  such  state ;  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  is 


TEXT  OF  THE  ACT  OP  CONGRESS.         527 

hereby  directed  to  issue  to  each  of  the  States,  in  which  there  is  not 
the  quantity  of  public  lands  subject  to  sale  at  private  entry,  at  one 
dollar  and  twenty-five  cents  per  acre,  to  which  said  State  may  be  en 
titled  under  the  provisions  of  this  act,  land  scrip  to  the  amount  in 
acres  for  the  deficiency  of  its  distributive  share ;  said  scrip  to  be  sold 
by  said  States,  and  the  proceeds  thereof  applied  to  the  uses  and  pur 
poses  prescribed  in  this  act,  and  for  no  other  use  and  purpose  what 
soever  :  Provided,  That  in  no  case  shall  any  State  to  which  land  scrip 
may  thus  be  issued,  be  allowed  to  locate  the  same  within  the  limits 
of  any  other  State,  or  of  any  Territories  of  the  United  States;  but 
their  assignees  may  thus  locate  said  laud  scrip,  upon  any  of  the  un 
appropriated  lands  of  the  United  States  subject  to  sale  at  private 
entry,  at  one  dollar  and  twenty-five  cents  or  less  per  acre.  And  pro 
vided  further,  That  not  more  than  one  million  acres  shall  be  located 
by  such  assignees  in  any  one  of  the  States.  And  provided  further, 
That  no  such  locations  shall  be  made  before  one  year  from  the  pas 
sage  of  this  act. 

§  3.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  the  expenses  of  management, 
sperintendence,  and  taxes  from  date  of  selection  of  said  lands  previ 
ous  to  their  sales,  and  all  expenses  incurred  in  the  management  and 
disbursement  of  the  moneys  which  may  be  received  therefrom,  shall 
be  paid  by  the  States  to  which  they  may  belong,  out  of  the  treasury 
of  said  States,  so  that  the  entire  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  said  lands 
shall  be  applied,  without  any  diminution  whatever,  to  the  purposes 
hereinafter  mentioned. 

$  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  moneys  derived  from  the 
sale  of  lands  aforesaid,  by  the  States  to  which  the  lands  are  appor 
tioned,  and  from  the  sales  of  land  scrip  hereinbefore  provided  for, 
shall  be  invested  in  stocks  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  States,  or 
some  other  safe  stocks,  yielding  not  less  than  five  per  cent,  upon  the 
par  value  of  said  stocks;  and  that  the  money  so  invested  shall  con 
stitute  a  perpetual  fund,  the  capital  of  which  shall  remain  forever 
undim hushed  (except  so  far  as  may  be  provided  in  section  fifth  of 
this  act),  and  the  interest  of  which  shall  be  inviolably  appropriated 
by  each  State,  which  may  take  and  claim  the  benefit  of  this  act,  to 
the  endowment,  support  and  maintenance  of,  at  least,  one  college, 
where  the  leading  object  shall  be,  without  excluding  other  scientific 
and  classical  studies,  and  including  military  tactics,  to  teach  such 
branches  of  learning  as  are  related  to  agriculture  and  the  mechanic 
arts,  in  such  manner  as  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  may  respec- 


528  THE  OROUNDSWELL. 

lively  prescribe,  in  order  to  promote  the  liberal  and  practical  educa 
tion  of  the  industrial  classes  in  the  several  pursuits  and  professions 
in  life. 

§  5.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  grant  of  land  and  scrip 
hereby  authorized,  shall  be  made  on  the  following  conditions,  to 
which,  as  well  as  to  the  provisions  hereinbefore  contained,  the 
previous  assent  of  the  several  States  shall  be  signified  by  legis 
lative  acts : 

First— If  any  portion  of  the  fund  invested,  as  provided  by  the 
foregoing  section,  or  any  portion  of  the  interest  thereon,  shall,  by  any 
action,  or  contingency,  be  diminished  or  lost,  it  shall  be  replaced  by 
the  State  to  which  it  belongs,  so  that  the  capital  of  the  fund  shall 
remain  forever  undiminished  ;  and  the  annual  interest  shall  be  regu 
larly  applied  without  diminution  to  the  purposes  mentioned  in  the 
fourth  section  of  this  act,  except  that  a  sum,  not  exceeding  ten  per 
centum  upon  the  amount  received  by  any  State  under  the  provisions 
of  this  act,  may  be  expended  for  the  purchase  of  lands  for  sites  or 
experimental  farms,  whenever  authorized  by  the  respective  Legisla 
tures  of  said  States. 

Second— No  portion  of  said  fund,  nor  the  interest  thereon,  shall  bo 
applied,  directly  or  indirectly,  under  any  pretense  whatever,  to  the 
purchase,  erection,  preservation,  or  repair  of  any  building  or 
buildings. 

Third— Any  State  which  may  take  and  claim  the  benefit  of  the 
provisions  of  this  act,  shall  provide,  within  five  years,  at  least  not  less 
than  one  college,  as  prescribed  in  the  fourth  section  of  this  act,  or  the 
grant  to  such  State  shall  cease ;  and  said  State  shall  be  bound  to  pay 
the  United  States  the  amount  received  of  any  lands  previously  sold, 
and  that  the  title  to  purchasers  under  the  State  shall  be  valid. 

Fourth— An  annual  report  shall  be  made  regarding  the  progress  of 
each  college,  recording  any  improvements  and  experiments  made, 
with  their  cost  and  results,  and  such  other  matters,  including  State 
industrial  and  economical  statistics,  as  may  be  supposed  useful ;  one 
copy  of  which  shall  be  transmitted  by  mail  free,  by  each,  to  all  the 
other  colleges  which  may  be  endowed  under  the  provisions  of  this 
act,  and  also  one  copy  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 

Fifth— When  lands  shall  be  selected  from  those  which  have 
been  raised  to  double  the  minimum  price  in  consequence  of  rail 
road  grants,  they  shall  be  computed  to  the  States  at  the  maximum 
,  and  the  number  of  acres  proportionally  diminished. 


AMENDMENT  TO  THIS  ACT.  529 


Sixth  —  No  State,  while  in  a  condition  of  rebellion  or  insurrection 
against  the  government  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  entitled  to 
the  benefits  of  this  act. 

Seventh.  No  state  shall  be  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  this  act,  unless 
it  shall  express  its  acceptance  thereof  by  its  legislature  within  two 
years  from  the  date  of  the  approval  by  the  President. 

§  6.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  land  scrip  issued  under  the 
provision  of  this  act,  shall  not  be  subject  to  location  until  after  the 
first  day  of  January,  1863. 

§  7.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  land  officers  shall  receive  the 
same  fee  for  locating  land  scrip  issued  under  the  provisions  of  this 
act,  as  is  now  allowed  for  the  location  of  military  bounty  laud  war 
rants  under  existing  laws.  Provided,  Their  maximum  compensation 
shall  not  be  thereby  increased. 

§  8.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  Governors  of  the  several 
States  to  which  scrip  shall  be  issued  under  this  act,  shall  be  required 
to  report  annually  to  Congress  all  sales  made  of  such  scrip  until  the 
whole  shall  be  disposed  of,  the  amount  received  for  the  same,  and 
what  appropriation  has  been  made  of  the  proceeds. 

Approved  July  2,  1862. 


THE  AMENDMENT  TO  THIS  ACT. 

AN  ACT  to  amend  the  fifth  section  of  an  act  entitled  "  An  act  do 
nating  public  lands  to  the  several  States  and  Territories  which  may 
provide  Colleges  for  the  benefit  of  Agriculture  and  the  Mechanic 
Arts,"  approved  July  two,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-two,  so  as 
to  extend  the  time  within  which  the  provisions  of  said  act  shall  be 
accepted  and  such  colleges  established. 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  time  in  which  the 
several  States  may  comply  with  the  provisions  of  the  act  of  July 
two,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-two,  entitled  "An  act  donating 
public  lands  to  the  several  States  and  Territories  which  may  provide 
colleges  for  the  benefit  of  agriculture  and  the  mechanic  arts,"  is 
hereby  extended  so  that  the  acceptance  of  the  benefits  of  said  act 
may  be  expressed  within  three  years  from  the  passage  of  this  act, 
and  the  colleges  required  by  the  said  act  may  be  provided  within. 
23 


530 


THE  GROUNDSWELL. 


five  years  from  the  date  of  the  filing  of  such  acceptance  with  the 
commissioner  of  the  general  land  office.  Provided,  That  when  any 
Territory  shall  become  a  State,  and  be  admitted  into  the  Union,  such 
new  State  shall  be  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  the  said  act  of  July 
two,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-two,  by  expressing  the  acceptance 
therein  required  within  three  years  from  the  date  of  its  admission 
into  the  Union,  and  providing  the  college  or  colleges  within  five 
years  after  such  acceptance,  as  prescribed  in  this  act.  Provided,  fur 
ther,  That  any  State  which  has  heretofore  expressed  its  acceptance 
of  the  act  herein  referred  to,  shall  have  the  period  of  live  years 
within  which  to  provide  at  least  one  college,  as  described  in  the 
fourth  section  of  said  act,  after  the  time  for  providing  said  college, 
according  to  the  act  of  July  second,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty* 
two,  shall  have  expired. 
Approved  July  23,  I860. 


DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  LAS DS  TO  THE  SEVERAL  STATES. 

The  following  table,  from  the  Report  of  the  Department 
of  Agriculture,  for  1867,  shows  the  number  of  acres  which 
should  fall  to  each  State  under  the  law,  with  other  facts  of 
value  for  future  reference  : 


u 

P. 

ft 

1  . 

~« 

g 

<£a 

STATES. 

*« 

Or-; 

co 
c 

'i 

«| 

:! 

Designation    and   location 
of  College. 

I5 

o 

ft 

p 

240  000 

Arkansas  .... 

fj 

150,000 

I 

California  .  

,-, 

150,000 

March  si,  1866  March  si,  isefi 

Agricultural,  Mining,  and 

Mechanic  Art*  College. 

Connecticut  

<) 

180,000 

June      24,  1863;June      24,  1863 

SliHlield  Scientific  School  fj 
Yale  College,  New  Haver-.. 

3 

<>0  000 

Feb.        17    18f>7  Marrh    14.  1S67 

Delaware     State     College, 

Newark. 

Florida 

3 

Georgia  
Illinois 

16 

270,000 
480,000 

Illinois  Industrial  Univer 
sitv,  Urbana,  Champaign 

Jan.      25,  1867 

Feb.      28,  1867 

County. 

Indiana  

13 

390,000 

March    6,  1865 

Indiana  Agricultural   Col 
lege. 

Iowa  

8 

240,000 

Sept.      11,  1862 

March  29,  1866 

State  Agricultural  College 
and    Farm,  Ames,   Story 

Couutv. 

Kansas  

1 

90000 

Feb.         8,  1863 

Feb.       16,  1863 

State  Agricultural  College, 

Manhattan. 

DISTRIBUTION  OF  LANDS  TO  THE  SEVERAL  STATES.     531 


STATES. 

1 

Acres  in  Scrip. 

2 

<A 
P 

& 

ci 

v-  2 
°S 
•£ 

r 

Designation    and    location 
of  College. 

11 

12 

8 
4 

11 
3 
3 
5 

7 

33 
9 
21 
3 
26 

4 

6 
10 
6 
5 

10 
5 

8 
317 

330,000 

210,000 
210,000 

210,000 
360,000 

240,000 
120,000 

210,000 
330.000 
90,000 
90,000 
150,000 

210,000 

990,000 
270,000 
6:50,000 
90,000 
780,000 

120,000 

180,000 
300,000 
180.001 
150,000 

300,000 
150,000 

240,000 

Jan.      27,  1863 

Feb.       22,  1865 

Agricultural  and  Mechan 
ical     College     ^Kentucky 
University),  Lexington. 

State  College  of  Agricultu 
ral    and    Mechanic   Arts, 
Orono. 
State  Agricultural  College, 
Hyutrsville. 
Massachusetts  Institute  of 
Technology,  Boston. 
Massachusetts    Agricultu 
ral  College.  Amherst. 
State  Agricultural  College, 
Lansing. 
Agricultural      College      of 
Minnesota,     with     State 
University,  St.  Paul. 

New  Hampshire  College   of 
Agriculture    (Dartmouth 
College),  Hanover. 
Rutgers'    Scientific   School 
and      Rutgers'      College, 
New  Brunswick. 
Cornell  University,  Ithaca. 

Agricultural      College     of 
Pennsylvania,      Center 
County. 
Scientific  School  of  Brown 
University,  Providence. 

University  of  Vermont  and 
State    Agricultural    Col 
lege,  Burlington. 

Agricultural    College   of 
West   Virginia,   Morgan- 
town. 

University     of     Wisconsin 
(College  of  Arts),   Madi 
son. 

March  25,  1863 
Jan.      24,  1864 
1£63 

Feb.       25,  ISrtf. 

,  1856 

Massachusetts  .... 

Michigan  
Minnesota  

Mississippi  

("April  10,1861 
(.  April  29,  1863 

March  18,  1863 
January,    1868 

Feb.       25,  1863 
March    2,  1865 

March    9,  1865 
July        9,  1863 

March  21,  1863 
May       14,  1863 

New  Hampshire... 
New  Jersey  

July        9,  1666 
April      4,  1864 
April     27,  1865 

New  York  
North  Carolina.... 
Ohio 

April      5s,  isft'i 
October  9,  1862 
May        1,  1863 

Jan.       23,1863 

Oregon  
Pennsylvania  

.Rhode  Island  

South  Carolina  
Tennessee  

April     13,  1854 

Vermont  

NOT.      11,  1863 

NOT.      22,  1864 

West  Virginia  
Wisconsin  

Oct.         3,  1863 
April       2,  1862 

Feb.        7,1867 
April     12,  1866 

Total  

9,510,000 

From  the  foregoing  table  it  will  be  seen  that  a  large  ma 
jority  of  the  States  have,  nominally  at  least,  availed  them 
selves  of  the  benefits  of  the  act  of  Congress.  It  is  greatly 
to  be  regretted  that  the  measures  contemplated  by  the  fram- 
ers  of  the  law  have  been,  in  many  cases,  carried  out  so  im 
perfectly,  or  not  at  all. 


OHAPTEB   XLVII. 
AGRICULTURAL    COLLEGE    EDUCATION. 


ITS  SCOPE  AND  AIM. 

It  is  a  fair  presumption  that  Agricultural  Schools  were 
intended  to  benefit  the  present  as  well  as  the  future  farmer. 
To  secure  either  of  these  ends,  constant  series  of  experi 
ments  must  be  carried  on.  'The  professors,  also,  should  be 
men  of  more  than  ordinarily  broad  and  comprehensive 
minds  and  acute  faculties,  for  the  reason  that  they  have  not 
simply  one  science  to  deal  with,  but  many.  It  is  their  prov 
ince  to  investigate  as  well  as  to  teach.  They  should  be 
working  professors,  who  in  the  field  can  elucidate  what 
they  have  taught  in  the  halls  or  laboratory.  If  this  com 
bination  of  faculties  can  not  always  be  found,  then  the 
working  professors  must  take  the  students  just  where  the 
theoretical  one  left  them;  and  this,  day  by  day.  The  farm 
is  the  laboratory  where  problems  propounded  in  the  halls 
must  be  worked  out.  The  soil  is  nature's  great  laboratory 
where  the  elements  are  formed  into  grass,  timber,  grain, 
vegetables,  fruits,  fibers,  and  flowers.  So  also  the  ani 
mals  of  the  farm  are  laboratories  for  the  conversion  of 
grass,  grain,  vegetables,  etc.,  into  flesh  for  the  sustenance 
of  man. 

Agriculture  consists  primarily  of  chemical  changes  and 
transformations  which  result  in  elaborating  from  the  ele- 
(532) 


ONE  GREAT  MISTAKE,  533 

merits,  through  the  medium  of  the  soil,  all  the  varied  and 
wonderful  vegetable  wealth  that  clothes  the  earth,  from  the 
minute  lichen  upon  the  bare  rock  to  the  giant  monarch  of 
the  forest  which  slowly  accumulates  its  structure  through 
decades  of  centuries.  The  farmer  assists  nature  in  these 
transformations,  by  such  mechanical  means  as  he  may  be 
able  to  employ.  Scientific  agriculture  should  go  still  further. 
It  should  teach  why  certain  conditions  were  necessary  and 
how  produced.  This  is  what  makes  the  difference  between 
the  farmer  and  agriculturist.  The  farmer  knows  how,  by 
mechanical  effort,  under  favorable  influences,  he  may  pro 
duce  crops.  The  agriculturist  seeks  to  know  why  certain 
causes  produce  favorable  or  unfavorable  results,  in  order 
that  he  may  increase  the  one  or  guard  against  the  other. 
This  knowledge  has  made  a  Colling,  a  Bakewell,  a  Buel,  a 
Meehan,  and  many  other  self-educated  men.  They,  how 
ever,  bear  no  greater  proportion  to  the  masses  than  the  great 
oak  does  to  the  various  trees  of  the  forest.  "We  need  this 
class  of  minds  in  our  agricultural  colleges,  to  develop  the 
practical  application  of  science  to  agriculture. 

ONE  GREAT  MISTAKE. 

One  of  the  great  mistakes  which  has  been  made  in  car 
rying  out  the  details  of  this  "  new  education  "  consists  in 
attempting  to  cover  too  much  ground,  either  by  making  the 
agricultural  schools  a  part  and  parcel  of  a  great  university 
course  already  provided,  or  seeking  to  erect  those  newly 
founded  into  great  universities.  The  agriculturist  wants  to 
know  something  of  many  things,  but  it  is  folly  to  suppose 
that,  in  order  to  acquire  this  certain  knowledge,  he  must 
follow  out  the  science  relating  to  a  co-ordinate  study  in  its 
most  abstruse  bearings  or  minuter  details. 


534  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

A  single  example  will  illustrate  our  meaning.  Of  the 
commoner  insects  there  are  between  two  hundred  and  three 
hundred  varieties  noxious  or  beneficial  to  vegetation.  The 
farmer  should  be  conversant  with  these,  and  should  learn 
their  history  and  habits,  the  means  for  the  destruction  of  the 
first  and  the  manner  of  increasing  and  protecting  the  second, 
etc.  Under  the  old  system,  the  student  must  learn  all  about 
the  infinite  orders,  families,  and  sub-families  that  compose 
insect  life,  in  order  to  acquire  what  he  wants.  To  follow  out 
this  idea,  life  would  be  too  short  to  get  even  a  "  smattering 
of  agriculture,"  and  hence  the  disrepute  into  which  the  sys 
tem  has  fallen. 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  these  insects,  destructive  or  bene 
ficial  to  vegetation,  were  thoroughly  classified,  and  their  his 
tory  and  habits  presented  as  far  as  known,  with  natural 
specimens  properly  arranged  in  cases,  the  student  would 
soon  acquire  a  correct  knowledge  of  all  that  would  be  neces 
sary  for  him  to  know  of  entomology.  Similar  principles 
should  govern  the  other  sciences — at  least  in  the  case  of  the 
student  of  two,  three,  or  four  years.  The  knowledge  in  the 
various  sciences  pertaining  to  agriculture  should  be  con 
densed,  so  that  the  student  expecting  soon  to  return  to  the 
farm  might  work  directly  towards  the  end  sought;  while 
his  "chum,"  who  is  aiming  to  make  scientific  pursuits  his 
profession  for  life,  either  as  a  teacher  or  writer,  might 
climb  and  explore  science  after  science  at  will.  The  farmer, 
of  course,  though  less  profoundly  versed  in  mere  technics, 
might  still  keep  pace  with  the  new  discoveries  in  his  profes 
sion  by  a  judicious  system  of  reading. 

PRACTICAL  EDUCATION   TO  AGRICULTURE. 

The  ability  of  a  business  man  is  demonstrated  by  his 
success  in  performing  a  given  piece  of  work  himself,  or  iu 


PRACTICAL   EDUCATION   TO  AGRICULTURE.  535 

hiring  and  managing  the  proper  workmen  to  carry  out  the 
details,  the  principal  himself  knowing,  when  finished,  whether 
it  be  well,  or  illy  done.  More  failures  are  made  in  life  for 
want  of  a  proper  education  to  business,  than  from  any  other 
known  cause.  If  there  be  any  science  in  a  man's  or  woman's 
occupation  (and  there  is  science  even  in  turning  a  spade  full 
of  earth),  he  or  she  will  be  successful,  with  due  industry, 
just  in  proportion  as  the  principles  of  this  science  are  un 
derstood.  The  merchant  generally  acquires  liis  knowledge 
of  the  laws  underlying  his  profession  after  he  leaves  his 
clerkship,  and  too  often  through  gross  mistakes,  which,  lead 
ing  to  failure,  make  him  begin  anew.  It  is,  therefore,  the 
province  of  mercantile  schools  and  business  colleges  so  to 
instruct  the  student  that  he  will  understand  business  prin 
ciples  and  usages.  So  of  all  schools  of  technology.  Why 
not,  then,  the  same  with  the  farmer? 

The  difference  between  practical  and  theoretical  education, 
is  that  the  first  begins  just  where  the  other  leaves  off.  The 
practical  education  of  the  physician  begins  in  the  lecture 
and  dissecting  rooms  and  in  the  laboratory.  This  is  con 
tinued,  as  he  goes  along,  all  through  life,  and  until  death 
overtakes  him.  The  farmer,  like  the  physician,  has  to  prac 
tically  educate  himself,  and,  like  the  physician,  never  ceases 
to  learn  while  life  lasts. 

Agricultural  colleges  should  be  so  organized  and  equipped 
that  the  student  may  there  investigate  the  useful  subjects 
which  he  has  no  proper  facilities  for  doing  on  the  farm,  and 
also  examine  and  compare  each  year's  experiments,  and  note 
their  results. 

The  ordinary  farmer  is  not  able  to  give  his  children  more 
than  one,  two,  or  three  years  of  scientific  education.  In 
this  time  the  student  should  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the 
nature  and  composition  of  soils,  and  of  the  economy  of  animal 


536  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

and  vegetable  life;  should  investigate  the  effects  produced 
upon  soils  by  mechanical  means,  such  as  deep  and  shallow, 
trench,  and  sub-soil  plowing;  should  study  the  benefits  of 
thorough  drainage  and  other  methods  of  working  the  soil ; 
should  master  the  principles  of  a  proper  rotation  of  crops; 
should  store  his  mind  with  information  relative  to  the  appli 
cation  of  special  manures  to  certain  crops,  and  the  like 
practical  details,  etc.,  etc. 

THE  STUDY  OF  CHEMISTRY,  PHYSIOLOGY,  AND  OTHER 
SPECIALTIES. 

The  agricultural  student  will  also  need  some  knowledge 
of  the  chemical  changes  which  soils  undergo  through  various 
agencies  other  than  the  disintegration  of  rocks ;  as,  for  in 
stance,  the  effects  of  a  top-dressing  of  mulch  or  manure  as 
compared  with  a  similar  application  that  is  plowed  under, 
and  where  one  would  be  beneficial  and  the  other  hurtful ;  and 


The  Stock-breeder's  Museum. 


the  certain  effects  of  fall  and  spring  plowing  on  different 
soils — when  and  where  to  be  practiced,  andwhen  not.  As  a, 
stock  breeder,  he  will  need  to  acquaint  himself  with  the 
different  breeds  of  horses,  cattle,  sheep,  swine,  etc.;  the  re 
sults  of  their  various  crosses  and  grades ;  their  adaptability 
to  various  uses  and  conditions ;  their  diseases  and  the  proper 
remedies  therefor ;  the  proper  methods  of  breeding,  rearing, 


THE   STUDY   OF   CHEMISTRY,    PHYSIOLGY,  ETC.          537 

sheltering,  and  fitting  them  for  market;  and  with  farm 
structures,  fences  and  fencing  materials.  In  vegetable 
economy  the  student  should  understand  as  much  as  possible 
of  the  nature  and  growth  of  plants;  their  botanical  charac 
teristics,  including  variation  and  varieties ;  the  adaptability 
of  various  plants  to  certain  climates,  with  the  proper  means 
for  acclimatization,  etc.,  etc.  He  should  study  entomology, 
so  far  as  it  concerns  insects  beneficial  or  injurious  to  vegeta 
tion,  and  mineralogy  and  geology  so  far  as  they  relate  to 
soil.  So  with  other  subjects.  The  student  should  pursue 
them  to  the  bounds  within  which  they  pertain  to  his  profes 
sion,  but  no  further  than  this,  if  he  wishes  to  put  to  practical 
every-day  use  on  the  farm  simply  the  knowledge  he  has 
acquired. 


Feeding  the  Lamb.  " 

The  education  of  girls  should  differ  from  that  of  boys  in 
its  practical  bearing.     This  is  really  one  of  the  most  vital 
questions  of  the  day.     Girls  should  be  educated  with  refer 
ence  to  their  duties  as  wives  and  mothers  as  well  as  to  the 
28* 


538  THE  GEOUNDSWELL. 

economics  of  the  household.  They  should  be  well  versed  in 
pomology,  floriculture,  bee-keeping,  the  care  of  poultry,  and 
other  light  and  suitable  branches  of  agriculture.  They 
should  understand  the  chemical  and  other  changes  which 
milk  undergoes  during  its  manufacture  into  butter  and 
cheese.  They  should  understand  structural  botany,  vege 
table  physiology,  and  the  various  other  studies  that  would 
enable  them  in  after  life  to  become  true  counselors  and  part 
ners  in  all  that  pertains  to  farm  life. 

PRACTICAL  EDUCATION  NEED  NOT  BE  RESTRICTED  OR 

SORDID. 

A  practical  education,  then,  is  what  the  farmer  needs. 
But  need  it,  therefore,  be  an  ignoble,  sordid  training,  whose 
only  end  is  to  fit  him  the  better  to  grapple  with  the  ever- 
recurring  problems  of  dollars  and  cents?  By  no  means. 
On  the  contrary,  it  should  be,  and  it  may  be,  such  as  shall 

expand  his  faculties  and  ennoble 
his  whole  being,  lifting  him  up 
to  a  plane  of  intelligence  where 
he  can  behold,  with  appreciative 
eye,  the  miracles  which  Nature's 
hand  is  working  out  on  every 
side;  where  he  must  first  won 
der,  then  by  degrees  begin  to  un 
derstand  and  perpetually  admire; 
where,  if  of  a  devout  mind,  he 


- 

""''  will  soon  learn  to  "look  from  Na- 

"  Nature's     Miracles    on  -.-..  ,      ~     ,  ,, 

Every  side."  ture  up  to  Nature  s  God. 

Is  this  the  kind  of  education  which  our  farmers'  sons  and 
daughters  are  being  furnished,  in  most  of  our  common 
schools,  to-day?  Let  us  examine  this  point.  How  many  are 


THE  VOICE   OF   AGRICULTURE.  539 

there  who  know  the  power  which  water  has  exerted  in  the 
earth's  history,  and  still  exerts  upon  the  farm  every  day? 
that  by  its  action  all  our  stratified  rocks  were  formed  ?  that 
to  its  solvent  power  and  chemical  action  we  owe  our  useful 
minerals  and  our  metallic  deposits  ?  that  it  is  the  great  me 
chanical  power  in  nature  ?  that  it  has  moved  mountains  and 
filled  valleys  through  its  glacial  action  ?  or  that  through  its 
agency  our  most  fertile  soils  have  been  deposited  over  vast, 
areas  ? 

Again,  how  many  know  that  the  sun  is  the  real,  moving  life- 
power  upon  the  earth,  and  that  through  the  action  of  its  rays 
upon  water  we  have  dew,  clouds,  fogs,  rain,  snow,  and  frost  ? 
How  many  know  that  the  crystalline  rocks  at  the  earth's 
surface  contain  a  greater  quantity  of  water  than  all  the  seas 
and  rivers  of  the  globe ;  that  if  the  conditions  surrounding  us 
should  change  so  that  the  earth  would  absorb  only  four  thou 
sandths  of  one  per  cent,  of  water  more  than  it  now  contains, 
the  ocean  would  disappear,  and  we  should  lose  not  only  our 
moisture,  but  the  atmosphere  itself?  How  many  compre 
hend  that  it  is  the  sun,  after  all,  which  is  the  great  master 
power  that  moves  all  on  earth,  water  being  only  the  agent? 

Now,  the  student  in  agriculture  should  understand,  for 
instance,  how  the  agency  of  water  is  exerted  for  the  benefit 
of  the  farmer ;  but  it  is  not  necessary  that  he  should  know 
every  thing  which  science  teaches  about  water  in  all  its 
forms  and  phases.  Life  is  too  short  for  such  all-embracing 
investigations. 

Truly,  we  live  in  a  realm  of  wonders.  Nature's  silent  oper 
ations  on  the  farm  are  a  succession  of  miracles,  until  we 
understand  the  laws  by  which  she  works.  Then  they  become 
to  our  wondering  minds  as  simple  as  they  are  beautiful,  even 
in  their  vastness  and  complexity.  The  number  of  tons  of 
water  raised  by  an  acre  of  corn,  during  its  summer's  growth, 


54.0 


THE   GROUNBSWELL. 


is  simply  marvelous.  How  many  farmers  understand  the 
processes  by  which  it  is  accomplished,  or  can  realize  the 
immense  measure  of  force  and  energy  expended  by  nature  in 
producing  his  twenty  to  fifty  bushels  of  corn  per  acre  ?  How 
many  appreciate  the  important  fact  that  it  is  in  his  power  to 
assist  nature  in  economizing  a  portion  of  this  vast  force,  by 
enabling  her  to  produce  ten,  twenty,  thirty  bushels  more 
of  grain  per  acre  than  his  land  now  yields?  Hardly  one  in 
a  thousand;  and  why?  Simply  because  they  have  never 
been  educated  to  their  calling— have  never  been  taught  to 
use  their  senses  aright;  to  store  their  minds  with  useful, 
expansive  knowledge;  or  to  reason  from  cause  to  effect,  and 
from  effect  back  to  cause. 

"IN  THE  SWEAT  OF  THY  BROW." 

Since  ninety-nine  out  of  every  one  hundred  men  and 
women  have  to  earn  their  living  by  actual  labor,  is  it  not 
better  that  they  know  something  about  that  business  in  its 
several  departments,  rather  than  to  know  all  about  some  one 
particular  department?  It  is  this  knowing  something  of 
many  things  that  makes  the  practical  man  ;  the  knowing  all 
about  some  one  or  two  special  things,  the  scholar.  This 
knowledge  comes  slowly,  as  gray  hairs  grow,  to  a  thinking 
man.  What  we  want  is  to  hasten  the  ripening  of  this  prac 
tical  knowledge  among  the  masses,  through  schools  especially 
devoted  to  the  departments  of  science  relating  to  agricul 
ture  and  other  industrial  pursuits. 

A  man  may  be  a  good  chemist  and  botanist ;  may  under 
stand  the  anatomy  and  structure  of  animals,  with  their 
diseases  and  the  remedies  necessary  to  their  cure;  may 
understand  the  nature  and  composition  of  soils — all  these 
without  being  a  farmer;  nevertheless,  if  a  farmer,  he  can  not 
have  studied  the  several  branches  in  their  bearings  upon 


"IN  THE  SWEAT  OF  THY   BROW."  541 

agriculture  without  being  a  much  better  one  therefor. 
Afterward,  if  he  chooses  to  make  a  specialty  of  any  one  of 
the  sciences,  what  should  hinder?  He  has  the  foundation 
to  work  on,  if  he  so  desire.  On  the  other  hand,  those  whose 
means  might  allow  them  to  spend  a  longer  time  would  nec 
essarily  want  a  different  curriculum.  To  the  one  class  of 
students  the  classics  would  not  be  beneficial;  to  the  other, 
they  would  be  necessary,  as  enabling  them  to  pursue  their 
higher  studies  more  surely. 

I  believe  the  time  is  coming  when  our  industrial  schools 
and  agricultural  colleges  will  begin  to  educate  just  where 
the  other  schools  leave  off;  that  is,  if  the  student  comes  for 
from  one  to  four  years,  with  an  ordinary  English  education 
to  begin  with,  he  will  be  pushed  in  those  branches  that  will 
make  it  possible  for  him  as  an  agriculturist,  to  comprehend 
science  enough  to  enable  him  to  work  understandingly,  and 
still  pursue  his  studies  by  a  course  of  reading  thereafter. 
Meanwhile,  the  life  student  in  agriculture  having  time, 
brains,  and  means  to  take  a  higher  and  wider  range,  will 
climb  from  science  to  science,  and  become  in  turn  a  teacher 
to  others. 

It  is  for  some  such  system  as  this  that  the  life-long  work 
ers  in  organizing  Education  to  the  Industries  have  been 
insisting.  Have  they  succeeded  ?  Only  in  a  measure.  But 
let  us  be  thankful  for  what  we  have  gained,  and  still  press 
forward. 

By  the  system  that  I  have  outlined  there  will  be  trained 
an  army  of  students,  who,  when  they  have  finished  their 
education,  instead  of  despising  the  labors  of  the  farm,  will 
glory  in  the  fulfillment  of  the  great  command — far  less  a 
curse  than  blessing — which  says,  "  In  the  sweat  of  thy  brow 
shalt  thou  eat  thy  bread."  Theirs,  also,  will  be  the  power 
to  gain  a  juster  appreciation  of  the  power  and  majesty  of 


542  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

nature  in  her  manifold  workings;  a  boon  denied  to  those 
whose  aspirations  rise  no  higher  than  the  mere  drudgery 
of  labor,  where  all  are  the  abject  slaves  of  toil,  and  the 
whole  of  life  consists  of  one  dull,  ever-recurring  routine  of 
eating,  drinking,  working,  and  sleeping. 

THE  FUTURE  OF  INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION. 

While  it  is  altogether  right  for  the  people  to  demand 
that  the  schools  specially  endowed  for  education  to  the  in 
dustries  shall  accomplish  some  good  to  the  present  gener 
ation,  and  to  the  masses  in  that  immediately  succeeding 
ours,  and  while  they  not  only  ask,  but  continue  to  insist 
upon  this,  they  will  not  deny  as  high  educational  facilities 
to  the  Agricultural  Colleges  as  exist  anywhere  else  on  the 
broad  earth.  They  do  well  not  to  compromise  the  claim 
that  this  new  education,  which  advanced  educators  and  the 
press  have  said  would  revolutionize  the  world,  shall  be  car 
ried  out  faithfully  to  its  legitimate  results. 

The  future  of  industrial  education  must  be  that  the 
student  shall  be  made  as  thorough  as  possible,  in  the  rudi 
ments  that  shall  best  assist  him  in  after  life  to  earn  his 
broad,  by  the  application  of  certain  knowledge  pertaining 
to  the  particular  industry  which  he  follows.  The  accom 
plishment  of  this  end  must  be  one  of  the  persistent  objects 
aimed  at  in  the  movement  now  in  progress  to  disenthrall 
the  masses  from  the  power  of  monopolies. 

Since  the  act  of  Congress  granting  lands  for  the  endow 
ment  of  Agricultural  Colleges,  we  have  seen  the  persistence 
with  which  existing  colleges  have  sought  to  absorb  this  fund, 
that  the  power  might  remain  with  themselves.  They  have 
told  wild  stories  that  science,  if  not  tempered  with  the  old 
dogmas,  would  overturn  society  and  bring  the  earth  back 


THE   FUTURE   OF   INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION.  543 

again  to  the  darkness  of  paganism,  forgetting  that  true 
science  conflicts  with  no  law  that  is  capable  of  demonstra 
tion,  but  only  attacks  and  demolishes  the  weak  dogmas  of 
mere  theorists.  They  have  stated  that  scientists  were  infi 
dels,  when  the  fact  is  that  the  true  scientist  is  nearly  always 
a  firm,  unwavering  believer  in  the  One  Great  Cause,  the 
Supreme  Euler  of  the  Universe,  fashioning  its  materials 
through  the  operation  of  uniform,  undeviating  law,  directing 
its  infinity  of  operations,  and  controlling  all  things  "  in  the 
heavens  above  and  the  earth  beneath,  and  the  water  that  is 
under  the  earth." 


CHAPTEK    XLVIII. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  PROF.  J.  B.  TURNER. 


EARLY  STRUGGLES. 

The  mere  politician  lives  upon  the  excitement  of  public 
life,  and  the  spoils  of  office.  The  feats  of  the  warrior  are 
blazoned  over  the  land,  as  though  he  was  something  to  be 
worshiped.  To  his  memory  lofty  monuments  are  erected, 
which  ultimately  crumble  to  dust,  or  are  demolished  by  the 
chance  of  war,  or  accident.  The  real  benefactors  of  their 
race  too  often  live  only  in  the  green  memories  of  their  fellows. 

JONATHAN  BALDWIN  TURNER,  the  "  wheel-horse  of  In 
dustrial  Education,"  like  many  other  of  our  best  men,  was 
born  on  a  farm,  and  reared  to  a  practical  familiarity  with  the 
routine  of  daily  toil.  In  his  youth,  inured  to  patient  effort, 
and  the  exacting  labors  of  the  farm,  he  acquired  those  hab 
its  of  self-denial  and  self-reliance  that  have  since  enabled 
him  to  successfully  battle  with  the  world,  and  acquire  a 
wide-spread  and  powerful  influence  for  good  among  his  fel 
low-men. 

At  college,  where  he  educated  himself  by  the  results  of 
his  own  labor,  he  early  gained  high  distinction  as  a  classical 
scholar,  but  especially  excelled  in  mathematics.  He  soon 
ranked  with  the  very  foremost  among  the  students  as  a 
writer  and  thinker.  His  determined  energy,  originality  of 
mind,  and  vigorous  thought,  thus  early  gave  promise  of  his 
useful  and  illustrious  future. 
(544) 


EARLY  STRUGGLES. 


545 


Professor  J.  B.  Turner, 


546  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 


PROFESSOR  AT  ILLINOIS  COLLEGE. 

Leaving  college,  he  became  a  teacher ;  endearing  himself 
to  his  associates"  by  his  uniform  courtesy  and  earnestness; 
making  fast  friends,  whose  love  and  respect  he  retains  to 
this  day,  in  addition  to  many  substantial  testimonials  of 
their  fraternal  and  lasting  regard. 

But  his  energies  were  not  destined  to  be  spent  among  the 
hills  of  his  beloved  New  England.  The  love  of  a  pioneer 
life,  contracted  in  youth,  led  him,  in  1832,  to  emigrate  to 
Illinois,  where  he  was  soon  chosen  one  of  the  professors  of 
Illinois  College;  in  which  position  he  continued  for  fifteen 
years,  when,  at  length,  his  incessant  labors,  and  the  con 
troversy  of  opinions  respecting  practical  education  and  free 
dom  of  thought,  undermined  his  health,  and  he  was  compell 
ed  to  resign  his  professorship. 

Those  of  his  many  friends  who  were  conversant  with  his 
clear  perception  and  logical  mind  urged  him  to  undertake 
the  law  as  a  profession ;  but  Providence  had  a  broader  field 
and  nobler  work  in  reserve  for  him  as  an  educator  of  the 
masses  at  large.  His  honest  mind  was  constantly  revolv 
ing  some  project  by  which  he  could  ameliorate  the  condition 
of  his  fellows,  scattered,  as  yet,  at  wide  intervals  over  the 
broad  and  luxuriant  prairies  of  Illinois.  His  instincts,  for 
tunately  for  the  children  of  the  State,  led  him  back  to  the 
labors  of  the  farm.  Since  that  time  he  has  been  steadily 
engaged  in  the  various  duties  of  his  farm,  garden,  orchard, 
and  vineyard. 

As  early  as  1833,  he  lectured  in  various  towns  of  the 
State,  to  awaken  an  interest  in  education  through  the  found 
ing  of  common  schools,  urging,  with  all  the  strength  of  his 
mind,  the  necessity  of  a  permanent  system  while  yet  the 


THE  OSAGE  ORANGE  AS  A  HEDGE  PLANT.  547 

State  was  in  its  infancy.  To  his  utterance  of  these  forcible 
truths,  the  people  of  Illinois  are  largely  indebted  for  the 
comprehensive  system  of  common  schools  that  is  now  the 
pride  of  the  State,  and  the  power  which  has  carried  it  for 
ward,  and  made  its  men  and  women  foremost  in  the  land  in 
resisting  the  encroachments  of  tyranny,  of  whatsoever  kind. 

THE  INTRODUCER  OF  THE  OSAGE  ORANGE  FOR 
HEDGE  PURPOSES. 

Thus  engaged,  he  traversed,  day  by  day,  these  broad  prai 
ries  that  wanted  only  timber  to  make  them  the  paradise  of 
the  farmer.  Not  a  habitation  was  to  be  seen  except  at 
long  intervals,  when  some  skirt  of  timber  enabled  the  hardy 
pioneer  to  procure  logs  for  his  cabin,  and  rails  for  his  first 
corn-patch.  Dug-outs,  cabins  built  of  sod,  were  a  make-shift 
then  unknown.  It  required  the  still  greater  lack  of  timber 
of  the  country  then  called  the  "  Great  American  Desert," 
but  now  the  fertile  fields  and  smiling  homesteads  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska,  to  suggest  this  idea. 

Thus  journeying  from  town  to  town  in  the  good  cause  of 
education,  his  practical  mind  was  ever  asking  the  question : 
"What  can  public  schools  do  for  families  thus  situated?" 
Schools  could  not  flourish  without  compact  settlements ;  set 
tlements  could  not  be  organized  without  something  to  fence 
fields  with.  The  "no-fence"  law  was  not  then  in  vogue, 
and  the  herding  of  cattle  away  from  the  fields  of  grain  was 
not  yet  practiced.  Mr.  Turner  at  once  set  himself  to  experi 
menting,  and,  after  spending  an  immense  amount  of  time 
and  trouble,  fixed  upon  the  Osage  Orange  as  the  plant  that 
could  be  most  easily  made  available  for  hedging  purposes. 
To  this  he  adhered  with  all  the  tenacity  of  his  nature, 
through  good  and  evil  fortune,  till  at  length  "  Turner's  folly," 


548  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

as  the  unbelieving  had  christened  it,  became  a  great  fact. 
Some  of  those  same  scoffers  immediately  set  about  dividing 
the  honor  of  introducing  it.  But  that  honor  belongs  to 
Professor  Turner  alone.  It  is  a  pleasant  fact  to  chronicle, 
that  this,  and  other  labors,  have  secured  Mr.  Turner  an 
ample  fortune  for  enjoyment  in  his  old  age. 

THE   EDUCATOR  AS  AN  INVENTOR. 

One  of  the  leading  ideas  in  Mr.  Turner's  mind  was  that, 
if  anywhere  in  the  world,  the  prairies,  where  in  many 
localities  a  furrow  might  be  turned,  during  a  day's  march, 
without  the  plow  striking  even*  a  pebble — that  here  the 
crops  might  be  worked  almost  exclusively  without  that 
tiresome  hand-work  so  laboriously  performed  in  less  favored 
countries.  It  early  occurred  to  him  that  corn  might  be 
planted  by  machinery ;  and  that  it  might  be  cultivated  by 
other  machinery,  allowing  the  operator  to  ride. 

In  working  out  these  ideas,  he  secured  some  of  the  first 
patents  for  machines  for  planting,  weeding,  and  cultivat 
ing  crops.  By  essays  and  lectures  upon  these  matters,  and 
by  his  own  practical  efforts  as  an  inventor,  he  probably  did 
more  to  illustrate  the  feasibility  of  the  now  universal  system 
of  cultivation  than  any  other  one  man  in  the  West.  It  was 
he,  in  fact,  who  conceived  the  idea  of  many  of  the  imple 
ments  now  in  use,  which  other  persons  have  perfected  and 
reaped  the  profit  from. 

HIS  CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  SCIENCE. 

These  have  been  voluminous  for  a  life-long  worker,  who 
earned  with  his  hands  his  daily  bread.  They  have  been 
mainly  contributed  through  the  agricultural  press,  by  means 
of  essays,  lectures,  papers  written  for  various  scientific  socie- 


HIS  CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  SCIENCE.  549 

ties,  and  the  transactions  of  State  agricultural  and  horticul 
tural  societies.  They  are  of  inestimable  value  to  the  student 
or  practical  man  desirous  of  exploring  the  mysteries  of 
science. 

His  lectures  and  essays  on  "  Practical  Education"  have 
been  published  in  various  periodicals  both  East  and  West ; 
that  "On  the  Three  Great  Races  of  Men,  the  White,  the 
Yellow,  and  the  Black,"  published  in  book-form.  The  dis 
courses  "On  Microscopic  Insects;"  "On  Matter,  Force, 
and  Spirit;"  "  On  the  Ocean  Currents  and  Open  Sea  at 
the  Poles;"  and  his  remarks  on  tornadoes,  delivered  at  the 
anniversaries  of  the  Illinois  Natural  History  Society,  dur 
ing  his  presidency  of  the  same,  from  1858  to  1862;  his 
premium  essay  "On  Cultivation  of  Crops;"  and  papers  "On 
Industrial  Education," — are  all  published  in  the  third,  fourth, 
and  fifth  volumes  of  the  Illinois  State  Agricultural  Society 
Transactions. 

"  An  Essay  on  the  Forces  that  promote  Vegetable  Growth," 
read  before  the  Illinois  Horticultural  Society,  was  published 
in  the  fifth  volume  of  their  Transactions.  "  The  Discourse 
on  Climate,"  delivered  before  the  Illinois  Industrial  Uni 
versity,  together  with  his  address  at  the  laying  of  the  cor 
ner-stone  of  their  new  university  buildings,  was  published 
in  the  Fourth  Annual  Report  of  that  University. 

These  discourses  cover  an  immense  range  and  variety  of 
topics  and  subjects.  They  suggest  many  varied  and  original 
lines  of  thought  for  our  consideration,  not  found  in  any  other 
book  or  books  whatever;  and  whatever  errors  or  defects 
may  attach  to  them,  they  could  hardly  fail  to  lift  the 
reader  into  a  new  and  higher  region  of  thought  and  action 
and  enterprise  than  even  most  of  our  more  minute  specialists 
in  science  have  as  yet  attained. 

These  writings  have  attracted  the  attention  and  admira- 


550  THE  GROUNDS  WELL. 

tion  of  some  of  the  profoundest  minds  of  the  age ;  they  teem 
with  vigor  of  thought,  minuteness  of  detail,  and  scientific 
erudition,  and  yet  are  so  simple  in  their  language,  and  so 
plain  in  their  minuteness,  that  the  ordinary  comprehen 
sion  can  readily  understand  them. 


ADVOCACY  OF  A  NATIONAL  BUREAU  OF   AGRICUL 
TURE,  ETC. 

Professor  Turner  labored  long  and  earnestly  for  the  estab 
lishment  of  an  Agricultural  Bureau  at  the  national  seat  of 
government.  He  delivered  many  public  addresses  in  advo 
cacy  of  this  measure,  in  which  he  urged  the  vital  importance 
of  the  establishment  of  some  such  department.  He  showed 
that  it  had  been  urged  upon  Congress  by  almost  every  presi 
dent  and  statesman  from  Washington  down ;  and  urged  the 
farmers  to  give  their  representatives  to  understand  that 
there  must  be  no  further  delay  of  decisive  action.  The 
agitation  on  this  subject  at  last  resulted  in  the  formation  of 
the  Department  of  Agriculture  at  Washington.  This  has 
been  productive  of  some  good  out  of  a  mass  of  corruption, 
but,  like  Industrial  Education  as  carried  out  in  Professor 
Turner's  own  State,  has  not  borne  just  exactly  such  fruit  as 
he  expected. 

Another  project  which  early  enlisted  Professor  Turner's 
efforts  was  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  State  Society 
for  holding  fairs ;  and  the  formation  of  what  eventually 
became  the  Illinois  State  Board  of  Agriculture,  is  due,  in  no 
small  degree,  to  his  exertions.  In  one  of  his  earlier  ad 
dresses  he  thus  eulogizes  them,  and  points  the  finger  of 
scorn  at  the  mere  politician.  "  Think  of  our  county  fairs, 
our  State  fairs,  our  world's  fairs ;  their  congregated  millions, 


CHAMPIONSHIP   OP   LIBERAL   EDUCATION.  551 

the  immensity  of  their  products,  the  variety  and  perfection 
of  their  processes  and  arts,  the  increase  of  their  moral  and 
mental  power,  so  great  already  that  we  can  hardly  fence 
politicians  out  of  our  show-grounds,  although  we  offer  no 
premium  for  the  stock  or  breed.  Then  think  that  all  this 
has  been  achieve  1  by  a  class  of  men  who  centuries  ago  were 
the  mere  serfs  of  the  soil ;  bought  and  sold  with  the  cattle ; 
tortured,  or  hung,  or  burnt  at  the  base  bidding  of  some 
haughty  lord." 


CHAMPIONSHIP    OF  LIBERAL   EDUCATION    TO    THE 
INDUSTRIES. 


In  a  preceding  chapter  we  have  traced  Professor  Turner's 
hand  in  the  development  of  a  system  of  education  to  the 
industries.  It  will  not  be  out  of  place  here  to  show  still 
more  fully  his  sentiments  relating  to  this  education,  the  one 
dear  subject  next  his  heart.  He  saw  the  bill  whose  history 
we  have  given  elsewhere,  now  up,  now  down,  tossed  from  one 
house  of  Congress  to  another  as  a  foot-ball,  until  at  last  it 
was  vetoed  by  a  vacillating  and  recreant  president. 

While  Senator  Douglas  lay  dying  in  Chicago,  Professor 
Turner,  entirely  ignorant  of  the  fact  was  busy  at  his  own 
desk,  in  Jacksonville,  Illinois,  writing  and  preparing  manu 
script,  at  the  Senator's  request,  relating  to  a  new  bill  which 
Mr.  Douglas  proposed  to  press  forward  at  the  next  Con 
gress  with  all  the  zeal  and  power  for  which  this  eminent 
statesman  was  noted.  Alas !  too  soon  the  word  came  that 
this  giant  intellect  had  passed  away  just  when  the  nation 
most  needed  its  staunch  support. 

Professor  Turner  always  held,  as  he  does  now,  that  the 
mind  can  be  so  disciplined  in  the  several  professions  and 


652  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

industrial  pursuits  of  life  as  to  bear  the  full  fruition  of  the 
education  so  bestowed ;  and  this  was  his  doctrine  at  a  time 
when  agricultural  education  was  classed  as  among  the  ab 
surdities.  On  this  subject  Mr.  Douglas  was  in  full  accord 
with  him,  and  early  declared  :  "  This  educational  scheme  of 
his  is  the  most  democratic  scheme  of  education  ever  pro 
posed  to  the  mind  of  man."  Later,  the  leading  press  of 
England  expressed  the  opinion  that,  if  fully  carried  out,  it 
would  revolutionize  the  world. 

It  is  a  grievous  spectacle  to  see  so  much  of  the  magnifi 
cent  endowments  allotted  to  the  agricultural  colleges  frit 
tered  away  in  the  old  time-worn  collegiate  courses,  abso 
lutely  stolen  by  scholiasts  who  have  no  sympathy  in  common 
with  the  industrial  masses,  and  who  merely  provide  food 
and  material  for  the  drones  of  society. 

"Where,"  says  Professor  Turner,  in  one  of  his  pamphlets, 
with  characteristic  directness  and  force,  "  where  did  Socrates 
and  Cincinnatus,  and  Washington,  and  Franklin,  and  Sher 
man,  and  Kossuth,  and  Downing,  and  Hugh  Miller,  and  a 
host  of  worthies  too  numerous  to  mention,  get  their  education 
except  from  their  connection  with  the  practical  pursuits  of 
life  ?  Where  all  other  men  have  gotten  theirs,  so  far  as  it 
has  proved  itself  of  any  practical  use  to  themselves  or  the 
world.  If  all  our  divines  had  been  trained  at  West  Point,  all 
our  lawyers,  physicians,  and  generals  at  Andover  or  Princeton, 
would  there  have  been  either  the  same  energy  of  effort  and 
success,  or  the  same  discipline  of  mind  in  these  professions? 
Skill  and  a  proper  knowledge  of  projectiles — the  chain-shot 
and  the  bomb-shell — would  hardly  make  a  divine ;  nor  famil 
iarity  with  the  folios  of  the  Fathers  have  achieved  the  con 
quest  of  the  empire  of  the  Montezumas. 

"So  far  as  discipline  of  mind  is  concerned,  the  greater  part 
of  it  is  procured,  in  all  professions,  not  at  their  several 


PERSONAL  SIMPLICITY  AtfD   HIS  WORK.  553 

schools,  however  excellent,  but  by  enforced  habits  of  read 
ing,  thought,  and  reflection  in  connection  with  the  pursuits 
in  after  life,  and  if  not  so  acquired,  it  is  never  acquired 
at  all." 

Such  were  the  sentiments,  and  such  the  massive  logic,  of 
the  man  who  was  opposed  by  many  politicians  of  both  parties, 
whose  interest  it  is  to  keep  the  masses  ignorant ;  opposed  by 
that  class  of  scholiasts  who  conceive  that  high  education  is 
only  for  the  few  aristocrats  of  mere  wealth;  opposed,  also, 
by  various  classes  of  citizens,  including  even  farmers  and 
mechanics,  who  believed  his  scheme  of  education  Utopian. 
In  Illinois,  bigotry  and  mismanagement  have  sadly  squan 
dered  the  means  and  dwarfed  the  fruit  of  the  industrial 
education  scheme ;  but  we  have  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  in 
some  of  the  other  States,  and  especially  in  the  neighboring 
ones  of  Michigan  and  Iowa,  this  beneficent  system  grow 
ing  and  developing  year  by  year  towards  the  high  standard 
of  its  projectors'  ideal  hopes. 


PERSONAL  SIMPLICITY,  AND  THE  GREATNESS  OF  HIS 

WORK. 

The  early  life  of  Professor  Turner  was  one  of  poverty  and 
privation.  Thus  he  early  learned  the  value  of  economy.  In 
later  life  he  continued  to  practice  a  prudent  economy  from 
choice.  But  economy  with  his  nature  did  not  carry  mean 
ness.  He  is  generous  and  noble  in  his  instructions.  Believ 
ing  extravagance  the  great  and  growing  folly  of  his  country 
men,  he  continues  to  this  day,  although  in  the  possession  of 
an  ample  fortune,  to  practice  the  utmost  simplicity  in  his 
dress  consistent  with  the  proper  usages  of  society. 

Desiring  no  public  position  or  office  or  power,  except  the 
power  he  has  exercised  for  good  in  his  day  and  generation; 
24 


554  THE  GROUKDSWELL. 

working  daily  in  his  green  old  age  on  his  farm;  his  children 
settled  comfortably  in  life, — he  awards  a  generous  hospitality 
to  those  of  his  many  friends  who  may  visit  him  at  his  home. 
His  declining  years  solaced  by  a  knowledge  that  he  has  ever 
sought  to  benefit  mankind,  he  looks  back  with  satisfaction 
upon  his  efforts  in  the  various  means  which  he  has  used  to 
do  good  to  his  country  and  its  people,  through  the  discussion 
of  the  numberless  questions  which  he  has  treated — the 
natural  sciences,  internal  improvements,  industrial  educa 
tion,  the  tariff,  finance,  etc.  He  may  well  be  proud,  if  his 
modesty  would  allow,  of  the.  praise  bestowed  upon  him  by 
Daniel  Webster  while  Secretary  of  State.  Mr.  Webster  pro 
nounced  an  earlier  essay  by  Professor  Turner  on  the  currency 
question  "one  of  the  ablest  papers  he  had  ever  read."  His 
definition  of  liberty  was  :  "  That  liberty  is  the  right  of  every 
sentient  being  to  a  sphere  of  action  and  enjoyment  suited  to 
that  capacity  of  action  and  enjoyment  which  God  has  given 
each  individual  creature."  This  has  been  universally  ad 
mired  and  accepted  by  many  political  writers  as  the  most 
comprehensive  and  'accurate  definition  of  liberty  in  the 
English  language. 


CHAPTEB  XLIX. 


WHAT  THE  GROUNDSWELL  HAS  ACCOMPLISHED. 


THE  GOOD  WORK  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

In  California  the  Granges  have  done  noble  work  toward 
disenthralling  the  people  from  the  power  of  some  of  the 
combinations  and  rings  that  heretofore  have  held  the  indus 
trial  interests  in  their  grasp.  In  the  fight  for  political  re 
generation,  they  have  exercised  their  power  (though  not  as 
an  organization),  against  monopolies,  and  with  decided  sucr 
cess.  The  brilliant  and  convincing  arguments  of  Governor 
Booth  (lately  elevated  to  the  United  States  Senate)  con 
tributed  much  toward  the  triumph  of  popular  rights.  The 
entering  wedge  has  found  a  lodgment  in  that  State  that 
will,  it  is  believed,  rend  the  gnarled  stump  of  corruption 
there.  Large  amounts  of  money  have  already  been  saved 
to  the  members  of  the  Clubs  and  Granges,  and  the  farmers 
of  the  State  have  been  brought  into  closer  brotherhood. 
The  fraternal  feeling  thus  engendered  is  constantly  making 
clearer  the  fact,  so  often  demonstrated,  that  in  co-operation 
toward  a  given  end  lies  the  power  of  the  masses  for  good. 
That  an  organization  so  young  as  is  the  Grange  in  California 
should  have  accomplished  so  great  good,  seems  truly  sur 
prising,  until  we  reflect  how  great  was  the  necessity  for  ac 
tion  there.  It  speaks  well  for  the  intelligence  of  the  people 

(555) 


556  2232  &ftOtfttt>SWfiLL. 


of  the  State,  that  they  should  have  worked  so  practically 
and  harmoniously  toward  the  end  sought.  . 


IN  OTHER  WESTERN  STATES. 

Kansas  wheels  into  line  with  her  Clubs  and  Granges, 
Nebraska  following  close  after.  Iowa,  with  her  grand  con 
solidation  of  Granges,  striking  blows  as  with  a  pile-driver, 
already  sounds  in  the  ears  of  monopolies  the  knell  that 
betokens  a  speedy  funeral.  Minnesota  and  Wisconsin,  with 
their  Clubs  and  Granges,  are  marching  shoulder  to  shoulder 
in  the  battle  for  human  rights.  Illinois,  strong  in  her 
amalgamated  organization,  is  in  the  fore  front  of  the  fray. 
Her  sturdy  shout  rings  out  clear  with  every  stroke  of  the 
axe  at  the  root  of  the  upas  tree  of  monopoly.  Michigan, 
Indiana,  and  Ohio,  though  feeling  less  the  evils  that  are  ex 
perienced  elsewhere,  are  working  manfully  for  the  good 
cause. 

Every- where  the  jealousies  that  at  first  seemed  to  exist 
between  the  secret  and  open  organizations  are  gradually 
giving  way  to  the  knowledge  that,  in  the  work  in  hand, 
there  must  be  no  faltering  nor  looking  back ;  that  each  have 
their  legitimate  sphere  of  action;  and  that  each,  however 
many  there  may  be,  is  necessary  to  the  other. 

As  the  flint  against  the  steel  elicits  sparks,  so  the  friction 
of  mind  against  mind,  at  the  Club  and  Grange  meetings,  is 
developing  not  simply  good  debaters,  but  even  orators  whose 
eloquent  utterances  have  power  to  stir  the  masses  to  noble 
efforts. 

To  have  been  assured  of  this  it  was  only  necessary  to  have 
attended  the  convention  at  Decatur,  of  the  Illinois  Farmers' 
Association,  December  15,  1873.  when  for  four  days,  hold- 


ACTION  OF  THE  IOWA  STATE  GRANGE.  557 

ing  three  long  sessions  each  day,  full  delegations  from  the 
Clubs  and  Granges  of  every  County  in  the  State  save  one 
were  present  The  work  of  this  representative  body  of 
men,  together  with  the  work  and  resolutions  of  the  Iowa 
State  Grange,  and  the  Illinois  State  Grange,  which  met  the 
week  previously — the  first  in  Des  Moines,  Iowa,  and  the 
latter  at  Bloomington,  Illinois — will  serve  to  show  the  ani 
mus  and  earnestness  of  the  men  engaged  in  the  movement. 


ACTION  OF  THE  IOWA  STATE  GRANGE,  DECEMBER,  1873. 

The  resolutions  passed  by  these  three  great  conventions 
are  important  in  many  respects.  The  platform  of  the  Iowa 
Patrons  of  Husbandry,  was  confined  principally  to  the  inner 
workings  of  the  order.  It  recommends  the  establishment 
of  a  circulating  library,  in  connection  with  the  Subordinate 
Granges,  a  step  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  productive 
of  vast  good  as  a  means  of  still  further  educating  the  mem 
bers  in  social  and  intellectual  life.  It  is  also  easy  of  accom 
plishment,  since  the  only  obstacle  is  a  financial  one  that  may 
be  easily  overcome.  A  committee  was  also  appointed  to 
arrange  for  the  establishment  of  a  newspaper,  to  be  strictly 
educational  in  its  character — an  organ  of  the  Order,  which 
should  be  the  mentor  and  teacher  of  each  Grange. 

The  Iowa  Patrons  also  expressed  themselves  strongly  as 
to  the  necessity  of  a  modification  of  the  school  laws,  that 
they  might  be  more  efficiently  carried  out  in  practical  edu 
cation  through  efficient  teachers.  While  doing  this,  they 
emphatically  urge  the  continued  education  of  the  farmers 
after  the  school  days  are  over.  Hence,  the  necessity  of 
libraries  to  which  all  may  have  access.  The  Patrons  fully 
acknowledge  the  importance  of  the  common  schools,  the 


558  THE   GROUNDSWELL. 

Agricultural  Colleges,  and  the  Press,  as  the  great  levers  of 
progress,  in  making  mankind  and  womankind  thoroughly 
humane  and  enlightened. 

One  very  significant  resolution  of  the  Iowa  State  Grange 
is:  "That  we  specially  urge  upon  our  brethren  the  duties 
of  fraternal  arbitration  in  settlement  of  all  difficulties  with 
out  resort  to  legal  tribunals." 

The  address  of  the  Master  of  the  Iowa  State  Grange 
contains  the  following  precepts  which  the  Executive  Com 
mittee  were  instructed  to  publish  in  a  circular  for  the  use 
of  the  brethren  and  others : 


First,  the  family  relation  or  so 
cial  phase — as  represented  in  the 
the  Subordinate  Grange.  The 
needs  of  farmers  in  this  direction 
are  plainly  apparent  to  all.  The 
Grange  gives  that  social  culture 
so  much  needed  in  our  isolated 
condition.  In  the  Grange  room 
we  meet  to  strenghten  those  social 
ties  without  which  life  is  shorn  of  those  enjoyments  which  vitalize  exist 
ence  and  make  labor  become  ennobling  and  honorable.  The  American 
people,  and  more  especially  those  of  us  who  follow  agriculture  as  a 
profession  or  calling,  pay  too  little  regard  to  the  social  enjoyments. 
Coming  into  a  new  country,  strangers  to  each  other,  urged  on  by  the 
absolute  necessity  of  making  from  the  soil,  homes  and  a  standing  in 
the  community,  we  put  all  of  our  lives  into  the  material  work  before 
us,  forgetting  that  any  life  purely  material  in  its  character  must  be 
-practically  a  failure.  The  Order  of  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry  aims 
to  meet  this  want,  and  our  past  though  short  experience  has  shown 
us  that  in  this  direction  alone  it  is  worth  infinitely  more  than  it 
has  cost. 

The  second  phase  of  our  work  is  the  intellectual  and  educational  one. 
No  organization  in  the  world  has  ever  before  opened  such  a  field 
of  opportunity  for  the  men  and  women  whj  ava.il  themselves  of  its 


ACTION   OF   THE   IOWA   STATE   GRANGE.  559 

benefits.  In  the  Grange  room  we  learn  how  to  compare  methods ; 
we  teach  each  other  the  best  way  of  arriving  at  results.  Measures 
of  both  private  and  public  interest  receive  that  full  and  careful  at 
tention  which  is  so  much  needed.  Under  the  old  system,  each  indi 
vidual  drew  his  knowledge  and  conclusions  from  his  limited  sphere 
of  thought  and  observation.  Here  a  fund  of  thought  and  study  is 
brought  into  the  common  store,  and  ALL,  according  to  their  capacity, 
receive  the  full  measure  of  benefit.  As  one  instance  of  the  good 
coming  to  us  in  this  connection,  it  is  estimated  that  among  members 
of  the  Order  in  our  State,  nine  out  of  every  ten  cases  of  dispute 
which,  under  the  old  system,  would  be  litigated  in  the  courts,  are 
settled  in  subordinate  Grange  by  friendly  and  fraternal  arbitration. 
I  do  not  suppose  our  friends  of  the  legal  profession  will  consider  this 
a  creditable  feature,  but,  on  the  whole,  I  think  we  shall  be  able  to 
stand  it. 

There  is  no  computing  the  amount  of  knowledge  which  this  edu 
cational  feature  of  our  work  has  brought  to  our  members.  The  re 
mark  is  made  by  business  men  outside  the  gate,  "  How  much  more 
the  farmers  know  of  business  than  they  did  two  years  ago." 

Questions  of  a  public  nature  receive  their  full  share  of  attention, 
and  our  relations  to  each  other,  and  to  the  government,  are  day  by 
day  becoming  better  and  more  clearly  understood.  To  women,  these 
two  first  phases  of  our  work  already  have,  and  are  destined  to  bring 
rich  blessings.  Nowhere  else  does  woman  meet  her  brothers  on 
terms  of  absolute  equality.  Here  her  field  of  thought  and  action  is 
only  limited  by  the  measure  of  her  capacity.  She  may  enter  into 
the  consideration  of  every  question,  and  by  her  quick  and  fine  intui 
tive  reasoning,  stimulate  and  help  forward  her  slower  and  more  plod 
ding  brother.  I  have  at  times  been  deeply  touched  at  the  expres 
sions  of  thankfulness  coming  from  a  full  heart  from  women,  who 
fully  appreciate  the  good  which  is  coming  to  them  through  their 
connection  with  the  Order ;  and  I  feel  thankful  to  our  founders,  who 
were  wise  enough  to  incorporate  this  feature  in  our  fundamental 
law. 

Finally,  we  come  to  the  material,  or  business  phase  of  our  work. 
One  mistake  sometimes  made,  is  in  supposing  that  the  saving  of 
money  in  buying  and  selling  is  the  chief  aim  of  the  order.  Persons 
who  take  this  view  of  the  objects  and  purposes  of  the  Patrons, 
utterly  fail  to  comprehend  the  scope  and  genius  of  the  institution. 


560  THE   GKOUtfDSWELL. 

Such  persons  will  do  better  to  turn  their  energies  and  thoughts  in 
the  direction  of  acquiring  money  outside  the  gates  of  the  Order. 

The  saving  of  money,  the  learning  how  to  buy  and  sell,  and  to  use 
the  results  of  accumulated  industry  to  the  best  advantage,  is  a  part, 
but  ONLY  A  PART,  of  the  work  of  the  Order.  Co-operation  in  buy 
ing  and  selling  has  long  been  conceded  by  thinking  men  as  the  true 
secret  of  business  success. 

WHAT  THE  ILLINOIS  STATE  GRANGE  BELIEVES. 

The  Illinois  Patrons,  at  their  annual  session  at  Blooming- 
ton,  December,  1873,  asserted  that  they  regard  the  various 
organizations  with  entire  cordiality,  and  earnestly  invite 
their  fraternal  co-operation.  They  put  their  opinions 
strongly  on  record  concerning  the  denudation  of  forests,  in 
its  relation  to  meteorological  changes,  and  the  consequent 
changes  of  atmospheric  conditions ;  denounced  the  infamous 
salary  grab;  and  accepted  as  a  compliment  the  opprobrium 
sought  to  be  cast  upon  the  Farmers'  Movement- by  ascrib 
ing  to  it  the  late  panic  in  stocks,  and  otherwise,  in  the  cen 
ters  of  speculation,  even  though  involving  the  legitimate 
business  interests  of  the  country  in  temporary  disaster. 

On  the  question  of  the  power  of  Congress  to  regulate  in 
ter-state  commerce,  the  Illinois  State  Grange  declares  the 
right  of  Congress  so  to  do,  and  approves  the  recent  action 
in  this  direction.  The  entire  inadequacy  of  the  present  sys 
tem  of  transportation  is  pointed  out",  the  improvement  of 
natural  channels,  and  the  opening  of  .new  railroad  routes  is 
demanded,  not,  however,  to  be  constructed  by  government 
except  as  a  last  resort.  The  resolutions  conclude  with  a 
strong  denunciation  of  the  civil  service  system  of  our  gov 
ernment  as  now  administered. 

Is  there  any  thing  revolutionary  in  this  ?  Does  it  look 
like  an  expression  of  views  from  the  stand-point  of  "  commun 
ism."  Is  there  any  "  red  republicanism  "  in  all  this  ?  Are  the 


ACTION  OF  ILLINOIS  STATE  FARMERS*  ASSOCIATION.    561 

Patrons  "  immersed  up  to  their  throats  in  partisan  politics  ?" 
If  so,  it  is  concealed  with  a  Machiavelian  subtlety,  which 
would  prove  the  "  Patrons  "  worthy  pupils  of  that  class  of 
journalists  who  have  so  accused  them.  On  the  contrary,  is 
not  the  entire  absence  either  of  partisan  politics  or  political 
action  of  any  kind-,  except  the  broad  ground  upon  which  all 
may  unite  who  truly  love  their  country,  commendable  ? 

ACTION  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  STATE  FARMERS'  ASSOCIATION. 

As  distinguished  from  the  action  of  the  two  representa 
tive  bodies  of  men  composing  the  Granges  just  noticed, 
the  Illinois  Farmers'  Association,  at  their  second  annual 
meeting  at  Decatur,  Illinois,  took  strong  political  ground. 
This  organization  is  composed  of  delegates  from  both  Clubs 
and  Granges,  but  more  largely  of  the  former.  The  Pa 
trons,  however,  did  not  attend  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Granges,  but  as  individuals  representing  constituencies. 
This  body  did  not  hesitate  to  express  themselves  emphati 
cally  upon  the  live  political  issues  of  the  day,  much  to  the 
disgust  of  both  the  revolutionary  and  monopolist  organs, 
who,  in  the  early  days  of  the  association,  set  themselves  up 
as  its  mentors,  and  who  have  since  sought  by  every  means 
to  guide  its  course.  Various  party  "organs,"  too,  fancy 
they  see  hand-writings  on  the  wall  that  are  particularly 
unpleasant. 

Some  of  the  latter  are  particularly  anxious  that  the  farm 
ers  should  know  that  they  themselves  did  not  start  the 
movement,  but  a  lot  of  broken-down  Washington  politicians 
— the  only  grain  of  truth  in  which  bushel  of  chaff  is  that 
the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  was  established  at 
Washington.  This  organization,  however,  represents  only 
one  of  the  three  great  elements  in  the  Farmers'  Movement. 
24* 


562  THE  GROITNDSWELL. 

If  the  farmers  were  the  stolid  set  that  this  class  of  journal 
ists  suppose,  all  this  tirade  might  be  well.  But  those  who 
for  years  have  been  trying  to  stem  the  tide  of  corruption, 
and  nullify  the  insane  blindness  of  too  grasping  monopolists, 
will  not  accept  the  arbitrary  dogma  that  they  are  controlled 
by  a  body  of  Washington  politicians. 

WHAT  THE  ILLINOIS  FARMERS  LID  ASSERT. 

The  Illinois  Farmers'  Association,  at  its  formation,  did  not 
organize  a  political  party.  It  has,  however,  managed  to  suc 
ceed  in  placing  representative  farmers  in  various  offices  in  a 
majority  of  the  counties  of  the  State.  The  Granges,  on  the 
other  hand,  have  steadily  kept  themselves  aloof  from  politics, 
and  there  is  no  present  appearance  that  they  will  ever  change 
their  course,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  certain  journals 
to  force  them  so  to  do  by  covert  sneers  and  open  vitupera 
tion.  The  leading  minds  of  the  Order  know  well  that  such 
a  course  would  destroy  its  influence  in  other  directions.  Its 
power  is  potent  because  exercised  in  an  educational  and 
business  way.  The  Illinois  Patrons  are  among  the  most 
conservative  of  the  Order,  from  the  fact,  perhaps,  that  there 
is  another  distinct  body  in  the  State  who  may  and  do  exert 
political  power. 

One  of  the  great  features  of  the  Order  of  Patrons  is,  that 
their  educational  facilities  will  insure,  at  the  proper  time,  the 
casting  of  the  ballots  of  the  fraternity  in  accordance  with 
law  and  order,  and  against  the  usurpation  of  unjust  power 
of  any  kind.  Conservative  men  have  always  held  that  the 
only  proper  way  for  freemen  to  right  political  wrong  is  at 
the  ballot-box.  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  this  is  to  be  done 
without  taking  political  action.  For  this  reason,  the  Farm 
ers'  Association  have  now  wisely  resolved  to  cut  loose  from 


WHAT  THE   ILLINOIS   FARMERS   DID  ASSERT.  563 

all  partisan  politics,  standing  firmly  upon  the  broad  and 
sound  platform  of  principles,  not  men.  To  show  the  feel 
ing  that  actuated  this  body  of  men,  I  give  the  text  of  the 
resolutions  that  were  stigmatized  as  a  mass  of  ''stupidly- 
framed  rhetoric."  Each  reader  of  the  Groundswell  may 


Saturday  Afternoon. 

thus  judge  for  himself  of  the  animus  of  their  critics,  who 
should  be  marked  as  having  written  themselves  down  the 
enemies  of  all  popular  reform. 

WHEREAS,  Through  the  departure  from  the  primary  principles  of 
our  Government  as  promulgated  by  its  founders,  and  through  the 


564  THE  GROUNDSWELL. 

imprudent  exercise  of  that  highest  prerogative  of  the  freeman— the 
right  of  suffrage— we,  the  farmers  of  Illinois,  in  common  with  the 
wealth  and  food-producers  of  these  United  States,  have,  by  our  past 
action,  acquiesced  in  a  system  of  class  legislation  which  makes  the 
great  majority  slavishly  subservient  to  a  small  minority ;  and, 

WHEREAS,  This  condition  is  clearly  traceable  to  the  fostering  pro 
tection  which  has  been  accorded  by  our  legislative  bodies,  both  State 
and  National,  to  the  financial,  mercantile,  manufacturing,  and  trans 
porting  interests,  enabling  them  to  accumulate  an  undue  proportion 
of  the  national  wealth,  and  encouraging  them  in  the  exercise  of  the 
corrupting,  lobby  influences  which  have  become  inseparable  from 
our  legislative  system ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  the  preservation  of  our  national  life  imperatively 
demands  that  every  American  voter  should  attend  with  care  to  all 
primary  nominations  and  elections,  so  as  to  insure  the  election  of 
competent  and  honest  men  to  all  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  people. 

Resolved,  That  the  past  record  of  the  old  political  parties  of  this 
country  is  such  as  to  forfeit  the  confidence  and  respect  of  the  people, 
and  that  we  are,  therefore,  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  them,  and 
will  act  no  longer  with  them. 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  the  unconditional  repeal  of  the  salary 
grab  law,  the  repeal  to  be  retroactive  in  its  action,  and  this  without 
a  restoration  of  the  franking  privilege. 

Resolved,  That  we  do  not  recognize  any  necessity  that  public  offi 
cers  should  receive  extravagant  salaries  to  the  end  that  they  may 
conform  to  the  demand  of  expensive  and  fashionable  tastes,  which, 
in  their  very  nature,  are  antagonistic  to  republican  principles,  and 
we  demand  a  reduction  of  official  salaries. 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  the  immediate  reform  of  abuses  in  the 
civil  service,  through  which  the  patronage  of  the  government  is  dis 
pensed  as  a  reward  for  partisan  service  rather  than  with  regard  to 
the  public  necessities. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  improving  and  perfecting  the 
navigation  of  our  lakes  and  rivers  and  water  connections,  as  soon  as 
it  can  possibly  be  done. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  opposed  to  a  protective  tariff. 

Resolved,  That  we  deprecate  any  further  grants  of  public  lands  or 
loans  of  the  public  credit;  and  of  National,  State,  or  local  subscrip 
tions  in  aid  of  corporations. 


WHAT  THE  ILLINOIS   FARMERS   DID  ASSERT.  565 

Jtesolved,  That  we  favor  the  repeal  of  our  National  Banking  Law, 
and  Delieve  that  the  Government  should  supply  a  legal  tender  cur 
rency  directly  from  the  Treasury,  interchangeable,  at  the  option  of 
holder,  with  Government  bonds  bearing  the  lowest  possible  rate  of 
interest. 

Resolved,  That  we  hold  that  our  patent  laws  are  too  often  made  to 
subserve  the  interest  of  monopolists,  and  should  be  carefully  revised 
and  restricted. 

Resolved,  That  the  existing  railway  legislation  of  this  State  should 
be  sustained  and  enforced  until  thoroughly  tested  before  the  courts. 

Resolved,  That  we  oppose  any  legislation  by  Congress,  under  the 
plea  of  regulating  commerce  between  the  States,  which  shall  deprive 
the  people  of  their  present  controlling  influence  through  State  legis 
lation. 

Resolved,  That  the  right  of  the  legislature  to  regulate  and  control 
the  railroads  of  the  State  must  be  vindicated,  established,  and  main 
tained  as  an  essential  attribute  of  State  government;  and  that  those 
holding  the  doctrine  that  railroad  charters  are  contracts  in  the  sense 
that  they  are  not  subject  to  legislative  supervision  and  control  have 
no  just  appreciation  of  the  necessary  powers  and  rights  of  a  free  gov 
ernment  ;  and  we  will  agree  to  no  truce,  and  submit  to  no  compro 
mise,  short  of  complete  vindication  and  re-establishment  of  the  su 
premacy  of  the  State  government  in  its  rights,  through  its  legisla 
ture,  to  supervise  and  control  the  railroads  of  the  State  in  such 
manner  as  the  public  interest  shall  demand. 

Resolved,  That  we  uncompromisingly  condemn  the  practice  of  our 
public  officials  in  receiving  free  passes  from  railroad  managers. 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  a  reduction  of  all  public  expenditures, 
to  the  end  that  taxation  may  be  reduced  to  the  lowest  possible  limit. 

Resolved,  That  we  condemn  the  action  of  our  legislature  in  ad 
journing  the  regular  session,  thereby  practically  defeating  the  pro 
vision  of  the  constitution  providing  biennial  sessions. 

Resolved,  That  since  a  large  number  of  plow  manufacturers  of 
the  West  have  thrown  down  the  gauntlet,  we  take  it  up,  and  recom 
mend  to  the  farmers  of  this  State  to  patronize  none  of  said  manu 
facturers  until  they  will  sell  to  us  direct,  at  wholesale  rates. 


CHAPTER  L. 


THE  NATIONAL  GRANGE  OF  PATRONS  OF 
HUSBANDRY. 


THE  ANNUAL  MEETING  AT  ST.  LOUIS,  MISSOURI,  IN 
FEBRUARY,  1874. 

The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  National  Grange  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry, 
which  commenced  at  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  on  Tuesday,  February  3,  and 
finally  closed  its  labors  on  Friday  evening,  February  13,  having  been  in  con 
stant  session  for  ten  days,  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  important,  if  not 
the  most  important,  agricultural  meeting  ever  held  in  any  country.  Every 
state  in  the  Union,  except  Maine  and  Delaware,  was  represented,  as  also 
were  two  of  the  territories,  and  the  province  of  Quebec,  Canada. 

MASTER  ADAMS'  ADDRESS. 

The  Grand  Master  of  the  order,  Hon.  Dudley  W.  Adams,  in  his  address, 
which  was,  throughout,  a  model  of  elegance  and  comprehensiveness,  sketched 
eloquently  and  rapidly  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Order.  Last  year  they 
represented  but  1,300  Granges,  while  now  they  had  nearly  12,000.  In  its 
inception  it  was  intended  to  be  chiefly  a  social  institution  like  the  Farmers' 
Clubs,  but  more  comprehensive,  including  both  sexes,  and  rendered  attractive 
by  a  pleasing  ritual  and  the  charm  of  secrecy.  Other  features  have  been  en 
grafted  on  the  Order,  and  have  assumed  greater  prominence.  It  was  of 
importance  that  the  interest  in  the  subordinate  Granges  be  kept  up.  After 
the  first  few  meetings,  the  interest  often  flags  and  the  attendance  drops  off. 
This  demands  careful  consideration.  The  transportation  question  had 
received  more  attention  than  any  other  in  the  subordinate  and  State  Granges. 


ITS  ORGANIZATION  AND  RAPID  GROWTH. 


667 


LOTS  OF  FUN. 


PICKING  APPLES. 


ONE  or  THE  PETS. 


BACK  OF  THE  BABN. 


NOONING  IN  THE  SHADE. 


A  SIT  LITTLE  CUSTOMER. 


A  Page  for  the  Little  Folk*, 


568  THE  GBOUNDSWELL. 

Satisfactory  progress  has  been  made.  Millions  had  been  saved  to  members, 
and  still  they  were  only  on  the  threshold  of  the  work.  He  had  found  man- 
ufacturers  and  consumers  equally  as  anxious  as  the  farmers  to  get  rid  of  the 
loss  in  transit. 

Mr.  Adams  thought  the  National  Grange  should  elaborate  careful  plans 
for  cooperative  stores,  using  the  experience  of  the  Rochdale  and  other  soci 
eties.  He  did  not  believe  in  government  building  railroads  or  canals,  nor  in 
new  roads  being  made  by  private  enterprise.  He  appreciated  the  difficulty 
of  fixing  tariffs  by  law,  but  could  not  see  but  that  disinterested  men  could  do 
it  as  well  as  railroad  men.  It  would  be  difficult  to  get  National  and  State 
Legislatures  to  pass  any  law  which  will  be  efficient,  for  there  is  no  money  in 
it.  They  would  be  more  likely  to  pass  laws  involving  an  expenditure  of 
fifty  or  a  hundred  millions.  Nature  had  placed  a  magnificent  river  through 
the  heart  of  our  agricultural  region,  the  only  obstructions  to  which  were  a 
single  rapid,  a  sand  bar,  and  a  heartless  tow-boat  monopoly. 

With  respect  to  the  constitution  and  by-laws  of  the  Order,  Mr.  Adams 
recommended  the  alteration  of  the  constitution  of  the  State  Granges,  which 
are  unwieldy.  Newly  initiated  members,  he  thought,  should  be  allowed  a  voice 
in  the  business  of  Granges,  as  their  patience  was  now  unnecessarily  taxed. 
With  respect  to  the  vexed  question  of  who  should  be  allowed  to  be  members, 
he  very  pertinently  said  he  wanted  the  gates  closed  against  all  those  whose 
interest  consists  in  what  they  can  get  out  of  the  Order. 

THE  BOSTON  GRANGE.— SOME  OTHERS. 

The  subject  of  the  Boston  Grange  was  alluded  to.  Mr.  Adams  censured 
the  action  of  Deputy  Abbott  in  organizing  it,  and  of  the  State  Master  of 
Massachusetts  in  countenancing  and  sustaining  it.  Such  conduct  ought  to 
be  rebuked  and  punished.  In  conclusion.  Mr.  Adams  said :  "  Without 
doubt  this  is  the  most  important  meeting  of  agriculturists  ever  held  in  any 
land.  The  responsibility  resting  upon  us  is  enormous.  The  whole  country  t 
both  within  and  without  the  gates,  is  searchingly  watching  our  every  act  — 
the  enemy  to  find  a  weak  point  to  attack,  our  friends  hoping  and  expecting 
much  good  to  result.  The  agriculturists  of  the  nation  are  now  on  trial." 

CONSTITUTIONAL  RE  VISION  OF  THE  NA  TIONAL  GRANGE. 

One  of  the  most  important  works  accomplished  by  the  Grange  was  the 
prepared  constitutional  amendments,  which,  to  become  law,  must  be  submit 
ted  to  the  States  for  ratification,  a  three-fourths  vote  being  necessary  to  thi* 
end.  The  proposed  amendments  are  as  follows  • 


CONSTITUTIONAL  BEVISION.  569 

No.  1.  That  the  Preamble  to  the  Constitution  be  amended  by  striking  out  the  para 
graph  under  the  heading  "  organization,"  in  relation  to  State  Granges,  and  substitut 
ing  the  following : 

STATE  GRANGE, 

Fifth  Degree.  Pomona— (Faith).  Composed  of  the  Masters  of  Subordinate  Granges 
and  their  wives  who  are  Matrons,  provided  that  when  the  number  of  Subordinate 
Granges  in  any  State  becomes  so  great  as  to  render  it  necessary,  the  State  Grange 
may,  in  such  manner  as  it  may  determine,  reduce  its  representatives,  by  providing  for 
the  election  of  a  certain  proportion  of  those  entitled  to  membership  in  the  State  Grange 
from  each  county ;  and  the  members  so  chosen  shall  constitute  the  State  Grange. 

No.  2.  SEC.  2.  There  may  be  established  District  or  County  Granges  in  the  fifth 
degree,  not  to  exceed  one  in  each  county,  composed  of  Masters  and  Past-Masters  of 
Subordinate  Granges,  and  their  wives,  who  are  Matrons,  and  such  fourth  degree  mem-! 
bers  (not  to  exceed  three  from  each  Subordinate  Grange),  as  may  be  elected  thereto 
by  the  Subordinate  Granges,  under  such  regulations  as  may  be  established  by  State 
Granges.  Such  District  or  County  Granges  shall  have  charge  of  the  educational  and 
business  interests  of  the  Order  in  their  respective  districts;  and  shall  encourage, 
strengthen  and  aid  the  Subordinate  Granges  represented  therein.  Dispensation  for 
such  District  or  County  Granges  shall  issue  from  the  State  Grange,  and  under  such 
regulations  as  the  State  Grange  may  adopt. 

No.  3.    That  the  Preamble  of  the  Constitution  be  amended  under  the  heading  "  or 
ganization"  in  relation  to  the  National  Grange,  so  as  to  read: 
"  Sixth  Degree."    Flora  —  (Hope).    Composed  — 

1.  Of  the  founders  of  the  Order,  viz:    Win.  Saunders,  O.  H.  Kelley,  J.  R.  Thomp 
son,  A.  B.  Grosh,  W.  M.  Ireland,  John  Trimble,  Jr.,  F.  M.  McDowell. 

2.  The  Past-Masters  of  the  National  Grange  and  their  wives,  who  have  taken  the 
degree  of  Flora. 

3.  The  Officers  and  members  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  National  Grange. 

4.  Masters  of  State  Granges  and  their  wives,  who  have  taken  the  fifth  degree. 

5.  One  additional  representative  from  each  State  for  each  fifty  thousand  members, 
or  fractional  part  thereof,  in  excess  of  thirty  thousand,  said  representatives  to  be  al 
ternately  a  brother  and  sister  for  every  alternate  fifty  thousand ;  must  be  fifth  degree 
members,  and  will  be  entitled  to  the  sixth  degree. 

No.  4.  That  Sec.  2,  Art.  1,  of  the  Constitution,  be  amended  by  inserting  after  the 
word  "  annually,"  where  it  occurs  in  the  second  line  of  said  section,  the  following: 
"at  the  regular  meeting  in  December,  and  installed  at  the  regular  meeting  in  January, 
or  as  soon  thereafter  as  practicable." 

No.  5.  That  Art.  1,  Sec.  4,  of  the  Constitution,  be  amended  by  striking  out  the 
word  "three"  where  it  occurs  in  the  second  line  of  said  section,  and  inserting  the 
word  "  five,"  and  also  by  striking  out  the  words  "  one  of  whom  shall  be  elected  each 
year." 

No.  6.  That  Art.  2,  Sec.  1,  of  the  Constitution,  be  amended  by  inserting  the  words 
u  at  least "  between  the  words  "meet "  and  "  once  "  where  those  words  occur  in  the 
first  line  of  said  section. 

No.  7.  That  Art.  2,  Sec.  3,  of  the  Constitution,  be  amended  by  striking  out  the  word 
u  February  "  where  it  occurs  in  the  second  line  of  said  section,  and  substitute  therefor 
the  work  "  November,"  and  also  by  striking  out  the  word  "  first"  where  it  occurs  in 
the  same  line,  and  substitute  therefor  the  word  "  third." 

No.  8.  That  Art.  3  of  the  Constitution  be  amended  by  striking  out  the  word  "  shall " 
where  it  occurs  in  the  first  line  of  said  article,  and  substituting  therefor  the  word 
"may." 

No.  9.  That  Art.  5  of  the  Constitution  be  amended  so  as  to  read:  "Engaged  in  Ag 
ricultural  pursuits,  and  having  no  interest  in  conflict  with  our  purposes  "  —  instead  of 
"interested  in  Agricultural  pursuits." 

No.  10.  That  Art.  5  of  the  Constitution  be  amended  by  striking  out  the  words  "fe 
male  "  and  eighteen  years  "male,"  where  they  occur  in  the  second  and  third  lines  pf 
said  article, 


570  THE  GROUNDS  WELL. 

No  11     That  Art.  6  of  the  Constitution  be  amended  so  as  to  read  as  follows: 
The  minimum  fee  for  membership  in  a  Subordinate  Grange  shall  be -for  men  five 
dollars,  and  for  women  two  dollars,  for  the  four  degrees. 

No  12  That  Art.  7  of  the  Constitution  be  amended  as  follows :  Strike  out  the  words 
"  or  passed  to  higher  degrees,"  where  they  occur  at  the  close  of  Sec.  2,  and  add  the 
following  osaitf  section:  -  During  the  quarter,  and  pay  to  the  secretary  of  the  State 
Grange  one  dollar  for  each  man,  and  fifty  cents  for  each  woman,  initiated  during  the 
quarter;  also  a  quarterly  due  of  six  cents  for  each  member;  said  report  to  be  approved 
and  forvVarded  at  the  first  session  of  the  Grange  in  each  quarter."  Strike  out  the  whole 
of  Sec.  3  and  of  Sec.  4,  and  substitute  therefor  the  following,  to-wit:  "The  Secretary 
of  the  State  Grange  shall  pay  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  State  Grange  all  moneys  coming 
into  his  hands,  at  least  once  every  ten  days,  taking  his  receipt  therefor;  and  shall  re; 
port  quarterly  to  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Grange,  the  membership  in  the  State." 

Change  the  numbers  of  succeeding  sections  so  as  to  make  them  conform  to  these 


changes. 

No.  13.  That  Art.  7,  Sec.  5,  of  the  Constitution,  be  amended  by  striking  out  the 
words  "  in  New  York,"  where  they  occur  in  said  section,  and  leaving  the  name  of  the 
place  blank. 

No.  14.    That  Art. 
word  "  ten  "  where  it 
the  word  "five 


7  Sec  5,  of  the  Constitution,  be  amended  by  striking  out  the 
t  occurs  in  the  last  line  on  page  8,  and  inserting  in  lieu  thereof 

No.  15.  That  Art.  7,  Sec.  6,  of  the  Constitution,  be  amended  by  striking  out  the 
word  " signed  "  where  it  occurs  in  the  third  line  of  said  section,  and  substitute 
therefor  the  word  "  approved." 

No.  16.  That  the  whole  of  article  8  be  transferred  from  the  Constitution  to  the  By- 
Laws,  and  incorporated  therein. 

No  17  That  Art.  9,  Sec.  3,  be  amended  as  follows  :  Insert  the  words  "  or  Charters  " 
between  the  words  -dispensation"  and  "shall  be,"  where  those  words  occur  m  the 
first  line  of  Section  3,  of  said  article. 

No  -18  That  Sec  4,  Art.  9,  of  the  Constitution,  be  amended  by  striking  out  the 
word'  "ten,"  where  it  occurs  in  the  fifth  line  of  said  section,  and  inserting  the  word 
"  twenty." 

No.  19.  Strike  out  Sections  6,  7  and  9,  of  said  Article  9,  and  substitute  in  lieu  of 
said  section  the  following  sections: 

"  Where  State  Granges  are  organized,  dispensations  for  the  organization  of  the  sub 
ordinate  Granges  heretofore  issued,  shall  be  replaced  by  Charter  for  the  National 
Grange  without  further  fee ;  and,  thereafter,  all  applications  for  Charters  for  subordi 
nate  granges  shall  pass  through  the  office  of  the  Master  of  the  State  Grange,  and 
must  S  approved  by  him  before  they  are  issued  by  the  National  Grange.  When  BO 
issued,  thS  Charter  shall  pass  through  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  State  Grange, 
and  receive  the  signature  and  official  seal  of  that  office." 

No.  20.  That  Sec.  8,  Art.  9,  of  the  Constitution,  be  amended  by  striking  out  the 
words  "  (either  first,  second,  third  or  fourth),"  where  they  occur  in  said  section,  and 
inserting  the  words  "on  the  same  person." 

No.  21.    That  the  following  be  inserted  and  numbered 

ART.  xin.  The  Master  of  the  National  Grange  and  the  members  ox  the  Executive 
Committee  shall  be  empowered  to  suspend  from  office  any  officer  of  the  National 
Grange  who  may  prove  inefficient  or  derelict  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty,  subject  to 
appeal  to  the  next  session  thereafter  of  the  National  Grange. 

ART  xiv  —  Amendments.  This  Constitution  can  be  altered  or  amended  by  a  two- 
thirds  vote  of  the  National  Grange  at  any  annual  meeting,  and  when  such  alteration 
or  amendment  shall  have  been  ratified  by  three-fourths  of  the  State  Granges  and  the 
same  reported  to  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Grange,  it  shall  be  of  full  force. 


PBOPOSED  AMENDMENT  TO  THE  BY-LAWS.          571 


PROPOSED  AMENDMENT  TO  THE  B  Y-LA  WS. 

The  following  by-laws  were  also  submitted  at  the  seventh  annual  session, 
as  amended : 

ARTICLE  i.  The  4th  day  of  December,  the  birthday  of  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry, 
shall  be  celebrated  as  the  anniversary  of  the  order. 

ART.  n.  Not  less  than  the  representation  of  twenty  States  present  at  any  meeting 
of  the  National  Grange  shall  constitute  a  quorum  for  the  transaction  of  business. 

ART.  in.  At  the  annual  meeting  of  each  State  Grange,  it  may  elect  a  proxy  to  rep 
resent  the  State  Grange  in  the  National  Grange  in  case  of  the  inability  of  the  Master 
to  attend,  and  such  proxies  shall  in  all  cases  be  Past  Masters  of  their  State  Granges. 

ART.  iv.  Questions  of  administration  and  jurisprudence  arising  in  and  between 
State  Granges,  and  appeals  from  the  action  and  decision  thereof,  shall  be  referred 
to  the  Master  and  Executive  Committee  of  the  National  Grange,  whose  decision  shall 
be  respected  and  obeyed,  until  overruled  by  action  of  the  National  Grange. 

ART.  v.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Master  to  preside  at  meetings  of  the  National 
Grange;  to  see  that  all  officers  and  members  of  committees  properly  perform  their 
respective  duties;  to  see  that  the  Constitution,  By. Laws  and  Resolutions  of  the 
National  Grange,  and  the  usages  of  the  Order  are  observed  and  obeyed,  and  generally 
to  perform  all  duties  pertaining  to  such  office. 

ART.  vi.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  to  keep  a  record  of  all  proceedings 
of  the  National  Grange;  to  keep  a  just  and  true  account  of  all  moneys  received 
and  deposited  by  him  in  the  fiscal  agency;  to  countersign  all  drafts  drawn  by  the 
Treasurer;  to  conduct  the  correspondence  of  the  National  Grange,  and  to  perform 
such  other  duties  appertaining  to  his  office  as  may  be  required  by  the  Master  and 
Executive  Committee. 

It  shall  be  his  duty,  at  least  once  each  week,  to  deposit  with  the  fiscal  agency  hold 
ing  the  funds  of  the  National  Grange  all  moneys  that  may  have  come  into  his  hands, 
and  forward  a  duplicate  receipt  therefor  to  the  Treasurer,  and  to  make  a  full  report  of 
all  transactions  to  the  National  Grange  at  each  annual  session. 

It  shall  be  his  further  duty  to  procure  a  monthly  report  from  the  fiscal  agency,  with 
whom  the  funds  of  the  National  Grange  are  deposited,  of  all  moneys  received  and 
paid  out  by  them  during  each  month,  and  send  a  copy  of  such  report  to  the  Executive 
Committee  and  the  Master  of  the  National  Grange. 

He  shall  give  bond  in  such  sum.  and  with  such  security,  as  may  be  approved  by  the 
Executive  Committee. 

ART.  vii. —  Section  1.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Treasurer  to  issue  all  drafts  upon 
the  fiscal  agency  of  the  Order,  said  drafts  having  been  previously  approved  by  the 
Master  and  countersigned  by  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Grange. 

Sec.  2.  He  shall  report  monthly  to  the  Master  of  the  National  Grange  a  statement 
of  all  moneys  deposited  to  his  credit  in  the  fiscal  agency,  and  of  all  drafts  signed  by 
him  during  the  previous  month. 

Sec.  3.  He  shall  report  to  the  National  Grange  at  each  annual  session  a  statement  of 
all  moneys  deposited  in  the  fiscal  agency,  and  of  all  drafts  signed  by  him  since  his 
last  annual  report. 

Sec.  4.  It  shall  be  his  duty  to  collect  all  interest  accruing  in  investments  made  by 
the  Executive  Committee,  and  to  deposit  the  same  in  the  fiscal  agency. 

ART.  vni.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Lecturer  to  visit,  for  the  good  of  the  Order, 
such  portions  of  the  United  States  as  the  Master  of  the  Executive  Committee  may 
direct,  for  which  services  he  shall  receive  compensation. 

ART.  ix.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Executive  Committee  to  exercise  a  general 
supervision  of  the  affairs  of  the  Order  during  the  recess  of  the  National  Grange. 
They  shall  have  authority  to  act  on  all  matters  of  interest  to  the  Order,  when  the 


572  THE  GBOUNDSWELL. 

National  Grange  is  not  in  session ;  shall  provide  for  the  wellf are  of  the  order  in  bus 
iness  matters ;  and  shall  report  their  acts  in  detail  to  the  National  Grange  on  the  first 
day  of  its  annual  meeting. 

The  Master  of  the  National  Grange  shall  be  considered,  ex-officio,  a  member  of  the 
Executive  Committee. 

ART.  x.—  Sec.  1.  Such  compensation  for  time  and  service  shall  be  given  the  Master 
Lecturer,  Secretary,  Treasurer  and  Executive  Committee  as  the  National  Grange  may, 
from  time  to  time,  determine. 

Sec.  2.  Whenever  General  Deputies  are  appointed  by  the  Master  of  the  National 
Grange,  said  Deputies  shall  receive  such  compensation  for  time  and  services  as  may 
be  determined  by  the  Master  or  the  Executive  Committee ;  provided,  in  no  case  shall 
pay  from  the  National  Grange  be  given  General  Deputies  in  any  State  after  the  forma 
tion  of  its  State  Grange. 

ART.  xi.  Section  1. — The  financial  Reports  of  Subordinate  Granges  shall  be  made 
on  the  first  day  of  January,  the  first  day  of  April,  the  first  day  of  July  and  the  first 
day  of  October. 

tiec.  2.—  State  Granges  shall  date  their  financial  existence  three  months  after  the 
first  day  of  January,  first  day  of  April,  first  day  of  July  and  first  day  of  October,  im 
mediately  following  their  organization. 

ART.  xii.  Each  session  of  the  National  Grange  shall  fix  the  compensation  of  its 
members. 

ART.  xin.  Special  meetings  of  the  National  Gransre  shall  be  called  by  the  Master 
upon  the  application  to  the  Masters  of  twenty  State  Granges,  one  month's  notice  of 
such  meeting  being  given  to  all  members  of  the  National  Grange.  No  alterations  or 
amendments  to  the  By-Laws  or  Ritual  shall  be  made  at  any  special  meeting. 

ART.  xiv.  Upon  the  demand  of  five  members,  the  ayes  and  noes  may  be  called 
upon  any  question,  and,  when  so  called,  shall  be  entered  by  the  Secretary  upon  his 
minutes. 

ART.  xv.  Past-Masters  are  Masters  who  have  been  duly  elected  and  installed,  and 
who  have  served  out  the  term  for  which  they  were  elected. 

ART.  xvi.    Vacancies  in  office  may  be  filled  at  any  regular  meeting  of  the  Grange, 

ART.  xvn.  Subordinate  Granges  may  be  consolidated  in  the  mode  and  upon  such 
terms  as  may  be  prescribed  by  the  State  Granges. 

ART.  xvni.  Section  1. — In  case  satisfactory  evidence  shall  be  brought  to  the  Master 
of  the  National  Grange  that  a  Grange  has  been  organized  contrary  to  the  laws  or 
usages  of  the  Order,  or  is  working  in  violation  of  its  laws  or  usages,  it  shall  be  the 
duty  of  the  Master  to  revoke  the  Charter  of  such  offending  Grange. 

Sec.%.—In  case  satisfactory  evidence  shall  come  to  the  Master  of  a  State  Grange 
that  a  Grange  has  been  organized  contrary  to  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  Order,  or  is 
working  in  violation  of  the  same,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Master  to  suspend  such 
offending  Grange,  and  at  once  forward  to  the  Master  of  the  National  Crange  notice  of 
the  same,  together  with  the  evidence  in  the  case,  who  shall,  if  in  his  opinion  the  good 
of  the  Order  requires  such  action,  revoke  the  Charter  of  such  offending  Grange. 

Sec.  3.— Granges  whose  Charters  are  thus  revoked  may  appeal  to  the  National 
Grange  at  its  next  session  for  the  final  action  of  that  body. 

ART.  xix.  These  By-Laws  may  be  altered  or  amended  at  any  annual  meeting  of  the 
National  Grange,  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  members  present. 

THE  DECLARA  TION  OF  PRINCIPLES. 

The  work,  however,  that  has  been  looked  forward  to  as  of  prime  interest 
by  those  not  only  inside  but  outside  the  Granges,  is  the  declaration  of  prin 
ciples.  The  document  is  not  only  exceedingly  comprehensive  and  emphatic, 
but  is  at  the  same  time  moderate  in  its  tone.  It  says : 

Profoundly  impressed  with  the  truth  that  the  National  Grange  of  the 
United  States  should  definitely  proclaim  to  the  world  its  general  objects,  we 
hereby  unanimously  make  this  declaration  of  purposes  of  the  Patrons  of  Hus 
bandry. 

First —  United  by  the  strong  and  faithful  tie  of  Agriculture,  we  mutually 
resolve  to  labor  for  the  good  of  our  Order,  our  country  and  mankind.* 


BECLABATION  OF  PRINCIPLES. 

Second— We  heartily  indorse  the  motto  :  — "  In  essentials,  Unity  ;  in  non- 
essentials,  Liberty  ;  in  all  things,  Charity." 

Third —  We  shall  endeavor  to  advance  our  cause  by  laboring  to  accom 
plish  the  following  objects  :  To  develope  a  better  and  higher  manhood  and 
womanhood  among  ourselves  ;  to  enhance  the  comforts  and  attraction  of  our 
homes,  and  strengthen  our  attachments  to  our  pursuits  ;  to  foster  mutual  un 
derstanding  and  co-operation  ;  to  maintain  inviolate  our  laws,  and  to  emulate 
each  other  to  labor  to  hasten  the  good  time  coming;  to  reduce  our  expenses,  both 
individual  and  corporate  ;  to  buy  less  and  produce  more,  in  order  to  make 
our  farms  self-supporting  ;  to  diversify  our  crops,  and  plant  no  more  than  we; 
can  cultivate ;  to  condense  the  weight  of  our  exports,  selling  less  in  the  bushel 
and  more  on  the  hoof  and  in  fleeces  ;  to  systematize  our  work,  and  calculate 
intelligently  on  the  probabilities  ;  to  discountenance  the  credit  system,  the 
mortgage  system,  the  fashion  system,  and  every  other  system  tending  to  pro 
digality  and  bankruptcy.  We  propose  meeting  together,  talking  together, 
working  together,  buying  together,  selling  together,  and  generally  acting  to 
gether  for  our  mutual  protection  and  advancement,  as  occasion  may  require. 
We  shall  avoid  litigation  as  much  as  possible,  by  arbitration  in  the  Grange. 
We  shall  constantly  strive  to  secure  entire  harmony,  good  will  and  vitaj 
brotherhood  among  ourselves,  and  to  make  order  perpetual.  We  shall  earn- 
estly  endeavor  to  suppress  personal,  local,  sectional  and  national  prejudices, 
all  unhealthy  rivalry  and  all  selfish  ambition.  Faithful  adherence  to  these 
principles  will  ensure  our  mental  and  moral,  social  and  material  advance 
ment. 

fourth  —  For  our  business  interests  we  desire  to  bring  producers  and  con 
sumers,  farmers  and  manufacturers,  into  the  most  intimate  relations  possible. 
Hence,  we  must  dispense  with  a  surplus  of  middle  men  :  not  that  we  are 
unfriendly  to  them,  but  we  do  not  need  them.  Their  surplus  and  their  exac* 
tions  diminish  our  profits.  We  wage  no  aggressive  warfare  against  any  other 
interests  whatever.  On  the  contrary,  all  our  acts  and  all  our  efforts,  so  far  as 
business  is  concerned,  are  not  only  for  the  benefit  of  producers,  but  also  for 
all  other  interests  that  try  to  bring  those  two  parties  into  speedy  and  econom 
ical  contact.  Hence,  we  hold  that  transportation  companies  of  every  kind 
are  necessary  to  our  success ;  that  their  interests  are  intimately  connected 
with  our  interests,  and  that  harmonious  action  is  mutually  advantageous. 
Keeping  in  view  the  first  sentence  in  our  declaration  of  principles  of  action, 
that  "  individual  happiness  depends  upon  the  general  prosperity,"  we  shall 
therefore  advocate  for  every  State  the  increase,  in  every  practicable  way,  of 
all  facilities  for  transporting  cheaply  to  the  seaboard,  or  between  home  pro 
ducers  and  consumers,  all  the  productions  of  our  country.  We  adopt  it  as 
our  fixed  purpose  to  open  out  the  channel  in  Nature's  great  arteries,  that  the 
life-blood  of  commerce  may  flow  freely.  We  are  not  enemies  of  railroads, 
navigable  and  irrigating  canals,  nor  of  any  corporation  that  will  advance  our 
industrial  interests,  nor  of  the  laboring  classes.  In  our  noble  Order  there  is 
no  communism,  no  agrarianism.  We  are  opposed  to  such  spirit  and  manage 
ment  of  any  corporation  or  enterprise  as  tends  to  oppress  people  and  rob 
them  of  their  just  profits.  We  are  not  enemies  to  capital,  but  we  oppose 
tyranny  of  monopolies.  We  long  to  see  the  antagonism  between  capital  and 
labor  removed  by  common  consent,  and  by  an  enlightened  statesmanship 
worthy  of  the  nineteenth  century.  We  are  opposed  to  excessive  salaries, 
high  rates  of  interest,  and  exorbitant  per  cent,  profits  in  trade.  They  greatly 
increase  our  burdens,  and  do  not  bear  a  proportion  to  the  profits  of  produ 
cers.  We  desire  only  self-protection  and  the  protection  of  every  true  inter 
est  of  our  land  by  legitimate  transactions,  legitimate  trade,  and  legitimate 


574  THE  GKOUNDSWELL. 

profits.  We  shall  advance  the  cause  of  education  among  ourselves  and  tot 
our  children  by  all  just  means  within  our  power.  We  especially  advocate  for 
our  agricultural  and  industrial  colleges  that  practical  agriculture,  domestic 
science,  and  all  the  arts  which  adorn  the  home,  be  taught  in  their  courses  of 
study. 

Fifth. —  We  emphatically  and  sincerely  assert  the  oft  repeated  truth  taught 
in  our  organic  law,  that  the  Grange  —  National,  State  or  subordinate  —  is 
not  a  political  or  party  organization.  No  Grange,  if  true  to  its  obligations, 
can  discuss  political  or  religious  questions,  nor  call  political  conventions,  nor 
nominate  candidates,  nor  even  discuss  their  merits  in  its  meetings  ;  yet  the 
principles  we  teach  underlie  all  true  politics,  all  true  statesmanship,  and,  if 
properly  carried  out,  will  tend  to  purify  the  whole  political  atmosphere  of 
our  country,  for  we  seek  the  greatest  good  of  the  greatest  number.  But  we 
must  always  bear  it  in  mind  that  no  one,  by  becoming  a  Grange  member, 
gives  up  that  inalienable  right  and  duty  which  belongs  to  every  American 
citizen  to  take  a  proper  interest  in  the  politics  of  his  country.  On  the  con 
trary,  it  is  right  for  every  member  to  do  all  in  his  power  legitimately  to  influ 
ence  for  good  the  action  of  any  political  party  to  which  he  belongs.  It  is 
his  duty  to  do  all  he  can  in  his  party  to  put  down  bribery,  corruption  and 
trickery  ;  to  see  that  none  but  competent,  faithful  and  honest  men,  who  will 
unflinchingly  stand  by  our  industrial  interests,  are  nominated  for  all  positions 
of  trust, and  to  have  carried  out  the  principles  which  should  always  charac 
terize  every  Grange  member  —  that  the  office  should  seek  the  man,  and  not 
the  man  the  office.  We  acknowledge  the  broad  principle  that  difference  of 
opinion  is  not  crime,  and  hold  that  progress  towards  truth  is  made  by  differ 
ences  of  opinion,  while  the  fault  lies  in  the  bitterness  of  controversy.  We 
desire  a  proper  equality,  equity  and  fairness ;  protection  for  the  weak,  res 
traint  upon  the  strong  —  it  short,  justly  distributed  burdens  and  justly  distri 
buted  power.  These  are  American  ideas,  the  very  essence  of  American 
independence,  and  to  advocate  the  contrary  is  unworthy  of  the  sons  and 
daughters  of  an  American  Republic.  We  cherish  the  belief  that  sectional- 
ism  is,  and  of  right  should  be,  dead  and  buried  with  the  past.  Our  work  is 
for  the  present,  and  the  future.  In  our  Agricultural  Brotherhood  and  its 
purposes  we  shall  recognize  no  North,  no  South,  no  East,  no  West.  It  is 
reserved  by  every  Patron,  as  his  right  as  a  freeman,  to  affiliate  with  any  party 
that  will  best  carry  out  his  principles. 

Sixth. —  Ours  being  peculiarly  a  farmer's  institution,  we  cannot  admit  all 
to  our  ranks.  Many  are  excluded  by  the  nature  of  our  organization,  not 
because  they  are  professional  men,  or  artisans,  or  laborers,  but  because  they 
have  not  a  sufficient  direct  interest  in  tilling  or  pasturing  the  soil,  or  may 
have  some  interest  in  conflict  with  our  purposes  ;  but  we  appeal  to  all  good 
citizens  for  their  cordial  cooperation  to  assist  in  our  efforts  towards  reform, 
that  we  may  eventually  remove  from  our  midst  the  last  vestige  of  tyranny 
and  corruption.  We  hail  the  general  desire  for  fraternal  harmony,  equitable 
compromise  and  earnest  cooperation  as  an  omen  of  our  future  success. 

Seventh.—  It  shall  be  an  abiding  principle  with  us  to  relieve  any  of  our 
oppressed  and  suffering  brotherhood  by  any  means  at  our  command. 

Last,  but  not  least,  we  proclaim  it  among  our  purposes  to  inculcate  a 
proper  appreciation  of  the  abilities  and  sphere  ot  woman,  as  is  indicated  by 
admitting  her  to  membership  and  position  in  our  Order. 

Imploring  the  continued  assistance  of  our  Divine  Master  to  guide  us  in 
our  work,  we  here  pledge  ourself  to  faithfully  and  harmoniously  labor  for  all 
future  time  to  return  by  our  united  efforts  to  the  wisdom,  justice,  fraternity 
and  political  purity  of  our  forefathers. 


THE   GROUNDSWELL.  575 


UNITING  THE  INDUSTRIES. 

The  Patrons  of  Husbandry  are  a  class  organization ;  other 
class  organizations  have  sprung  up  in  various  states,  and  under 
various  names,  some  of  them  palpable  swindles  to  coin  money 
through  the  sympathies  of  the  masses  who  are  constantly  unit 
ing  to  lift  a  mighty  "  Groundswell,"  which  it  is  to  be  hoped  will 
carry  before  it  the  last  vestige  of  corruption  and  wrong  doing, 
spreading  the  debris  far  out  upon  the  sands  of  obscurity. 

In  some  respects  all  these  societies  have  objects  in  common, 
but  in  many  others  they  are  widely  divergent. 

What  is  wanted  now  is  a  tie  that  shall  bind  all  the  industrial 
classes  of  the  country,  whether  they  work  with  the  hand,  the 
brain,  or  both,  earnest  men  and  women  into  a  fraternity  that 
shall  seek  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  numbers ;  and, 
through  co-operation,  sway  the  destiny  of  the  nation  for  good. 
Whose  motto  shall  truly  be,  "Equal  and  exact  justice  to  all, 
according  to  the  just  deserts  of  the  individuals." 

Such  an  organization  is  even  now  called  into  life,  and  has 
already  spread  into  several  states.  Under  the  broad  folds  of 
its  banner  are  received  those  in  every  walk  of  life,  who,  while 
not  warring  upon  classes,  will  frown  down  any  attempt  by  cer 
tain  classes  which  conspire  against  the  public  weal,  either  by  the 
monopoly  of  capital,  oppressing  labor,  or  by  the  enactment  of 
laws  unjust  to  the  many,  while  favoring  the  few;  who  will  not 
create  one  monopoly  to  kill  another,  but  by  buying  and  selling 
in  the  best  markets,  shall  save  to  themselves  profits  that  are 
now  divided  amongst  a  horde  of  scalpers ;  who  will  so  educate 
the  fraternity  that  each  individual  shall  use  his  suffrage  intelli 
gently  and  firmly. 


576  tmtTIKft  THE 


Will  they  accomplish  the  object  ?  Yes  ;  if  they  can  combine 
the  agriculturist  ;  if  they  can  combine  the  industrial  classes,  as 
have  the  class  organizations,  for  particular  classes.  . 

Once  we  feared  it  could  not  be  done.  It  cannot  certainly  be 
accomplished  except  through  a  secret  organization  which  will 
hold  its  members  to  a  unity  of  action  for  the  general  weal. 

Can  it  be  done  now?     Let  us  hope  so. 

The  primary  feature  of  class  organizations  like  the  Patrons 
of  Husbandry,  the  Farmers'  Clubs,  trades'  unions,  or  by  what 
ever  name  they  may  be  called,  should  be  to  so  educate  its  mem 
bers  that  intelligent  thought,  moral  deportment,  and  a  consci- 
encious  performance  of  duty  shall  be  the  rule  and  guide  of 
their  actions.  Sooner  or  later,  if  the  order  be  not  now  devel 
oping,  an  organization  must  arise  that  shall  include  in  its  ranks 
every  legitimate  industry,  whether  of  the  brain  or  the  hand, 
composed,  in  fact,  of  the  best  men  of  all  organizations.  So, 
only,  can  we  hope  to  take  out  of  the  hands  of  corrupt  men  the 
power  that  has  carried,  many  times,  to  the  verge  of  ruin,  not 
only  legitimate  business,  but  the  best  interests  of  the  nation 
itself. 


THE  END. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

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